This article offers a typology of comparative law research and assesses the state of this body of research in one Asian country – the State of Israel. In addition to a survey of the state of comparative law research in Israel, I consider the reasons for its limited reach eastwards, that is, into Asia. The first part of the article is dedicated to a functional analysis of three different streams in comparative law research. The first stream comprises single-system overviews. In my view, these studies are improperly considered comparative as they do not contain any comparative element. The second stream comprises studies that are concerned with explicating and determining the nature, contours, and application of specified legal doctrines, in which the analysis is enriched with examples garnered from different legal systems. This type of work is comparative, but the comparative element is used as a means to an end, and is not committed to an all-inclusive analysis of the studied doctrine as embedded in the legal systems compared. ‘Proper’ comparative research must be inclusive, and represent in full the ways the legal systems discussed treat the aspect or doctrine being compared. In the context of the third stream, two methodologies can be followed. Large-n, usually empirically-inspired comparisons, consist of studies of a specific question in a large number of systems. Broad in their remit, but almost necessarily less detailed, these are distinct from small-n research, which offers qualitative in-depth studies of a small number of systems.
On this basis, Part II offers a descriptive assessment of comparative public law research in Israel, starting with an overview of the state's political and legal system. A former British Mandate territory, Israel's geographical location at the western end of Asia offers an example of a westernized culture. Never exclusionist, the volume of comparative legal research in Israel has grown exponentially during past decades, joining a continuing trend of the judiciary citing foreign sources. Earlier on, these were mostly British; currently, a general preference for sources from the United States (US) and, in some cases, European sources, is evident. To date, the comparative exercise retains a limited link with other Asian countries, even those that share a common colonial history. Israeli scholars could have benefited from the study of Asian countries, especially those that share a similar colonial history, possibly more so with respect to those that maintain a link with the English language. Yet, to date, the systems compared in Israeli comparative legal research are predominantly western. This conclusion is reached in the first section of Part III, and is supported by a first-of-its-kind quantitative study of publications in English in the field of public law that compare at least two systems.
In the final part of the article, I consider possible reasons for the limited gaze eastwards. First, different national characteristics might have been influential; for example, India's growing population and federal structure cannot be easily compared to Israel's population and unitary polity. Yet under these parameters, Israel is not directly comparable to the US or the European Union (EU). A second explanation concerns economic characteristics, such as the rise of the ideology of neo-liberal economics, but this factor does not appear sufficient by itself to explain the impact that has been observed on academic research in law and the humanities. A third explanation points at Israel's political extrication from Asia, which has led to some alienation, especially in the past. The fourth explanation lies in cultural and economic aspirations. Finally, I focus on the dominant influence of the US over Israel's culture and political economy. The influence of US legal research on Israel's academia is by far the most pervasive; ‘Americanization’ is central to the current general culture of Israel, as it is in a growing group of countries. In Israeli academia, publication in US law journals, mostly student-edited law reviews, is more than encouraged; Israeli journal rankings reflect this as well. As for books, elite British publishers have retained their reputation, but these publishers, too, have partially integrated into the US market. I conclude by pointing out directions for future research, including the expansion of the findings in Israel's public law scholarship to other fields of law; the comparison of these findings with those of similar systems in Asia and beyond; and the possible ways in which legal education may promote the development of eastern-oriented comparative exercises.
I. COMPARATIVE LAW RESEARCH: A TYPOLOGY
General analyses of the comparative law discipline often focus, after preliminary definitional discussions, on the methodology of the comparative study or its purposes. Setting aside methodology, I take a different angle to the definitional and purposes discourse. In their seminal work on the nature of comparative law, Konrad Zweigert and Hein Kötz identify six ‘benefits’, or purposes, of embarking on comparative law research. Comparison may be part of the pursuit of knowledge; designed to aid legislatures; to operate as a tool of construction; to be part of the academic curriculum; to be a tool for the unification of law; and to serve as a tool for the development of a shared common law.Footnote 1 To these benefits, one might add additional purposes, such as the promotion of a tool in negotiations over treaties or other transnational agreements, and the use of comparative law as a persuasive reasoning aid for policymakers and judiciaries alike. My focus on academic research, however, focuses on the first benefit: the development of knowledge.
In this context, different streams of research can be found. Studies of single legal systems in the first stream, even if these systems are exotic or hitherto unknown, should not qualify as comparative, as these are merely snapshots of a single system. The comparative element could be added to such a collection of country reviews through an analysis of the findings. In this case only, comparison is indeed part of the endeavour.
The second stream is closer to our instinctive understanding of comparative law, but it is still distinct from its main body. Some theoretical and conceptual works, concerned with explicating and determining the nature, contours, and application of legal doctrines, supplement their analyses with examples garnered from different legal systems. For example, a normative study of the nature of the proportionality doctrine could provide examples of the workings of the doctrine in different systems to show how the elements of the normative model either operate, or fail to operate in practice. My work on the theory of the executive branch is now being advanced in a sole-authored monograph, showing the workings of some of the elements of the theory in two legal systems, the US and the United Kingdom.Footnote 2 This type of work is comparative. It can also offer examples of the ways shared problems are treated in different systems, an important element of comparative work. Yet the comparative element is used as a means to an end, and is not committed to all-inclusiveness. The examples brought forth in such studies need not necessarily be a complete rendition of the ways the systems discussed treat the issue addressed. Rather, they are offered as real-life examples of the operation of a theory or a model.
The dividing line between such work and ‘proper’ comparative law is fuzzy. Still, the latter must follow several rules that the former need not. First, proper comparison between legal systems must be inclusive, and represent in full the ways the systems discussed treat the aspect or doctrine being compared. True to Zweigert and Kötz's principle of functionality, this inclusiveness must expand beyond formal elements, texts, or case-law to legal culture, traditions, and structural elements.Footnote 3
Comparison within the third stream follows two methodological templates. Large-n, or empirically-inspired comparisons, consist of studies of a specific question in a large number of systems. Broad in their remit, but almost necessarily less detailed, these are distinct from small-n research, which offers qualitative in-depth studies of a small number of systems. Functionality is more likely to be applied in small-n research. Due to the cost involved in in-depth studies, large-n studies typically study written rules. They can present a broad view of a studied element, albeit one of a lesser resolution.
II. COMPARATIVE PUBLIC LAW RESEARCH IN ISRAEL
A. Israel: A Brief Overview
The State of Israel is located at the western edge of Asia. Its location at the eastern edge of the Mediterranean Sea with land contact with Asia, and its proximity both to Europe and Africa, have contributed to its strategic importance throughout western history.Footnote 4 This strategic position, further enhanced by being a religious centre for the three major monotheistic religions, has contributed to a rich and complex history fraught with difficult challenges. Currently, the population of Israel nears nine million, concentrated in an area of up to 22,145 square kilometres.Footnote 5
The territory's strategic location has shaped its history since the Middle Ages. In modern times, the territory served as a colonial strongpoint, first for the Ottoman Empire (largely during 1516–1917). Following the First World War, the territory became part of the British Empire as a Mandate territory. The unilateral departure of the British, and the United Nations’ (UN) decision to create two states in November 1947, were followed by the declaration of independence of the State of Israel on 14 May 1948 and the 1948–49 war. The State was admitted as a member of the UN in May 1949.
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, largely shaped by those occurrences and exacerbated after 1967, remains a central world conflict. The Israeli nation's seventy years of history largely revolve around a series of wars and conflicts. The state has never been free from conflict, and the formal declaration of a state of emergency, made in 1948, is still in force.Footnote 6 The state has undergone several major wars and a large number of events, periods of terrorism, and warlike operations, with all parties to the conflict involved.Footnote 7 The occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in 1967 created additional serious points of conflict, and has much to do with the escalation of the conflict. Peace efforts brokered by international forces, mainly the US, have had some success, but have yet to reach a permanent solution.Footnote 8 Despite the Israeli withdrawal from some of the occupied territories (the Sinai Peninsula, Egypt in 1982, and the Gaza Strip in 2005 under the Unilateral Disengagement Plan), and the establishment of the Palestinian Authority (under the Oslo Accords in 1994), stability is still far from being achieved. Hamas’ political victory in the Gaza Strip in 2006, continuing missile attacks against southern and northern Israeli localities, Israeli reprisals and interference, and the civil war in Syria, all signify the difficulties still standing in the way of achieving some kind of normalization. Initiatives supported or brokered by the US continue.
Before the British Mandate period (1922–48), the domestic law of the territory was Ottoman, influenced in its later period by continental law. The survival of Ottoman law was ensured by the British authorities who, upon the establishment of the British Mandate, retained the continuity of existing law. Diminishing remnants of this legislation still remain in force today; most saliently, despite reforms and statutory amendments, the basis of the arrangements regarding religious jurisdiction in matters of personal law (mainly marriage and divorce) follows the principle of religious jurisdiction introduced in Ottoman law. During the Mandate period, some of the Ottoman laws were replaced, but more importantly, an extensive body of law was implanted in addition to the existing, rather unmodernized, legal system. This was supplemented by an extensive body of emergency regulations, first due to internal conflicts and later during the Second World War, touching on national security, war powers, and the regulation of the economy.Footnote 9 Similar to other post-colonial states, on its independence, Israel formally retained colonial law.Footnote 10 Most Mandate legislation has since been extensively modified by legislation, with much of it entirely replaced. The legacy of the Mandate remains central to the legal system, but Israel is now recognized as one of the several mixed systems of law, with a strong influence of continental law, mainly in its private law.Footnote 11
As for its polity, the State of Israel can be described as a western democracy ‘with a difference’, or several differences. From inception, the state was committed to the ideals of social-liberal democracy. Israel's western-type democracy has been maintained throughout its existence. Its Supreme Court is often viewed as one of the most activist courts in the western world, and its decisions have followed liberal-democratic tenets, such as the protection of human rights and liberties.Footnote 12 At the same time, Israel was established as a Jewish state, and in this duality lies the basis for one of the state's most serious social tensions, or rather, dangerous rifts. Like many modern states, Israel is a multi-faith and multi-cultural nation, but the tensions inherent in composite nations are evident in Israel in the internal Jewish context, where different alternative streams struggle against state preference for orthodox and ultra-orthodox streams.Footnote 13 Further, the serious tension arising from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has shaped much of the state's history, culture, and law.Footnote 14
Moving to the state's constitutional law, Israel does not have a single document identified as its formal written constitution. In 1948, on the independence of the state, no formal constitution was introduced, although a written constitution was part of the new state's credo and was embedded in the international consensus embodied in the 1947 UN partition decision.Footnote 15 Two years after its inception, Israel postponed the idea of enacting a full formal written constitution. Instead, the Knesset (the Israeli Parliament) decided to enact piecemeal Basic Laws that would eventually become chapters of the Constitution. The first Basic Law of Israel,Footnote 16 enacted in 1958, related to the Knesset. To date, Israel has fourteen Basic Laws, two of which, enacted in 1992, incorporate some human rights and liberties.Footnote 17 Briefly, these two Basic Laws define and protect several human rights, including freedom of occupation, dignity, liberty, property, and freedom of movement out of the state; they however do not explicitly recognize equality, freedom of speech, and freedom of religion, absences that have been largely filled by judicial inclusion through the right to dignity. Both Basic Laws contain a limitation clause that allows a breach of a protected right, largely on the basis of proportionality and in accordance with the state's main values. The Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation also contains an override clause.Footnote 18
Israel's administrative law was created in the British image.Footnote 19 While retaining the conceptual and structural elements of its mother body of law, the doctrines and rules of Israel's administrative law have been dramatically reshaped by an activist judiciary. Article 46 of the Palestine Order in Council 1922 under which domestic law was to be applied in conformity with English law, was formally repealed in 1980 but the gradual process of alienation from English sources began much earlier.Footnote 20 The Israeli courts have also developed new avenues of review that are substantively removed from their origins, despite a remaining affinity with the original structure. In its first years, decades before the adoption of human rights legislation, the High Court of Justice (HCJ) recognized human rights as key elements of the public sphere. This was effected, inter alia, through a strict judge-made rule of legality, under which interference with human rights required explicit statutory authorization and could not rely on a general grant of powers.Footnote 21 The Court also gradually expanded its review; first, by rejecting concepts of absolute discretion and ruling that all forms of discretion were amenable to review; second, by practically eliminating the threshold grounds of standing and justiciability; third, by introducing a strong version of balancing in human rights contexts; and fourth, by creating a new purposive theory of interpretation, under which all statutes embraced general constitutional principles as part of their legislative purposes.Footnote 22 Balancing tests were adopted early on,Footnote 23 and later on, a substantive transformation of the doctrine of unreasonableness and the subsequent development of proportionality explored below are two additional examples of these far-reaching developments in Israel's administrative law.Footnote 24
B. Comparative Public Law Research in Israel by Streams: 2007–2017
This section, a survey of contributions of Israeli public law scholars published in English between 2007 and 2017, relies on the above distinction between large-n (quantitative) and small-n (qualitative) studies, both concept-specific and general. Israeli scholars have joined this stream of comparative research, sometimes without a focus on Israel.Footnote 25
Within the concept-specific group, theoretical and conceptual analyses of a variety of legal doctrines and contexts, for example studies of the nature of legal transplants, human dignity, and proportionality, are supported by examples from different systems.Footnote 26 In the large-n group, some studies of a large number of systems focus on diverse issues such as constitutional structures, constitutional amendments, and human dignity, and sometimes use quantitative methods.Footnote 27 Most of the work belongs to the small-n group, and spans all aspects of public law, including comparisons of constitutions, constitutional judicial review, and bills of rights;Footnote 28 discussions on unconstitutional constitutional amendments;Footnote 29 analyses of human dignity,Footnote 30 proportionality,Footnote 31 religious freedom,Footnote 32 and other rights;Footnote 33 analyses of anti-terrorism measures;Footnote 34 political and election laws;Footnote 35 executive powers;Footnote 36 and different aspects of administrative law.Footnote 37 As we shall see below, many of these studies compare Israel with the US, sometimes in collaboration with a US scholar,Footnote 38 but comparisons with other systems do exist.Footnote 39
III. GAZING WESTWARDS: ASSESSING COMPARATIVE LAW RESEARCH IN ISRAEL
What is the extent of Israeli comparison with Asian systems, and how can the emerging patterns be explained? No quantitative studies of Israeli comparative research in public law or elsewhere, or studies of trends in these fields, exist. In their absence, I first consider the existing work on judicial citation practices, which has received attention. I then offer a first-of-its-kind quantitative study of publications in English in the field of public law. The findings overwhelmingly support the assumption that comparison with the US is the most prevalent form of comparative research of public law in Israel.
A. Patterns of Comparison in Public Law Research
In the absence of existing quantitative analysis of comparative studies in Israel, tracing the existing trends can first be assisted by a consideration of three existing quantitative studies of judicial output, which consider citation practices of foreign law by Israel's Supreme Court,Footnote 40 and by two recent assessments of these practices.Footnote 41
The first two studies do not focus on public law decisions; they span the entire output of the Supreme Court. These studies rely on the database developed by a group led by Professor Yoram Shachar, consisting of 7,147 decisions of the Israel Supreme Court, originally delivered between 1948 and 1994 and randomly chosen from all formally published decisions. In our context, the authors of the first article in 1996 found a general decrease in reliance on foreign sources, from 25.6 per cent of all judicial citations in 1948 to 9.5 per cent in 1994. They further found a clear move from citation of British and Commonwealth sources (24.4 per cent in 1948 to 4 per cent in 1994) to US sources (from 0 per cent to 5.1 per cent).Footnote 42
Shachar's 2008 study expands the database by a decade and sets out to check, inter alia, the ‘Americanization’ of Israeli judicial decision-making. Focusing on the eighty longest decisions published each year (1950 to 2004), the author finds, alongside a general increase of usage of domestic sources, a decrease in reliance on sources from the UK and the Commonwealth (from almost 100 per cent in 1950 to about 43 per cent in 2004) and an increase of US sources cited, reaching more than 50 per cent of all citations of foreign sources.Footnote 43
In his 2008 article, Shachar classifies the studied decisions into three fields (private, public, and penal), and finds that reliance on foreign sources in public law decisions is distinctly lower than in the other two fields.Footnote 44 Yet, in public law, the ratio of citation of US sources out of all foreign sources was about 70 per cent in the last years studied, in contrast to a lower ratio in the other two fields.Footnote 45 This study, then, notes a general decrease of citations, but shows that the tendency in favour of reliance on US sources has strengthened in public law.
Navot's research in 2013 focuses on constitutional law decisions. The study examines a large (undisclosed) number of all Supreme Court decisions delivered between 1994 and 2010 classified as ‘constitutional’ under a set of guidelines.Footnote 46 Among the findings, the author finds a variegating rate of citation of foreign sources, ranging from 12.5 per cent in 2009 to 54 per cent in 1995. In total, 64.12 per cent of decisions that cited foreign sources cited US sources. Canada was second (13.43 per cent); India, the most cited Asian system, came in seventh with a mere 1 per cent.Footnote 47
These findings are concerned with judicial citations of foreign law. How do academics fare in this respect? As mentioned, no similar study of academic research in Israel exists. To fill this lacuna, I have conducted an initial quantitative study of publications – books, monographs, and articles that analyze more than one system – published in English by members of law faculties and law schools in Israel between 2007 and 2017.Footnote 48 Only three of these forty-four publications are large-n quantitative, and all of these include the US. Of the remaining forty-one publications, no less than thirty-two consider the US,Footnote 49 and thirteen refer to Canadian public law.Footnote 50 This trend is even stronger in publications in the Hebrew language: fourteen out of the fifteen found cited US sources. Asian systems received less attention. India is compared in seven small-n qualitative studies in both languages, with few references to other systems.Footnote 51 The academic ‘Americanization’ of comparative research, then, appears to be markedly more pervasive than the judiciary's.
B. Explaining the Findings
What are the possible reasons for these findings? It may be useful first to consider the literature that has suggested explanations for the extensive judicial reliance on foreign sources, and the rise in judicial references to US sources. The two studies that focus on constitutional adjudication identify the following reasons for these patterns: (1) Israel's non-textualist legal tradition has been supported by the absence of a full written constitution, and has enabled interested judges to look to foreign sources; (2) Israel's ‘constitutional revolution’ (the enactment of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty and the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation in 1992, both protecting human rights)Footnote 52 was influenced by other systems, mainly Canada; (3) the adoption of a European style of constitutional adjudication; (4) Israel's tendency towards anti-formalism; (5) the youth of the legal system; (6) Israel's geopolitical isolation and its westward turn, politically and culturally; (7) the strength of professional ties with other legal systems;Footnote 53 (8) the relatively extensive dialogue between Israeli judges and those from other systems; and (9) the need for domestic judges to develop a system that protects constitutional principles, and human rights in particular, supported by foreign sources.Footnote 54 One may also add Israel's participation in the global move towards the adoption of a neoliberal ideology, which enhances tendencies towards ‘Americanization’.Footnote 55 All of these may be plausible explanations of the comparative analysis of judgments, but are they relevant to the assessment of academic research? In my view, each of the above-cited reasons is indeed valid; judicial dialogue should of course be replaced by academic dialogue. I would however like to discuss four possible explanations, and focus on the fourth.
Different national characteristics might have been influential: for example, India's growing population (1.35 billion in 2018 according to the UN)Footnote 56 and federal structure cannot be easily compared to Israel's population of 9 million and its unitary polity. Yet under these parameters, Israel should also not be comparable with the US or the EU. A second explanation, concerned with economic characteristics, may explain the affinity with the west rather than the east, but this should not affect academic research in law and the humanities to the extent found in the system. A third explanation points to Israel's political extrication from Asia as opposed to Europe, which has led to some alienation.Footnote 57 These formal links with the west via Europe, however, only explain the state's general distancing from the east, but not its gaze towards the US. Recent possible retightening of links with AsiaFootnote 58 have not impacted the process of ‘Americanization’.
This fourth explanation, the most promising in my view, lies in cultural and economic aspirations. Alongside the alignment with Europe discussed above, the culture of the State of Israel is distinctly US-orientated; the influence of ‘American’ values, practices, and culture permeates all aspects of life. The collection of articles published in an issue of the journal Israel Studies, dedicated to ‘the Americanization of Israel’, suffices to reflect this trend.Footnote 59 Indeed, the dominant influence of the US over Israel's culture and political economy seems to eclipse the deep-rooted differences between their political traditions, economic policies, and social stratification. This fact may serve as an initial explanation of the turn to the US in Israeli academia. The influence of US legal research on Israel's academia is by far the most pervasive. Indeed, this important reason is linked with the state's broader cultural and ideological transformations, reflected inter alia in the strong academic preference for US scholarship.
The following example is a clear reflection of this partiality towards the US. A ranking list of law journals, currently being discussed in law faculties in Israel as a replacement of existing ranking lists, joins similar existing lists adopted by Israeli academia in the fields of social sciences and natural sciences.Footnote 60 The ranking list contains more than 900 law journals, classified into four groups, ranked from ‘A*’ to ‘C’. One of the main purposes of the list is to offer a method for measuring academic impact for funding purposes; still, younger scholars direct themselves to a publication path that accords with the list. Such rankings can also be found elsewhere.Footnote 61 The question of their value for academia has been debated, in the contexts of both methodology and utility.Footnote 62 Some of this work has touched upon the impact of such rankings on law school reputations,Footnote 63 but to the best of my knowledge, none of the literature focuses on the impact of rankings on legal research in general, and on comparative research in particular. This law journal ranking list offers a glimpse into the possible impact of US law journals. In its current version, thirty-nine out of the 911 listed journals are ranked ‘A*’; twenty of the latter (51.3% of A* journals) are student-edited law reviews located in US law schools. Eight of the remaining nineteen peer-reviewed journals ranked ‘A*’ are fully located and edited in the US. A single journal, the American Journal of Comparative Law, is dedicated to comparative study and it is still located in the US, but its editor and editorial board originate from different countries. A similar pattern of US centrality is evident in the second, ‘A’ tier,Footnote 64 and existed in earlier ranking lists and earlier, albeit in a less formal form.Footnote 65 It seems that nothing more is needed to reflect the strong link with the US professed by the Israeli legal academia.
The distinct preference for US and student-edited law reviews, established long before the adoption of this ranking, must have had a direct impact, not only on general research, but also on comparative law research. General law reviews are often less interested in analyses that extend beyond the US. Several student-edited law reviews are indeed international and comparative in nature, yet none of them are currently ranked ‘A*’. The ranking, then, not only reflects this trend; it also serves to fuel and entrench the preference for US legal scholarship.
Can this situation be changed? Considering the decades of ‘Americanization’ worldwide, any change in Israeli legal academia, if identified, is likely to be minor and incremental. Still, a stronger emphasis on the benefits of broader horizons can be infused into the law curricula. Most law schools require their students to study an introductory course on foreign systems, and the development of comparative law courses can be furthered. The rising number of exchange students moving between Asia and Israel is an important step forward. For example, the Hebrew University law faculty maintains student exchange programmes with five Asian universities, including the National University of Singapore.Footnote 66
As for faculty members, the number of academic visits to the so-called ‘Far East’ is growing. Even under the law journal ranking, and despite the reticence of US journals to turn their attention to foreign systems, there are still opportunities to extend one's gaze ‘eastwards’, both in large-n and small-n studies. The inclusion of Asian systems as part of a group of compared systems has precedents in both types of studies. Most notably, recent publications by Israeli scholars have compared Israel with India, in one case co-written with a scholar from India.Footnote 67 The differences in size and particularities should not deter scholars, who look to the US despite its size and polity which are quite different from Israel's. Smaller countries may be found to be even more suitable for comparison with Israel. This is no easy task. As elsewhere, in Israel, globalization has been translated into Americanization. Israeli comparatists can play a role as agents of change, and start gazing eastwards, but this change is likely to be slow and gradual.
IV. CONCLUSION
In this article, I set out to assess the comparative element in public law scholarship in Israel, with a special focus on the degree of academic references to Asian systems. First, to carve out the work that should be considered ‘comparative’, I classified studies so considered into three groups; the first, essentially single-system analyses, was excluded from the discussion, as these analyses are not in fact ‘comparative’ in nature. The other two differ in their extent of fidelity to comparison as opposed to a full overview of the compared systems. Under the second stream, the laws and the experiences of several systems are used as examples to explore the ways a concept or legal construct can (and has) been developed; while ‘true’ comparison, both large-n and small-n exercises, map in full the designated research question.
My exploration of comparative public law research in Israel between 2007–17 shows that US law is, by far, the prime system compared with, and that Asian systems receive limited attention. The possible reasons for this trend, offered in the article, span everything from national characteristics – a potential explanation that was summarily rejected – to politics and culture. Cultural ‘Americanization’ in Israel (and many other systems as well) is buttressed by the penchant of Israeli academia for the United States, although gazes towards Europe and eastwards are clearly not absent. I ended with several suggestions for change, albeit incremental in nature, pointing inter alia at the contribution of legal education.
This essay would benefit from further studies in several directions. First, the analysis here is focused on research in public law. The extension of the study to trends in the comparison of private law, and in other fields of law such as criminal law, family law, competition law, and international law may yield different results, or establish that the pattern discovered here is shared in all (or some) areas of legal scholarship in Israel. Second, in the spirit of comparative law, the findings should be compared with trends in other systems, Asian and non-Asian. If Israel is found to be an outlier, some of the tentative explanations may lose their force. Consider, for example, the argument from ‘Americanization’: if the culture of some of the other systems examined is considered to be ‘Americanized’ but their comparative scholarship is open to a broader range of systems apart from the US, further attention to the particularities of the Israeli case may be required.
Finally, the role of legal education in the development of a diverse and rich body of comparative research deserves attention. Diversity of education can enhance diversity in research. After all, one of the main strengths of comparative study and research is their contribution to the understanding of people, states, and law-at-large which appear in many forms, and that knowledge of the richness ‘out there’ is crucial to the better development of all human endeavours.