White House Statement, October 8, 2010Footnote 1
The Vice President spoke today to Kurdistan Regional Government President Massoud Barzani to reiterate U.S. Government support for an inclusive Iraqi government that reflects the results of the election. The two agreed that all winning coalitions should be included in the new government and the Vice President expressed support for a meeting between the leaders of these coalitions to hammer out power-sharing arrangements in accordance with the constitution. The Vice President reiterated that the United States is not backing specific candidates and urged Barzani, as he is urging all Iraqi leaders, to expedite efforts to form an inclusive and legitimate government responsive to the needs of the Iraqi people.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton, October 20, 2010Footnote 2
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks to the American Task Force on Palestine in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Ziad, for that introduction and for your leadership of this important organization, and for you and the steadfast support that ATFP has given to the cause of peace. I am pleased that there are so many friends and colleagues here tonight, and it is especially gratifying for me to have this opportunity to address you.
Before I begin, however, I want to take a moment to express our government's strong condemnation of today's disturbing reports of arson at a school warehouse near Nablus. There is never any justification for violence against civilians, and an attack against a school is particularly outrageous. These incidents cannot be tolerated. We hope for a swift investigation. And our thoughts and prayers are with those whose families have been affected.
We meet at a time when we rightly can join together to celebrate the achievements and the mission of the American Task Force on Palestine and the four extraordinary Palestinian Americans that are being honored tonight. A soldier, a poet, a playwright and a builder—each story is unique but together they represent the talent and dynamism of the Palestinian American community and the Palestinian Diaspora around the world. In big cities and small towns across America, Palestinian Americans are contributing to the richness of our culture, the strength of our economy, and the liveliness of our democracy.
The American Task Force on Palestine is also contributing to our country and our tradition of citizens gathering together to express their views and help shape the national debate.
Now, when it comes to the conflict in the Middle East, it is all too easy for positions to harden into dogma, for tempers to flare, for rhetoric to outpace reality. But you have provided a welcome voice of reason and a steady advocacy on behalf of a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace in the Middle East.
You have helped us see past the false choices of this conflict: Being pro-Palestinian does not mean you must reject Israel's right to exist. And being pro-Israel does not mean you must deny the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people. The path to security and dignity for both peoples lies in negotiations that result in two states living side by side in peace and prosperity, and a comprehensive peace in the entire region.
As this organization has emphasized, that outcome is also in the interests of the United States, as well as the people of the region, and even people around the world. But most of all, it is in the interests of both Palestinians and Israelis.
I have spoken frequently over the last year about why a two-state solution is critical to Israel's long-term future. America's commitment to Israel is rock-solid and unwavering, and we will continue making this case openly and often because we see that as the best way for Israel to safeguard her future.
But tonight I want to focus on why a two-state solution is essential to the future of the Palestinian people. Ziad referenced my time as First Lady. And as First Lady, I may have been the first person ever associated with an American administration to call for a Palestinian state and the two-state solution. This goal is now the official policy of the United States.
And for Palestinians, a two-state solution would mean an independent, viable, and sovereign state of their and your own; the freedom to travel, to do business, and govern themselves. Palestinians would have the right to chart their own destinies at last. The indignity of occupation would end and a new era of opportunity, promise, and justice would begin.
It is difficult to think of anyone who has worked harder or longer to realize the dreams of the Palestinian people than President Mahmoud Abbas. Decades ago, it was Abu Mazen who saw that only through negotiation and nonviolence would—could—these aspirations become real. He has persevered through many difficult times and remained firm in his faith that an independent Palestine living side by side with Israel in peace and security is both possible and necessary. He is a champion for the people and he is a champion for peace. Because President Abbas understands that the path that must be trod toward that state proceeds down two simultaneous tracks: negotiations between the parties and institution building that prepares Palestinians to govern themselves as we move toward, and after, an agreement is reached.
Negotiations are not easy, but they too are absolutely necessary. It is always easier to defer decisions than it is to make them. As much as the United States and other nations around the world want to see a resolution to this conflict, only the parties themselves can take the difficult steps that will lead to peace. That is why the Obama Administration is working so hard to support direct talks that offer a forum for both sides to grapple with the core issues in good faith. There is no substitute for face-to-face discussion and, ultimately, for an agreement that leads to a just and lasting peace. That is the only path that will lead to the fulfillment of the Palestinian national aspirations and the necessary outcome of two states for two peoples.
But before I go further, I'd like to say a few words about the state-building track. Now, it may receive fewer headlines, but I believe, and many of you do as well, it is critically important.
Today, although Palestinians still have many obstacles to overcome, it is easier than ever to envision an independent Palestine able to govern itself, uphold its responsibilities to provide for its own people, and ensure security. This gives confidence to negotiators on both sides and hope to those who have long looked forward to that day.
Under President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad's leadership, and under Prime Minister Fayyad's two-year plan, the Palestinian Authority is going beyond rhetoric and actually building a new reality. It is reversing a history of corruption and working hard to produce results that matter in Palestinians’ daily lives.
The pace of reform accelerated this year. The streets are safer, courts are handling more cases, taxes are being collected more efficiently. In the first half of this year, revenues were 50 percent higher than in the same period in 2009.
This has fueled continued economic growth. New businesses are opening. More than 100 new companies were registered in the West Bank in August alone—everything from venture capital funds to local hardware stores. As a result, more and more Palestinians are finding jobs. Tourists and business travelers are arriving every day to take advantage of the improved security and economic climate. In fact, a new five star hotel is due to open in Ramallah this month.
Of course, considerable work remains. On the security front, the improvements have been impressive, but Palestinians could do more to discourage and denounce incitement that inflames tensions and undermines cooperation. On the economic front, many smaller communities have yet to see the benefits of greater prosperity. Unemployment remains high—above 15 percent in the West Bank and nearly 40 percent in Gaza during the second quarter of this year. So we can all do more to work together to reduce the Palestinian economy's dependence on foreign assistance and promote sustainable growth—especially by increasing foreign investment, not just more aid, making it easier for people and goods to move in and out of the territories.
The work we've already done with the Palestinians and Israelis in these areas shows the impact we can have when we focus our efforts—and makes the case for why all of us must do more.
The Palestinian people have many partners who are working and investing every day to improve life in the West Bank and Gaza and to help lay the foundations of a future state. Private companies, philanthropies and foundations, universities—all of them are contributing expertise, energy, and effort.
And there are many more who are looking to make a difference. The United States has launched a new initiative called Partners for a New Beginning, a regional initiative that is one of several efforts to bring together key players to focus on solving specific challenges. And our government remains fully committed.
For example, last year we invested nearly $2 million to upgrade and reopen the Jalameh crossing between Israel and the northern West Bank, adding new lanes and inspection sites. As a result, the number of vehicles able to cross has steadily increased from zero to slightly—to roughly around 7,500 cars and buses per week. Now, this has had an impact: Arab Israeli shoppers spent an estimated $12 million in Jenin this quarter. The markets are full and the streets are crowded and there's even a new movie theater.
We have also worked with the Palestinian Authority, Israel, and our international partners to ease the situation in Gaza and increase the flow of needed commercial goods and construction supplies, while taking appropriate measures to ensure they don't fall into the wrong hands. Last week alone, consistent with the Palestinian Authority's focus on addressing water and electricity needs, more than 1,000 truckloads entered Gaza with food and goods like steel bars and cement to modernize the Gaza City waste water treatment plant, and electricity poles to upgrade power distribution. This is helping the people of Gaza and cutting into the illicit tunnel trade that has enriched Hamas and undermined the rule of law.
Now, we still need many more steps from Israel to enable more economic activity in Gaza, including exports that bolster legitimate business enterprises. Our goal is to support sustainable economic growth in Gaza, and it's a little-known fact that the Palestinian Authority is the principal financial supporter of Gaza. The people in Gaza are dependent upon the Palestinian Authority, which is another reason why the increase in economic activity in the West Bank is not only good for those who live in the West Bank, but those who live in Gaza as well.
To help spur private investment through the Palestinian territories, this summer the United States helped sponsor the Palestine Investment Conference in Bethlehem, which generated $655 million in pledges targeted at high-growth sectors.
So Palestinians should take pride in all that has been accomplished in a short period of time. And the World Bank recently reported that if the Palestinian Authority maintains its momentum in building institutions and delivering public services, it is, and I quote, “well-positioned for the establishment of a state at any point in the near future.”
Last month I visited Ramallah and saw this progress firsthand. After we crossed the Beituniya checkpoint, well-equipped Palestinian security officers lined the road. They are more professional and capable than ever thanks to strong leadership and increased training that the United States has helped to assist. Thank you. We drove into the city and I could see new apartment buildings and office towers rising from the hills. The streets pulsed with commerce and activity.
But as I looked at the faces of the men and women who came out of their shops and homes to watch us go by, it was impossible to forget the painful history of a people who have never had a state of their own. For most Americans, it is hard, if not impossible, to imagine living behind checkpoints and roadblocks, without the comforts of peace or the confidence of self-determination.
Economic and institutional progress are definitely important, indeed necessary, but not sufficient. The legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people will never be satisfied until there is a two-state solution, a two-state solution ensuring dignity, justice, and security for all.
Now, I know that there are those who think that if they wait, scheme, or fight long enough, they can avoid compromising or negotiating. But I am here to say that that is not the case. That will only guarantee more suffering, more sorrow, and more victims.
Violence in all forms is a dead end that perpetuates the conflict and empowers those on both sides who would exploit cynicism and discord. That is no path at all. Nor is it viable to build the institutions of a future state without the negotiations that will ultimately create it.
We have no illusions about the difficulty of resolving the final status issues of borders and security, settlements and refugees, of Jerusalem and water.
And it's no secret that we are in a difficult period. When President Abbas and Prime Minister Netanyahu came to Washington last month to re-launch direct negotiations, we knew there would be setbacks and struggles.
Our position on settlements is well-known and has not changed. And our determination to encourage the parties to continue talking has not wavered.
I cannot stand here tonight and tell you there is some magic formula that I have discovered that will break through the current impasse. But I can tell you we are working every day, sometimes every hour, to create the conditions for negotiations to continue and succeed. We are urging both sides to avoid any actions that would undermine trust or prejudice the outcomes
Violence in all forms is a dead end that perpetuates the conflict and empowers those on both sides who would exploit cynicism and discord.
of the talks. Senator Mitchell will soon return to the region for further consultations. We have not given up and neither have President Abbas or Prime Minister Netanyahu.
We remain convinced that if they persevere with negotiations, the parties can agree on an outcome that ends the conflict; reconciles the Palestinian goal of an independent and viable state based on the 1967 lines, with agreed swaps—and Israel's goal of a Jewish state with secure and recognized borders that reflect subsequent developments and meet Israel's security requirements. This will resolve all the core issues and, as President Abbas said the other day, end all historical claims.
Now, in any tough negotiation, it is natural to focus on what we are being asked to give up. But it is important to keep in mind what you, the Palestinians and Israelis, stand to gain. In this case, the benefits are undeniable. You can't put a price or a value on dignity, but it's a very precious commodity. Justice and security. For both Israeli and Palestinian children alike, they deserve to grow up free from fear and to live up to their own full God-given potential. As long as this conflict continues, that will never be possible.
Bold leaders are called to rise above obstacles and seize opportunities to make history and put their people on a path to a better future. Since the beginning of September, I have spent hours and hours talking with the president and the prime minister. I have listened to them and I have watched them engage with each other. They are serious about this effort, they are grappling with the core issues. I am convinced they want to the leaders who finally end this conflict.
But they cannot do that without support from their people, and not only their people living in the region, but their people living here and elsewhere around the world. All of us who are committed to peace and the right of both peoples to live in security and dignity have a responsibility to do what we can to help them succeed. You who are Palestinian Americans are here tonight because you understand that. And this organization has stood for that over so many years.
The Arab states and the people of the region have a strong interest in resolving this conflict and they too have an important role to play. I deeply appreciate the support that Arab leaders and nations have provided for direct talks and for the vision embodied in the Arab Peace Initiative. I hope they will all continue to support the Palestinians in their diplomatic efforts and the state-building work on the ground.
The Palestinian Authority needs a larger, steadier, and more predictable source of financial support. The United States is proud to be the Palestinian Authority's largest donor. The European Union has stepped up as well. But the broader international community, including many Arab states, can and should provide more financial support. It takes far more than commitments and plans to support making the State of Palestine a reality. And in fact, as the Palestinian economy has increased, the need for future assistance has decreased, but there is still a gap and that gap has to be filled.
So as we press ahead with diplomacy, I hope that Arab states will also consider how to begin implementing the Arab Peace Initiative in concrete terms to turn that proposal into a reality as well.
And finally, those states in the region that are supplying weapons to groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas must stop. They should publicly reject the divisive voices who seek to discourage peace. And I will repeat today what I have said many times before: Gilad Shalit must be released immediately and returned to his family.
People on all sides of this conflict must choose to move beyond a history they cannot change to embrace a future they can shape together.
The poet Naomi Shihab Nye, whom we are honoring tonight—understands this. She writes powerfully about the unfulfilled aspirations of the Palestinian people. “What flag can we wave?” she asks. But she also says, “I'm not interested in who suffered the most. I'm interested in people getting over it.” And that is the biggest obstacle of them all. I know people cannot forget. I know most people cannot forgive. But I do know also that the future holds the possibility of progress, if not in our lifetimes then certainly in our children's.
I spend much of my time now as Secretary of State traveling around the world, speaking with people who find it so hard to move beyond the past. It is not just in the Middle East that that remains a challenge.
And yet when I speak with young people, they are focused on tomorrow. And they deserve that tomorrow—a tomorrow filled with opportunities for them to make their own destinies and to help their own people realize that collective aspiration.
The American Task Force for Palestine has been a consistent advocate for this path, and I thank you for your efforts. But I know that some in this room, like many across the region and the world, have your doubts about the prospects for peace. So let me appeal to you tonight: Please don't give up in the face of difficulty.
Through your charitable work, you already make important contributions to the progress that is happening on the ground that is literally changing Palestinian lives. You have funded thousands of cataract operations that helped Palestinians see again. Students in the West Bank are learning on laptops because of your generous support. But there is so much more to be done. The Palestinian American community has so much talent and expertise. So please continue putting it to work helping build the future Palestinian state. Offer legal advice or medical training. Invest in the economy, help build the infrastructure. The Palestinian people, as you yourselves know so much better than I, are hardworking, resilient people. They're ready to work. They're ready to govern themselves. But they can't do it on their own.
There is another way you can contribute as well. Many of you are leaders in your own communities. Others, here and over there, take their cues from you. So when you leave tonight, I hope you will be champions for this cause. Keep writing and speaking, keep working for tolerance and understanding, keep building a broad constituency for peace that will support and even insist on the hard choices that are needed. In the end, peace is not made just at the negotiating table; it's made around the kitchen table. It grows from the quiet determination of people, men and women, who are willing to stand up and declare themselves advocates for peace. I've seen this happen in conflicts from Latin America to Europe to Africa to Asia. I've seen warriors who were once aiming guns at each other sitting down and planning a new way forward for governing together. I've seen women who feared every day that their husband went to work or their son went out at night that he wouldn't return, working with women on the other side of that divide to find a way to understand. But not just stopping there—changing attitudes and building institutions together.
This is not easy. If it were, anybody could have done it already. We've had leaders who have given their lives to this work, and now we have a moment in time that we must seize. I urge you to help lead the way.
And I promise you this: The Obama administration will not turn our backs on either the people of Palestine or Israel. We will continue working for and, God willing, achieving the just, lasting, and comprehensive peace that has been a cornerstone of U.S. policy for years.
I thank you for what you have already done. I thank you for your commitment. I congratulate the honorees. And I challenge you to be part of the most important work there is, the work of peace. God bless you.
White House Statement, October 28, 2010Footnote 3
The Vice President today chaired a Cabinet-level meeting on Iraq to discuss the status of negotiations on government formation. Ambassador Jim Jeffrey provided a political update and General Austin noted that the security situation is steady and that the Iraqi Security Forces are performing professionally. This meeting is part of a regular series of senior-level discussions on Iraq led by the Vice President.
Statement by President Obama, October 29, 2010Footnote 4
President Barack Obama delivered this statement in Washington, DC
President Obama. Good afternoon, everybody. I want to briefly update the American people on a credible terrorist threat against our country, and the actions that we're taking with our friends and our partners to respond to it.
Last night and earlier today, our intelligence and law enforcement professionals, working with our friends and allies, identified two suspicious packages bound for the United States—specifically, two places of Jewish worship in Chicago. Those packages had been located in Dubai and East Midlands Airport in the United Kingdom. An initial examination of those packages has determined that they do apparently contain explosive material.
I was alerted to this threat last night by my top counterterrorism advisor, John Brennan. I directed the Department of Homeland Security and all our law enforcement and intelligence agencies to take whatever steps are necessary to protect our citizens from this type of attack. Those measures led to additional screening of some planes in Newark and Philadelphia.
The Department of Homeland Security is also taking steps to enhance the safety of air travel, including additional cargo screening. We will continue to pursue additional protective measures for as long as it takes to ensure the safety and security of our citizens.
I've also directed that we spare no effort in investigating the origins of these suspicious packages and their connection to any additional terrorist plotting. Although we are still pursuing all the facts, we do know that the packages originated in Yemen. We also know that al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, a terrorist group based in Yemen, continues to plan attacks against our homeland, our citizens, and our friends and allies.
John Brennan, who you will be hearing from, spoke with President Saleh of Yemen today about the seriousness of this threat, and President Saleh pledged the full cooperation of the Yemeni government in this investigation.
Going forward, we will continue to strengthen our cooperation with the Yemeni government to disrupt plotting by al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and to destroy this al Qaeda affiliate. We'll also continue our efforts to strengthen a more stable, secure and prosperous Yemen so that terrorist groups do not have the time and space they need to plan attacks from within its borders.
The events of the past 24 hours underscores the necessity of remaining vigilant against terrorism. As usual, our intelligence, law enforcement and Homeland Security professionals have served with extraordinary skill and resolve and with the commitment that their enormous responsibilities demand. We're also coordinating closely and effectively with our friends and our allies, who are essential to this fight.
As we obtain more information we will keep the public fully informed. But at this stage, the American people should know that the counterterrorism professionals are taking this threat very seriously and are taking all necessary and prudent steps to ensure our security. And the American people should be confident that we will not waver in our resolve to defeat al Qaeda and its affiliates and to root out violent extremism in all its forms.
Thank you very much.
White House Statement, October 30, 2010Footnote 5
The President spoke to Saudi King Abdullah this morning to discuss the terrorist plot that was disrupted yesterday at East Midlands Airport and in Dubai. The President expressed his strong appreciation for the critical role played by Saudi counterterrorism officials in averting this attempted attack and for the deep and enduring relationship between the United States and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The President also discussed with the King the importance of giving full support to Lebanese Prime Minister Hariri and the internationally mandated Special Tribunal of Lebanon.
Statement by Secretary of State Clinton, October 31, 2010Footnote 6
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. The United States congratulates the people and government of Bahrain on the success of its parliamentary and municipal elections. Voter turn-out was robust at approximately 67% and we understand that the voting procedures were peaceful.
With this election, its third by universal suffrage since 2002, Bahrain has demonstrated that multi-ethnic, multi-confessional societies can address their challenges through peaceful reform and representative institutions.
The United States is committed to supporting this important democratic development in the region. The Kingdom of Bahrain is a valued and strategic ally with a common interest in strengthening participatory democracy. This requires a free and open media, an independent civil society, and a scrupulous respect for the rule of law. We are concerned by efforts in the lead-up to the elections to restrict freedom of expression and association targeted at civil society. We have shared our concerns with the Government of Bahrain and continue to rely on our partners in the Government to meet Bahrain's own high standards of democratic reform, and to investigate credible allegations.
As the people of Bahrain build on the progress they have made so far, the United States will continue to work with them to ensure that the principles, practices, and institutions of democracy are protected.
Excerpts of Remarks by Vice President Biden, November 7, 2010Footnote 7
Vice President Joe Biden delivered these remarks to Jewish Federations of North America General Assembly in New Orleans, Louisiana
Introductory Remarks Omitted
Vice President Biden. Israel is also a place, as Michael referenced, close to my heart. I was raised by one of those folks you would call a righteous Christian. At my father's dinner table, it was a place where you had conversation and incidentally ate, rather than ate and incidentally had conversation. And my father was one of those who spoke passionately—he spoke passionately about the Jewish people and the profound historical connection to Israel.
It is probably the case, as with many of you, my love for Israel was nurtured by my father, but it was cemented when I made my first visit to Israel in the fall of 1973. I was a young 30-year-old United States senator and I had the great honor of sitting down for I guess a little more than an hour with Golda Meir in her office, with her aid, a fellow named Rabin sitting next to me.
Using some of the old maps she had behind her. Those of you who knew her, knew she was a chain smoker, and constantly, Mr. Ambassador, flipping those maps behind her. She had this set of maps that she could pull up and down, and telling me about the Six Day War and telling me about all that Israel faced.
And in the middle of this presentation, it seemed like, she all of a sudden said, senator, would you like a photo opportunity. And I said, well, of course, Madam Prime Minister, I'd be honored. And we opened those double doors in her office and walked out into that hallway. And there was an array of cameras.
And after hearing the dire straights that Israel was in and all that was arrayed against her, I guess I looked like I was a little shell-shocked. And while we were having our photograph taken, we were both looking straight at a battery of cameras about like those up on the riser over there, and I must have looked very worried. And without turning to me, she looked at me and she said, “Don't look so worried, senator. We Israelis have a special—we have a secret weapon.” And I thought she was about to tell me something consequential. And she told me something very consequential. And I thought she said it only to me, but I later learned this was stated to thousands of people. She said, “Our secret weapon, senator, is we have nowhere else to go. We have nowhere else to go.”
All these years later, I find both alarm and solace in those words. And it's the reason why, like all of you, I feel so absolutely certain that our support for Israel must continue in a way and forever.
Since that day, I have had the extreme pleasure and honor of working with nine Israeli Prime Ministers, some of whom would become close friends over the years, but none closer than Bibi, who I met me earlier today. We spent an hour or so together talking about our relationships and the future of the great state of Israel and I'm—someone I'm sure you're all looking forward to hearing from tomorrow.
Bibi and I have known each other for over 35 years. And we've witnessed almost every twist and turn in the U.S. - Israeli relations. And I can tell you, and I'm sure he will tell you as well, that the disagreements when they've existed have only been tactical in nature. They have never been fundamental. They have never been any fundamental rip in our relations for the last 35 years that I've been involved.
When a dispute arose on my last trip to Israel in March, the Obama administration and the Netanyahu government worked closely together to work our way through it. And the way we did was Bibi had me over to his house. We sat at his dining room table and we talked it through. And even as we did so—and we talked it through and worked it out as friends and brothers—I told an audience at Tel Aviv University just two days later that this administration represents an unbroken chain of American leaders who have understood this critical strategic relationship, one in which we will not yield one single inch.
And let me restate what probably does not need to be restated. But I've known many of you in this audience for a long, long time. President Barack Obama feels exactly the same way I do, I assure you.
Look, folks, the ties between our countries are literally, literally unbreakable. Our common values are interwoven in our cultures, in our mutual interests, none more urgent than the shared struggle against the scourge of violent extremism and terrorists.
That's why the President has moved so forcefully and with such determination against the repeated attempts to de-legitimize Israel. There's a worldwide campaign going on in some quarters to delegitimize Israel. We've seen it before and we continue to see it, attempts to single out Israel for criticism or to deny it the right to self-defense like all other nations have.
The President has reinforced this for all the world to hear in his Cairo speech and to the representatives of all countries at the United Nations when he said, “After 60 years in the community of nations, Israel's existence must not be subject to debate.” The President went on to tell the assembly that Israel is a sovereign state and the historic homeland of the Jewish people. It should be clear to all. “It should be clear to all that efforts to chip away at Israel's legitimacy will only be met by unshakable opposition by the United States of America.”
And these were not just words. This President has put those words into action. That's why we withdrew from the Durban Review Conference in February of last year, due to anti-Israeli violence. That's why in the wake of the Goldstone Report, we loudly and repeatedly claimed our support for Israel's right to defend itself and the ability of its domestic institutions to conduct their own investigations. That's why we have consistently opposed anti-Israeli resolutions in the U.N. Human Rights Council and the General Assembly in UNESCO.
Indeed, at the President's instruction, we were the only no vote on two Human Rights Council resolutions in September—one, the flotilla incident and, one, the follow up to the Goldstone report. That's why, at the direction of President Obama, as Bibi will tell you and the ambassador will tell you, I spent hour after hour in the aftermath of the flotilla incident, trying to put it in its proper focus and ensure that Israel had its right to conduct its own independent investigation.
And that's why the President is continuing to fight to ensure that Israel is included in all international bodies to which it should rightfully belong, including regional groupings at the United Nations and the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development, which with our help and strong support, Israel joined for the first time this year.
It's also why the Jewish Federation's recent initiative to counter de-legitimization attempts through Israel Action Network is so important and so appreciated by the President and me. And it is why, as I will say more about in a moment, we think it's critical to keep the international spotlight on the genuine threats in the region like Iran's nuclear program, not Israel.
While the United States will continue to do whatever we can to defend Israel's legitimacy whenever and wherever it is questioned, we all know that the only true way for Israel to gain the long-term security it seeks and deserves is through genuine secure peace with its neighbors. There is no substitute. As Bibi and I spoke this morning, there is no substitute—I shouldn't call him “Bibi”—that's the Prime Minister and I said today. Although he calls me “Joe,” so it's okay.
There is no substitute for direct, face-to-face negotiations leading eventually to states for two peoples secure, the Jewish state of Israel and a viable independent state of Palestine.
Ladies and gentlemen, that is the only path to the Israeli people's decades-long quest for security and the only path to the fulfillment to the Palestinian people's legitimate aspirations for nationhood.
Look, as we have long said, we oppose unilateral steps by either party that could prejudice the outcome of these negotiations. And we'll continue—we'll continue working to resume those direct negotiations as quickly as possible to give both sides—both sides the chance to reach the agreement their peoples deserve.
Folks, no administration has done more than ours to bolster Israel's ability to defend itself. And no President has done more than ours. As you have heard said many times over this year, when it comes to Israel's security—and you've heard me say this for the last 37 years. When it comes to Israel's security, there can be virtually no daylight, no daylight between the United States and Israel, under any circumstances.
But I want to deal with a little bit of a myth that's just been bouncing around the last 20 months since we've been in office about what we have done relative to Israel's security. When I was in Israel with Bibi last March, Bibi publicly said with me standing there that the world should know that no administration has done more for Israel's security than we have.
President Obama increased our annual $3 billion in military assistance to Israel with an extra $205 million to deploy Israel's Iron Dome short-range rocket defense system. This is in addition to the multi-year commitments to jointly develop Israel's missile defense systems as we work on this very day. Our military conducted Juniper Cobra, a ballistic missile defense exercise in Israel that involved 1,300 U.S. servicemen and women, the largest joint exercise our two countries have ever conducted, all in the last 20 months.
And the Security Cooperation Act of 2010, we made two changes to that Act. The first, we gave the Israelis the ability to purchase U.S. weapons for the first time on the same exact terms our NATO allies can purchase those weapons. And we increased by $400 million the authority to stockpile American military equipment in Israel as a tripwire, among other things.
Ladies and gentlemen, these actions demonstrate not only to the Israelis, but to the whole world that we are absolutely, unequivocally committed to Israel's security, period—period.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Palestinian Prime Minister Fayyad, November 10, 2010Footnote 8
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks with Minister Salam Fayyad in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. There he is. Hello. Well, I am delighted to see Prime Minister Fayyad, and this link-up is the next best thing to being together in person. And I welcome our guests here in Washington and say hello to everyone in Ramallah.
Before I address the subject of my announcement today, I want to also address what I know is on the minds of many of you. The United States was deeply disappointed by the announcement of advanced planning for new housing units in sensitive areas of East Jerusalem. This announcement was counterproductive to our efforts to resume negotiations between the parties. We have long urged both parties to avoid actions which could undermine trust, including in Jerusalem. We will continue to work to resume negotiations to address this and other final status issues.
We, along with many others, are working every day, indeed every hour, to help create the conditions for negotiations to succeed. We still believe that a positive outcome is both possible and necessary. I will be seeing Prime Minister Netanyahu tomorrow in New York and consultations continue on all sides and we will persevere.
Now, as Prime Minister Fayyad understands so well, we have to move forward together simultaneously, and mutually reinforcing on two tracks—the hard work of negotiations and the hard work of building institutions and capacities. We need to work with the Palestinian Authority to support their efforts to build toward a future Palestinian state that is able to govern itself, uphold its responsibilities to provide for its own people, and ensure security. Progress on this second track gives confidence to negotiators, removes excuses for delay, and underscores that the Palestinian Authority has become a credible partner for peace.
Now, earlier this fall, I was able to visit Ramallah and see firsthand the continuing progress that the Palestinian Authority is making under President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad. Thanks to their hard work, the Palestinian Authority is reversing a history of corruption and producing results that actually matter and improve the lives of Palestinians. As a result, new businesses are opening, taxes are being collected, services are being delivered, security is much improved and the economy is growing.
When you look around Ramallah and other Palestinian communities today, you see new buildings going up, professional police officers on the streets, and a sense of opportunity and purpose. In fact, the World Bank recently concluded that if the Palestinian Authority maintains its momentum in building institutions and delivering public services, it is, and I quote, “well positioned for the establishment of a state at any point in the near future.” So I want to congratulate President Abbas and you, Prime Minister, on everything that your government has accomplished. It is a testament to your leadership and skill as well as to the talents and determination of the Palestinian people themselves.
Now, of course, the prime minister would be the first to say that all this progress remains tenuous and there is much more work to be done, and he would be right. Unemployment remains high, especially among young people. Smaller communities have yet to see the benefits of greater prosperity despite the increase in new businesses, the rise in tax receipts, and the generous contributions from the international community. The Palestinian Authority still faces a serious budget shortfall.
But the United States and our international partners are committed to supporting the Palestinian Authority as it works to overcome these challenges. So today, I am pleased to announce that the United States has transferred an additional $150 million in direct assistance to the Palestinian Authority. This brings our direct budget assistance to a total of $225 million for the year and our overall support and investment to nearly $600 million this year. This figure underscores the strong determination of the American people and this Administration to stand with our Palestinian friends even during difficult economic times, as we have here at home.
This new funding will help the Palestinian Authority pay down its debt, continue to deliver services and security to its people, and keep the progress going. It will support our work together to expand Palestinians’ access to schools, clinics, and clean drinking water in both the West Bank and Gaza. And it will allow Prime Minister Fayyad's government to build and modernize courthouses and police stations, train judges and prosecutors, and launch new economic development initiatives.
Strict safeguards are in place to ensure the money will be used responsibly. The United States, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund all carefully monitor the use of donor funds and we have great confidence in Prime Minister Fayyad and his ability to provide accountability and transparency.
I am pleased that a number of our other partners have stepped forward recently and also increased their support for the Palestinian Authority. Saudi Arabia recently transferred an additional $100 million. The United Arab Emirates provided a funding infusion in September and the European Union also announced major new funding.
On my recent trip to Asia, I was encouraged to hear widespread support for the Palestinian Authority's state building efforts underscoring, again, the global resonance of this issue. The United States will step up our work with partners like Japan, Malaysia, Australia, and others to find new ways to increase financial support for the Palestinian Authority. Now, unfortunately the Palestinian people still have some friends who prefer to support their aspirations with words rather than deeds. But that won't put food on the table, create jobs, build credible institutions, or help speed the creation of a new state. Palestinians need results, not rhetoric. And they need partners willing to invest in their future. And that is exactly what the United States is doing. And together we are moving forward despite the challenges, and there are many.
We take confidence from the steady leadership and bold vision of President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad. So let me thank the prime minister for his tireless efforts to realize the dreams of the Palestinian people and for being a consistent voice for progress and common sense. So now, Mr. Prime Minister, it's your turn to say a few words. And we hope that our connection works better than it did the last time we tried this.
Prime Minister Fayyad. I sure hope so. Thank you very much.
Secretary Clinton. Very good.
Prime Minister Fayyad. We tested it. Let me first introduce my party here I have with me. First, Consul General of the United States Daniel Rubinstein, Head of—Director of USAID Mission, here Mr. Michael Harvey. I have also with me my colleague in government, Dr. Ali Jarbawi, our Minister of Planning. Documentation that pertains to the transfer has just been signed and concluded. So let me now begin, Madam Secretary, by once again thanking you for taking the time to be with us this morning your time, evening ours, to announce the transfer that you just announced of $150 million in support of the Palestinian Authority budget.
We really appreciate this assistance because it is highly responsive to our needs in two ways. First, in terms of the type of assistance, it being of the form of budget support is the kind of assistance that we need the most, as it helps us deal with the needs that we have to deal with and actually meet the duties, obligations, the responsibilities that we have to discharge in the course of doing the best we can in the interest of bringing about better life for our people. It also is highly responsive to our needs in the sense of its timeliness. As you well know, Madam Secretary, and we have talked about this a number of times, we have faced quite serious financial difficulty for the past few months that made our life extremely difficult in terms of meeting those obligations that we have in a timely fashion.
So the money and the substantial amount it is, the transfer, that is, of $150 million and the timeliness of it, could not really be better. We thank you very much for the responsiveness and also for splendid staff work on your part both in Washington as well as here to make this happen (inaudible) actually happen. It's an opportunity for me to once again reiterate the Palestinian Authority's deep appreciation for the longstanding support of the United States of our common development and adjustment and reform efforts. As a matter of fact, over a period—since the inception of Palestinian Authority, the United States has actually extended assistance in the total amount of about $3.5 billion over the period 1994 through 2010. About half of this money actually was made available over the past three years plus a few months. Half of that is in the form of budget support. And to be exact, $800 million of this total assistance has been over the past three years in the form of direct budgetary support. And this brings me to the second point.
Apart from the volume, the magnitude of this generous transfer, the form in which it was delivered, the modality of its delivery, meaning directly to our budget, underscores the confidence which once again the United States Government Congress also have in the integrity of our public finance system. We Palestinians take this as a matter of pride, immense pride, in fact. And in fact, it reflects the kind of progress that we have been able to make over the past few years in trying to get our institutions in the state of being—in the shape of being state ready.
Readiness for statehood is, in fact, the key objective of the program that we launched, Madame Secretary, in August of 2009 with the aim of completing the task of capacity building and also amass a critical mass of positive change on the ground in the form of maturing governance processes but also infrastructure of state. We are well on our way, also judging by that statement which you were kind to, as a matter of fact, read out today again by the World Bank about the expectation of us being ready for statehood at any point in the near future on the strength of what we have been able to accomplish over the first half of this three-year program. So we are well on track. We are determined to stay the course despite the difficulties and obstacles that we continue to have to contend with every day. Nevertheless, we, as I said, remain hopeful that we are actually going to be state ready come summer of 2011. It's a goal that we are doing our (inaudible) best, in fact, to meet.
I said what I said about the U.S. assistance that has been made available in support of our budget, the direct budgetary assistance, but that is in addition, of course, to other forms of assistance that you have mentioned, Madam Secretary, that went a long way toward supporting the Palestinian Authority in various spheres of government and also infrastructure. I can tell you for sure without much difficulty that there is hardly any sign of visible progress on the ground in Palestine today that does not have the caring fingerprints of USAID on it.
I'm talking to you, Madam Secretary, and to your colleagues in Washington about, for example, physical infrastructure, including water, electricity, road networks. I'm talking to you also about social services, importantly, education, health, social assistance. I'm talking to you also about the assistance that you have so generously provided to help us with capacity building in all spheres of government, including security. I can go on, but as I said, there's hardly a sign of visible progress that does not have a contribution of the United States Government associated with it.
We thank you very much. That has helped our effort, as a matter of fact. And over the past nearly three years now, just under three years, we've been able to implement some 1,700 small community development programs that have contributed remarkably to bringing about better living conditions for our people in spite of the occupation and its adversity.
As you mentioned, unemployment remains high. It has trended downward over this time period. It is lower than it was a couple of years ago, but it still remains high. It's a challenge and we're working very hard to reduce it further.
Poverty has declined by nearly one-third over the period 2007-2009, so there are, as a matter of fact, signs of progress, signs that are strongly suggestive of this effort being on track. And if, in fact, we were to continue with it, as we fully intend to do, we believe that we are actually going to see the tangible results that our people started to feel throughout the country. I'm talking about not only dwellers of urban areas, but I'm talking especially about people in rural areas, refugee camps throughout, areas that have been long marginalized and areas that have been so adversely affected by the construction of the separation wall as well as settlement activity.
So we appreciate the assistance. We appreciate the vote of confidence that comes with that. Let me also add, Madam Secretary, that we are doing this in addition to it being done in the context of this reform effort and adjustment effort and state-building effort, it also is important to happening in a context of declining need for external assistance. This is a key objective of ours and it defines very much the kind of thinking that we have insofar as economic viability is concerned, financial viability is concerned. I can tell you for sure that our need for exceptional financial support has already declined substantially from about $1.8 billion in 2008 to about $1.2 billion this year. That is a decline of about one-third in our reliance on external assistance and aid money. The prospect is for further reduction in 2011. In fact, we look to 2011 as the year in which we expect to make decisive (inaudible) towards attaining financial viability by end 2013, at which point we will no longer, we expect, need any more the kind of assistance that we are getting from you today in the form of direct budgetary assistance, which we hope will also be seen as a sign of maturity, maturing institutions of state, governments (inaudible) the kind of accomplishment and progress that you—and delivery that you expect countries that have been around a long time to be able to do but without considerable difficulty.
So here we are, Madam Secretary. We are well on our way trying to do the best we can in a highly challenging environment. The context is very difficult. I alluded to some of the difficulties that we have. I very much appreciate the statement that you made at the outset in relation to further announcement of yet another expansion of settlement activity in the Jerusalem area this time around, as it happened before. That remains a very serious challenge and a problem for all of us.
So therefore, Madam Secretary, in the period ahead we certainly will continue to look to you for continued strong leadership as you continue to try hard to put together elements that are necessary to have a strong political process, a credible political process, one that is capable of delivering that which we all want to see happen, an end to the Israeli occupation. And of course, the day will come when that state of Palestine will be born so our people can live in freedom and dignity in a country of our own. That's what this is about, and we look to you again for continued strong leadership as we move forward down this path which has witnessed a great deal of difficulty. Nevertheless, we are determined and we remain hopeful on the strength of what we've been able to accomplish here and the hope and expectation that those (inaudible) along the path of state building and getting ready for statehood, on the strength of what that is expected to do by reinforcing the effort on the political process (inaudible).
Once again, Madam Secretary, on behalf of the Palestinian people, on behalf of President Abbas, Palestinian National Authority, my colleagues in government, I thank you personally for the effort that you have made to support us and for your continued and longstanding support, for the efforts of your colleagues. I thank President Obama, U.S. Congress, and of course, the American people for this largesse. Thank you so very much.
Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Prime Minister. We greatly appreciate your efforts and your very gracious words about our country and our support for you.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Egyptian Foreign Minister Gheit, November 10, 2010Footnote 9
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks with Minister Aboul Gheit in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon. I am delighted, once again, to welcome the foreign minister and his distinguished delegation, including General Sulayman back to Washington. The foreign minister and I have developed a close and productive working relationship, and I always look forward to our discussions.
The partnership between the United States and Egypt is a cornerstone of stability and security in the Middle East and beyond, and we look to Egypt for regional and global leadership on a wide range of issues. This is a relationship rooted in mutual respect and common interests and a history of cooperation and a shared vision for the future.
At the top of our list is a shared commitment to the goal of a two-state solution for Israelis and Palestinians and a comprehensive peace in the Middle East. I greatly appreciate Egypt's leadership in this effort, and in particular, I wish to commend the personal commitment of President Mubarak. We spoke about this issue at length, and I had the opportunity earlier today to speak with Prime Minister Fayyad when I announced an additional contribution of $150 million to the Palestinian Authority. So let me again thank Egypt for your many efforts toward peace and your constant support and advice. We also discussed our shared hope that Iraqis will soon form an inclusive government that reflects the interests and the needs of the entire Iraqi population and shares power fairly and legitimately. Both the United States and Egypt are committed to the future of the Iraqi people and their efforts to build a stable, sovereign and self-reliant nation. We will continue working closely together to achieve that goal.
The foreign minister and I also agreed on the importance of a peaceful outcome for Sudan, a peaceful outcome between the North and the South, the need for the parties to make progress in their talks on outstanding issues, especially agreeing on a way forward for the Abyei region.
And on Lebanon, we reconfirmed our support for the work of the special tribunal and our shared commitment to strong, independent and stable Lebanon. And I want to emphasize that the foreign minister and I are absolutely clear that we are critical of and condemning of any efforts to discredit, hinder, or delay the tribunal's work. That cannot be tolerated. The people of Lebanon, indeed the world, expect and deserve the highest standards of judicial independence and integrity, and I am pleased that the United States recently pledged additional funding to support the tribunal's work.
The minister and I discussed many issues, and we have a very good and open basis for our conversation. It is important that we do everything we can at a particularly sensitive time in the region, to try to redouble our efforts to achieve a two-state solution, to help stabilize the situation in Sudan, and to work to ensure that the people of Lebanon can have accountability in the search for justice.
So Foreign Minister, I thank you for your partnership and look forward to continuing to work together.
Foreign Minister Gheit. Thank you. Thank you very much, Secretary. I feel that you didn't leave me anything to say—
Secretary Clinton. That's a first.
Foreign Minister Gheit.—after you covered everything. But I wish to say that President Mubarak asked General Sulayman and myself to come to Washington, and we maintain that kind of frequent visits coming to the American capital, as well as American officials, they keep coming to Egypt for that process—strategic process of consultations between Egypt and the United States, because both countries are working for the stability and the prevalent of peace in that part of—in that tormented part of the world, because I have to admit it is a tormented part of the world.
Today we engaged in a discussion on the American effort to bring both parties, the Palestinians and the Israelis, to come back to negotiations and we feel a certain satisfaction of—on the effort that America is doing and conducting. We gave them our point of view and we discussed with them at length the way we look at things, and I think they listened and they listened attentively.
At the same time, we discussed a range of other issues. We discussed Lebanon, the need for the stability of Lebanon, the need for the tribunal to continue its legal work. The tribunal has been established by the Security Council of the United Nations. Then it is a body that no one can disband or disregard. We also discussed the situation in Sudan, the Egyptian ideas, the American ideas, how to ensure that Sudan reaches the point of conducting a proper transparent referendum without violence and that there should not be violence after the results of the referendum has been revealed or established. We also had our discussions on Iraq and the need to see, hopefully soon, an Iraqi Government whereby all Iraqi factions and all Iraqi (inaudible) would be participants to such a government in order to ensure stability and peace in that brotherly country. I think it was amongst the best discussions we had over a long period of time. And I think such discussions would reveal a prosperous future soon hopefully. Thank you very much. Thank you.
Q. Good afternoon, Madam Secretary. A question for you: Israel's announcement on new housing in East Jerusalem prompted the Palestinians to declare again that they may contemplate the idea of declaring statehood unilaterally. Are you concerned that with this continuing impasse on the issue of settlements that there is a danger that that could indeed happen? And what message would you give them in light of the lack of progress on the talks?
And if I could just tack one on on Iran, the Iranians have talked about a meeting in Turkey to discuss a number of issues. Given the U.S.'s declared preference for the P-5+1 structure, how would you react to the prospect of a meeting in Turkey that could include the Turks and perhaps even the Brazilians as participants?
Secretary Clinton. Well, Mark, as to the first question, we have always said and I continue to say that negotiations between the parties is the only means by which all of the outstanding claims arising out of the conflict can be resolved. There is no doubt in my mind that in order to conclude an agreement, the parties must discuss the final status issues. And we would urge both parties to commence, once again, such a discussion. Each party has a very strong set of opinions about the way forward. There can be no progress until they actually come together and explore where areas of agreement are and how to narrow areas of disagreement. So we do not support unilateral steps by either party that could prejudge the outcome of such negotiations.
It remains my belief, and I said it again this morning, that both Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas want to see a conclusion of negotiations that leads to a two-state solution, Israel living in security, the Palestinians living within their own state. The only way to get there is to have these negotiations, and the United States stands ready to do everything we can to support that.
With respect to Iran, I spoke yesterday with the European Union High Representative Cathy Ashton. She is the person who will determine on behalf of the P-5+1 when and where we would meet with the Iranians. And that is the first meeting that must occur. It is a P-5+1 meeting with the Iranians. And the location has been discussed, and I believe that High Representative Ashton will be responding to the Iranians about where that should be and on what date. But at this moment, the offer of discussions with the Iranians is in that forum and that is the appropriate venue for any discussion on any issue to occur.
Q. Secretary Clinton, what about the policy shift of the United States toward the case of Abyei region in Sudan, that in the last couple of days we are witnessing a lot of changes in the U.S. position.
And my question to Minister Aboul Gheit about the—what did you raise today about the Egyptian ideas concerning the relaunching of negotiation between Israel and Palestinians? Thank you.
Secretary Clinton. Well, I will start. And the United States has not changed our position about the fundamental core issue, which is that the North and South have to make an agreement to move forward. And not only do they have to make an agreement about how they will proceed in what form they will move into the future, but all the issues that have to be resolved going forward. So I know that there is an upcoming referendum. No matter what happens in that referendum, it is our view that the parties still have a lot of issues to work out together.
And what we have been trying to do, what the Egyptians have been trying to do, what the African Union has been trying to do, and so many others, is to bring the parties together to carefully think through all of the issues that they have to work out together. I think the best description is that either they're going to stay married and get along better or they're going to get divorced and it needs to be a peaceful, civil divorce. And in any event, there has to be a lot of careful thought about how they're going to live together, because just—it's simple to say the land is not going to break apart. They're going to still be connected, and they have to work out all of the issues between the two of them.
And as to Abyei, what we have said is we want to see the issues resolved. And perhaps the issues can be resolved before the referendum, because if they have a referendum then they're going to have to resolve the issues after the referendum. So there's an enormous amount of work going on and a lot of pressure from all the neighbors and many others who are trying to bring the two parties to sit down and negotiate through all the various issues that they must decide in order to have a peaceful outcome.
Foreign Minister Gheit. Yes, you do not expect me to reveal to you what we brought to the United States in discussions with the Americans on the peace effort, or else we would be advising them or consulting with them in public and that should not be the case. However, yes, I cannot reveal to you what we discussed. However, I have to tell you that we are concerned. We are concerned because we feel that Israel is not doing what is required on the Israeli side to do. That is one aspect.
Second, we feel that the Americans are doing a real effort, and that effort should be enhanced and buttressed by countries like Egypt.
Then, thirdly, we discussed with them the issue of the Arab League and the future activities of the Arab Peace Committee and when to meet and how to handle the situation.
Fourth, and that is most important, what are the possibilities for renewing negotiations and how would we ensure that such negotiations, when resumed, they do not be interrupted the way they have been interrupted three weeks after the meetings in Washington on the 2nd of September.
That is, in general, what we discussed.
Secretary Clinton. Thank you.
Foreign Minister Gheit. Thank you very much.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton, November 10, 2010Footnote 10
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in an interview with Hisham Melhem of An-Nahar in Washington, DC
Q. Madam Secretary, recently, we have seen increased American focus on Lebanon, including your call to Prime Minister Hariri, additional funds for the STL, and stepped up criticism of Syria, Iran and Hezbollah. Is this driven mainly by the visit of Iranian president Ahmadinejad as some Lebanese are alleging, or caused by concern that Lebanon could unravel?
Secretary Clinton. Thank you for the question. First, let me say that America's support for a sovereign, independent, and stable Lebanon is rock solid and unwavering. We are committed to a strong partnership with Lebanon and to Lebanon's future, and we stay in close contact with Lebanon's leaders and consult with them regularly. That is also why the United States will continue to speak out against those who would undermine Lebanon's stability and its sovereignty.
We will continue to encourage actors within Lebanon and across the region to act responsibly and in the best interests of the Lebanese people. When a party makes inflammatory statements or violates international norms, we feel it is important to say, publicly, what we believe to be true: responsible actors on the international stage should work to help resolve conflicts, not reignite them. They need to uphold their commitments and responsibilities, not seek to evade them. And responsible actors in Lebanon need to pursue their political agendas through peaceful means, not via intimidation or threats.
Of course, the President and I also respect the leadership demonstrated by President Suleiman and Prime Minister Hariri, especially during this challenging period. And I have reaffirmed this recently in conversations I have had with both the President and the Prime Minister.
Q. What can the U.S. do in practical terms to help the Lebanese government fend off the campaign waged by Hezbollah and Syria to undermine and discredit the STL as an Israeli-American plot, now that Hezbollah is using “the multitudes” against the STL's investigators as we have seen recently.
Secretary Clinton. The recent assault on Tribunal investigators, which you alluded to, should be of grave concern to all Lebanon's friends and supporters. Strong statements were made at the UN and elsewhere condemning any actions that attempt to frustrate or undermine the Tribunal and its work. Intimidation and interference should not be tolerated.
The problem in Lebanon is not the Special Tribunal for Lebanon. The problem is that some are threatening violence in order to try to stop justice. The Special Tribunal is an independent judicial entity, established in response to a terrible time in Lebanon's history by an agreement between the Lebanese government and the United Nations, and brought into force by a UN Security Council Resolution with wide international support. Its work is legitimate and necessary.
We should not lose sight of the fact that the Tribunal symbolizes something larger than the investigation into the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. It represents a chance for Lebanon to begin moving beyond its long history of political violence. Tragically, Lebanese of all communities and confessions have been plagued for years by violence and threats. And yet very few have ever been held accountable for their crimes. This history is a major source of instability and the tension that people in Lebanon feel today. They deserve a return to the rule of law and justice for all—these are crucial building blocks for stability and peace in Lebanon.
Q. There is concern in Lebanon and the region, that if the STL issued indictments against some Hezbollah operatives or leaders, that Hezbollah would resort to force as it did in 2008 to create new facts on the ground. What would the US do in this case?
Secretary Clinton. First, it bears repeating that no one knows what the Special Tribunal is going to do, who it might indict, or when it might choose to move forward. This is an independent process. Hezbollah should know that resorting once again to violence in Lebanon runs completely counter to the interests of the Lebanese people, the interests of the region, and of the United States. They should also know that if the goal of violence is to stop the tribunal, it won't work. And more importantly, there is simply no justification or excuse for more political violence. That is the position of the United States and it will not change.
Q. There is concern in Lebanon that the country could pay a steep price if it became an arena for renewed regional and international conflicts, and that the U.S. may not appreciate fully the inherent danger in such a situation.
Secretary Clinton. We know this is not the first time Lebanon has faced real challenges and rising tensions. The Lebanese people have shed too many tears and buried too many loved ones. They deserve lasting peace and an end to political violence once and for all. The United States is committed to that goal, and we will continue supporting the Lebanese Armed Forces to ensure they have the capacity to protect Lebanon's security from threats both internal and external. We also work hard to avoid actions or statements that would raise temperatures higher or inflame tensions further.
Lebanon has many friends, in addition to the United States, who are strong supporters of its sovereignty and security. We are in frequent contact with our friends and allies about how we can work together to support the Lebanese people and their elected government.
President Suleiman, of course, came to power after the Doha Agreement of 2008, and as his election showed, he has widespread support in Lebanon. He is in a position to help unify Lebanon and maintain the country's peace and stability.
Q. Where is the policy of engaging Syria heading? After almost 20 months, Syria's behavior and policies in Lebanon, Palestine and Iraq have not been altered, and its alliance with Iran is as strong as ever. It seems that the Syrians believe that there are no disincentives or consequences for them to desist.
Secretary Clinton. Syria's behavior has not met our hopes and expectations over the past 20 months—and Syria's actions have not met its international obligations. Syria can still choose another path and we hope that it does.
Let me be clear—we are not engaging for engagement's sake. We are engaging to advance our interests and to find areas where cooperation can promote mutual interests. Our engagement with Syria will never come at Lebanon's expense. Nor will it come at the expense of holding Syria accountable for its behavior.
We have had some useful conversations—for example, Special Envoy George Mitchell has engaged with Syria on the Middle East peace progress, and my Assistant Secretary Jeff Feltman has had good consultations with Syrian officials about Iraq. And our engagement has enabled us to present Syria's leaders, and the Syrian people, with a more balanced and optimistic vision for the region's future than the messages of war and destruction carried by Iran and Hezbollah.
But we have also had some very difficult discussions with Damascus about its actions in Lebanon and elsewhere. Syria lives with consequences of pursuing policies that are outside established international norms—which is largely why the region's economic development of the past decade has left Syria behind. So again, as I said, the choice is up to Syria—and we hope that it chooses to embrace its responsibilities.
Q. What is the status of your contacts with Congress, regarding lifting the hold on supplying U.S weapons to the Lebanese Armed Forces? Do you expect the “lame duck” Congress will do that, and are you concern that the Republican House will continue the hold?
Secretary Clinton. It has been our longstanding policy to support the Lebanese Armed Forces. The LAF helps to ensure stability and protect the people of Lebanon. It is a truly national institution and a strong symbol of national unity, which includes members of all of Lebanon's diverse faiths and communities. It is representative and accountable. We look forward to continuing to work with Congress to maintain this support, which we believe is in the best interests of the Lebanese people and contributes to stability in Lebanon and in the region.
Q. The U.S. and Syria have been exchanging accusations of meddling in domestic Lebanese affairs, but Syria's friends in Lebanon always claim that the U.S talks the talk but it does not walk the walk, and that its allies in Lebanon cannot be sure it will not enter into bargains, including with Syria at their expense.
Secretary Clinton. America's support for a sovereign, independent Lebanon is a key element of our policy in the region. It is non-negotiable. It is not something we are prepared to bargain with or exchange. It is as simple as that. We have been clear about this commitment and transparent in our relations with the Lebanese government. That stands in stark contrast to others, including certain internal actors in Lebanon, whose actions are neither transparent nor accountable to the proper national authorities.
We will continue our policy of supporting the independence of the Lebanese state and strengthening Lebanese institutions, and we will raise our concerns about Syrian interference in Lebanon during our continuing discussions with Damascus.
Q. To what extent could Syria's behavior in Lebanon influence America's efforts to revive the Syrian-Israeli track? Can Syria expect to re-engage in peace negotiations without altering its posture vis-à-vis Iran, and or Hezbollah in Lebanon?
Secretary Clinton. The Obama administration is deeply committed to achieving comprehensive regional peace in the Middle East, including peace between Israel and Syria and Israel and Lebanon and the full normalization of relations between Israel and its neighbors. That is also the vision of the Arab Peace Initiative, which was announced in Beirut. The United States firmly believes that the various tracks are mutually reinforcing. Syria itself has said that it wants to have its territorial expectations met through a peace deal with Israel. So we are going to keep working to get there.
More broadly, we welcome Lebanon and Syria having a positive, normal bilateral relationship. When Syria and Lebanon have had bad relations, there have been negative consequences not just for Lebanon but for the wider region. But a positive and constructive bilateral relationship is built on mutual interests and mutual respect, on international norms, and must be based on the idea you don't interfere in the sovereignty of the other country.
Q. What can you tell us about persistent media reports regarding continued Syrian provisions of missiles, including scuds to Hezbollah, and joint training on these missiles in Syria?
Secretary Clinton. Reports of the transfer of increasingly sophisticated weapons from Syria to Hezbollah is of serious concern to the United States and to the international community. It threatens regional security. It threatens Lebanon's security. It destabilizes the region in a way that serves no one's interests. Let's not forget that Hezbollah, in 2008, did just what it swore it would never do: turn its weapons against the Lebanese people—the very people it swore to defend—and that's something that should never be encouraged, enabled, or repeated.
We have been warning everyone, including Syria, about the dangers of miscalculation and the dangers associated with the transfer of sophisticated technologies and weaponry.
White House Statement, November 12, 2010Footnote 11
The Vice President spoke today with Iraqi Council of Representatives Speaker Osama al-Nujayfi to congratulate him on his election to his new position and to welcome the strong participation of Iraqiyya in the new government.
Statement by Secretary of State Clinton, November 12, 2010Footnote 12
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. Iraq's political leaders have worked together to agree on an inclusive government that represents the will of the Iraqi people and moves their country forward. Today's coalition decision is a milestone in the emergence of the new Iraq and it is a testament to the determination of the Iraqi people to build their own democracy, a goal only they can achieve.
This agreement ensures meaningful representation for the election winners, encompassing all of Iraq's ethnic and sectarian communities. It also includes critical provisions for power-sharing and other reforms, including revisions to the to the de-Ba'athification process. In addition, Iraqi leaders have agreed to establish a National Council on Strategic Policies. This important body will serve as a steering group in the areas of defense policy, foreign affairs, economic policy, and other strategic issues.
It is now up to this government to deliver on an inclusive, comprehensive agenda that serves all Iraqis and strengthens the country as a whole.
As Iraqis continue their progress, they will have a committed and consistent partner in the United States. Our relationship is rooted in mutual respect and mutual interest. We look forward to expanding our cooperation under the Strategic Framework Agreement and together pursuing our shared goal of building a long-term, multidimensional relationship between our two nations that contributes to growing peace and prosperity in Iraq and security and stability in the Middle East.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Bahraini Deputy Prime Minister AI Khalifa, November 17, 2010Footnote 13
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Sheikh Muhammad bin Mubarak Al Khalifa delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. Well, I'm delighted that the deputy prime minister can be here at the State Department. We are very close to Bahrain and they've been wonderful partners and friends. I'm looking forward to my visit there, just in a short time from now in early December, and looking forward to our meeting.
Deputy Prime Minister Al Khalifa. And I am very glad to meet Madam Secretary and—who assured me that Bahrain relation with United States always in the best (inaudible) and we always trying to enhance it, and especially the free trade agreement (inaudible) in 2006. I think our relations, economic (inaudible) on the (inaudible).
Secretary Clinton. Thank you. Thank you so much, sir. Thank you very much.
Deputy Prime Minister Al Khalifa. Thank you.
White House Statement, December 3, 2010Footnote 14
On the way home from visiting the troops in Afghanistan, President Obama called Prime Minister Netanyahu. The President expressed his deepest condolences on behalf of the American people for the tragic loss of life resulting from the fires in northern Israel. The President said he is pleased that American and Israeli officials have been in near-constant contact since the fires began. The President said that USAID and the Department of Defense will be delivering large procurements of fire-retardant chemicals this weekend. The President informed the Prime Minister that the first specialized technical team will arrive tomorrow, with other teams to arrive shortly thereafter, and that the United States government is also working with private industry to mobilize private resources to assist with the effort. The President said that we are working hard to identify a variety of firefighting aircraft to assist with the effort, including possibly deploying assets from the United Sates. The President concluded the conversation by noting that we are pursuing a “full court press” to help and have the Israeli people in our thoughts and prayers.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton, December 3, 2010Footnote 15
Secretary Clinton delivered these remarks in Manama, Bahrain
Introductory Remarks Omitted
Secretary Clinton. The United States is proud of our partnership with Bahrain, which has flourished for many years. Since we are meeting for a security conference, let me mention just one facet of this partnership. Bahrain is home to our Central Command's Naval Forces, which in turn includes a number of combined task forces that bring together nations from around the world to address critical security issues facing this region, including terrorism and piracy. These task forces are an example of the kind of transnational military cooperation that makes us all safer, and I thank His Majesty the King for making this work possible.
As I look around this room, I can see that we do hail from countries across most continents. And we have come here because we share a common interest, and that is to work toward achieving lasting and comprehensive security and peace in the Gulf region.
This goal does not belong only to governments. It is an aspiration that lives in the hearts of citizens across the region—from Dubai to Baghdad to Riyadh. Across differences of religion, class, language, and nationality, people of this region, like people everywhere, express the same basic wish: to live free from violence, free from intimidation, free to develop their talents and pursue their dreams in an atmosphere of stability and peace.
It is in our interests to help the people of the Gulf fulfill that vision. And I believe we have the capacity to do so.
The starting point for the United States is our profound commitment to the security, stability, and development of the region. We have enduring stakes here. We have historical friendships here. We have invested blood and treasure to protect those stakes, those friendships, and those vital national security interests. We have acted to reverse aggression—and no one should mistake our resolve in standing by our friends.
When our engagement with this region began decades ago, our relationships were largely rooted in security and trade. Now, they extend much further. We and our Gulf partners are working together on issues including economic development, energy, education, water, and health—the building blocks of stable, thriving societies.
And increasingly, what we are seeing is the opportunity to work with our Gulf partners beyond the region, in fact, on the world stage.
United Arab Emirates is doing cutting-edge work in clean and renewable energy, and is home to the International Renewable Energy Agency, located in Masdar, one of the world's most sustainable cities. That is a security commitment.
Last year, Saudi Arabia opened the King Abdullah University for Science and Technology, a world-class research and teaching institute for both men and women. That is a security commitment.
Bahrain has become a dynamic banking center, whose sound practices helped it largely to avoid the recent global financial crisis. That is a security commitment.
Oman and the United States are together supporting vital desalination research to help solve the global water crisis. That is a security commitment.
Kuwait is home to lively media and parliamentary debate, which foster one of the region's most dynamic political cultures. That is a security commitment.
And Qatar is working to improve agricultural productivity in arid regions, to help fight hunger and protect natural resources. That is also a security commitment.
And let me congratulate Qatar on its being named for the World Cup in 2022—more proof that this region is at the leading edge of important world affairs.
The innovative, forward-leaning work that is happening in these countries, on some of the defining issues of the 21st century, signals a new era in our partnership. You are no longer Gulf partners. You are global partners.
Our engagement with each other is broader and deeper today than ever before. And I have had the great privilege of meeting with many people from the countries represented here in the Gulf who have a personal stake in the success of our efforts. Because their futures will be shaped by what we do today to strengthen Gulf security.
Conflicts that arise here echo across the world. Many of our nations are targeted by the same networks of extremists; when they make headway here, they are emboldened elsewhere. The economic significance of the Gulf means that when your security is threatened, energy supplies, global commerce, and trade flows can be disrupted.
Now, part of being committed to the security of this region means identifying new threats and anticipating future ones, assessing how our defense cooperation can be improved, and addressing the root causes of instability—the political, economic, and social conditions that give rise to unrest and mistrust.
This evening, I'd like to discuss a few core principles that have been critical to maintaining Gulf security thus far and will be critical as we move toward the effort to try to resolve these problems in the 21st century.
The first principle is respect for national sovereignty.
Sovereignty is the foundation of the international system and the cornerstone of peaceful relations between nations. It protects the integrity of borders and territories. It proscribes external intervention in the affairs of another state, in particular forbidding outside support for those who would use violence to achieve their agendas. In short, sovereignty authorizes nations with the sole responsibility for charting their own destinies.
We meet as significant change is underway in one of those nations: Iraq. After years of hard work, Iraq is realizing its goal of becoming a fully sovereign, stable, and self-reliant state. And last month, Iraq's political leaders agreed to form a government that reflects the results of their election—an inclusive government, with every major community represented, no one excluded or marginalized. Theirs must be a government made in Iraq by Iraqis.
Let me be clear about the position of the United States regarding our relationship with a sovereign Iraq, today and in the future. We are fully committed to working with Iraq as equal partners and equal members of the international community. Together, we will carry out the two agreements that our government and the Government of Iraq reached: our Strategic Framework Agreement, which covers the full range of our bilateral relationship; and our Security Agreement, which covers our security commitments and the drawdown of U.S troops.
The decisions that are charting Iraq's course today are Iraq's alone. The people and government of Iraq are in the lead. The speaker is here with us today, and he and the parliament are off to an impressive start. No country should pursue its own interests in Iraq at the expense of Iraq's unity and sovereignty. And no country should threaten or intimidate or coerce Iraq or political stakeholders in Iraq.
We call on all of our partners in the Gulf region, in fact all countries in the region, to join in protecting the course that Iraqis have elected to take, and furthermore, to play a constructive role in supporting Iraq's full reintegration into the region. Iraq's positive engagement with other nations will rise as diplomatic, economic, educational, and cultural ties are reinforced.
These actions are actually in all of our interests, because Iraq's progress is essential for the long-term peace and prosperity of us all. The brutal regime of Saddam Hussein unsettled the Gulf for years, and the sectarian strife that followed was devastating to Iraq and destabilizing to the region. Now we are seeing the possibility for something new: a future in which Iraq does not pose a threat to regional security, but instead a strength to it.
Also on the matter of sovereignty, let me just mention Lebanon. Because the international community has repeatedly aimed to secure and promote Lebanon's sovereignty and independence, including through multiple UN Security Council resolutions.
Sovereignty is the foundation of the international system and the cornerstone of peaceful relations between nations.
The Special Tribunal established by the United Nations represents a statement by the world that the era of political assassination with impunity in Lebanon or anywhere must end. To those who claim that the tribunal will destabilize Lebanon, I would answer: Justice is not a threat to Lebanon's stability—the attempts to subvert justice by undermining the tribunal are the threat.
The United States joins the international community in supporting a sovereign, independent, and stable Lebanon. The support we provide is transparent and in accordance with our signed agreements with the Government of Lebanon, in accordance with our mutual interests, and in accordance with respect for Lebanon's sovereignty.
The second principle is security partnership, especially in the face of new and complex threats.
The foremost measure of our partnerships’ success is whether they help protect the people of this region, the United States, and elsewhere from harm. As others have said, the threat of violent extremist groups—both within countries and across borders—and the threat of states that pursue destabilizing actions against their neighbors are among the immediate security challenges facing the region.
Like other modern threats, these challenges call for shared solutions, which require cooperation on every level: political, economical, strategic, and especially among our militaries.
Our security partnerships with countries in the region have broadened and deepened to account for the changing security environment. Last year, General Petraeus spoke at this conference about our increasing cooperation on air and ballistic missile defense, early warning, counter proliferation, developing a common operational picture, and broad-based strategies to counter violent extremism.
This past year has produced even more progress on these fronts. Our cooperation extends beyond the theater. Gulf and Arab countries have been among the most stalwart partners in our shared mission against violent extremist networks in Afghanistan. Our hosts here in Bahrain, the UAE, Jordan, and Egypt all deserve special mention for providing substantial civilian and humanitarian assistance in fields ranging from police training to civil service development, education, to women's health. And we are grateful that the OIC has offered to host a meeting in Jeddah of the International Contact Group for Afghanistan and Pakistan next year.
But there is so much more that we can do together. Among other things, we seek to strengthen the Gulf Security Dialogue, which represents our primary security coordination mechanism with the Gulf Cooperation Council countries. The Dialogue is designed to bolster the capabilities of GCC partners to deter and defend against conventional and unconventional threats and improve interoperability with the United States and with each other.
We all know that efforts to deepen cooperation, coordination, and transparency among this region's militaries would yield broad benefits that extend to the whole range of modern threats. It would become easier to manage incidents at sea. The likelihood of dangerous errors and undue escalations would decrease. The success of joint military operations would rise. In sum, cooperation among countries of the region would not simply helpful, but vital, for no one country can combat the security challenges of the 21st century.
A third, and related, principle is freedom of navigation.
The bounty of natural resources found in and around the Gulf gives this region a special place in the global economy. The Gulf states must be able to ship oil and other goods freely and securely, by land and sea, through the region. It is critical that we work together to protect free and open transit and strengthen maritime security. The U.S. has long stood behind this principle.
All countries, including Iran, should do their part to cooperate in the common defense of the waterways. This is particularly important as we address the serious problem of piracy in the waters off the Horn of Africa. Pirates disrupt vital shipping corridors, kidnap mariners, interfere with the delivery of humanitarian aid. Stopping them requires a comprehensive approach, not only at sea and but also on land, where desperate poverty and failed governments give pirates the room to operate with impunity.
Several nations in the region have begun to contribute to this effort. Bahrain has deployed a frigate to assist with counter-piracy operations as part of the Combined Task Force dealing with piracy. Yemen is prosecuting pirates in its courts. Oman, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Yemen are among the original participants of the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia, which has helped encourage the use of best practices by shippers in case of attack. Thanks to this outreach, successful attacks have gone down by 20 percent in the last two years.
At the same time, however, the total number of attacks has gone up. The problem is outpacing the resources we have committed to solving it. So it is urgent that we accelerate our efforts to end this dangerous business by improving maritime security, targeting the finances of pirate networks, prosecuting the criminals, and addressing the conditions on the ground that give rise to piracy in the first place.
The fourth principle is a commitment to human security.
Now, it may be tempting to dismiss this kind of security as soft or insubstantial. But the human dimension is often where the investments we make in military hardware and diplomatic outreach pay off. Because true security is not just the absence of violence. It is also the presence of opportunity. Like the opportunity to receive an education or find a job, to live in a safe environment, to have access to the basics of life—food, water, health care, and housing.
It is also the opportunity to participate in the decisions that shape one's life and future, and the freedom to develop and express one's point of view.
All of these aspects of human security depend not only the support of leaders, but also on the contribution of civil society. And no country can afford to dismiss that.
I could not stand here and address this distinguished group without underscoring the importance of women as leaders and participants in the search for and the realization of human security, because when women are deprived of the opportunity to participate as full members of society—when they are denied access to justice and cut off from the civic life of their communities—the impact is felt not only by the women, but by their families and particularly their children.
Human security is particularly urgent in the Gulf. A majority of the population in this part of the world are young people. They are now connected. They now know what is going on across the world through the social networks that they have pioneered, developed, and basically dominate. Whether countries succeed in creating conditions that give them opportunities to live the lives that they are shaping for themselves will have a major impact on the security of the country in which they live.
I know that Yemen is searching particularly for ways to meet the growing needs of their young people. And the United States and others here are working with Yemen to improve economic development and job opportunities. We need broad international involvement for our efforts to succeed in Yemen, and I urge the Gulf Cooperation Council in particular to use its reach and resources to support Yemen's progress.
We will continue to work on human security in the region. And it is one of the many reasons why President Obama and I are committed to achieving a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and a comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace. We are working intensively in close consultation with many of the countries represented here to create the conditions for negotiations that can produce the peace that has eluded us for so many years. Negotiations are the only path that will succeed in securing the aspirations of the parties: for the Israelis, security; for the Palestinians, an independent, viable, sovereign state of their own. And I look forward to addressing this critical issue in greater depth during my participation in next week's Saban Forum.
The fifth and final principle goes to the heart of one of the most complex challenges facing the Gulf and the world as a whole: nuclear nonproliferation.
The position of the international community on this issue is clear. All nations begin with the same rights and responsibilities. They have the right to pursue nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. But they must comply with the international safeguards that apply to states in order to prevent the diversion of that technology to destructive and destabilizing military purposes
In this region, we see evidence of real promise on upholding nonproliferation norms. And of course, we see areas of profound international concern.
Last year, for example, the UAE concluded an Agreement for Peaceful Nuclear Cooperation with the United States, which makes clear that it seeks only the peaceful benefits of nuclear energy, not the capability to produce nuclear weapons. It also adopted the IAEA's Additional Protocol, which will make its nuclear program transparent and build confidence in the international community that its intentions are entirely peaceful. These steps gave a major boost to the global nonproliferation regime, and they paved the way for UAE to successfully deliver nuclear energy to its citizens.
At this time, I would like to address directly the delegation at this conference from the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
I am pleased to have this opportunity for your government and mine to gather here with representatives from other nations to discuss problems of mutual concern and interest.
In Geneva next week, the P-5+1 will meet with representatives from your nation—the first such meeting since October of 2009. We hope that out of this meeting, entered into with good faith, we will see a constructive engagement with respect to your nuclear program.
Nearly two years ago, President Obama extended your government a sincere offer of dialogue. We are still committed to this offer.
But the position of the international community is clear. You have the right to a peaceful nuclear program. But with that right comes a reasonable responsibility: that you follow the treaty you signed, and fully address the world's concern about your nuclear activities. We urge you to make that choice—for your people, your interests, and our shared security. We urge you to restore the confidence of the international community and live up to your international obligations. Unfortunately, the most recent IAEA report reflected once again that so far Iran has chosen a different path, one that leads to greater international concern, isolation, and pressure.
We know that Iran is home of one of humankind's great civilizations. The Iranian people are heirs to that tradition with tremendous potential to contribute to the world we are building together. And the world in turn would benefit from the full participation of the Iranian nation in the political, social, and economic life of this region.
We continue to make this offer of engagement with respect for your sovereignty and with regard for your interests—but also with an ironclad commitment to defending global security and the world's interests in a peaceful and prosperous Gulf region.
The principles of security I've briefly discussed tonight are not remote abstractions. They are evident in how our countries treat each other. They guide our interactions and the steps we take to maintain trust. But it is not enough to list them or even to praise them; we have to put them into practice—as individual nations, through our bilateral relationships, and in the regional context.
And that is where regional organizations come in. Around the world, the United States is finding that increasingly nations must work together through regional forums and institutions in order to find ways to expand their own reach and deepen their understanding of the problems we face.
Here in this part of the world, the Gulf Cooperation Council already provides a useful forum for addressing regional issues. It is my hope that the GCC will go further and take on an even greater leadership role, bringing nations together to discuss urgent regional challenges.
I am sure over the next days, you will have conversations about many important topics, but I believe that all of the complexities of our world and the challenges we face come down to this. We all have choices to make. We can choose partnership, or we can choose division. We can face toward the past or turn to the future. We can let the differences between us define us, or we can focus on all that connects us—the common experiences we share, the hopes we have for the future for our children.
We have arrived at this place in our history because, for the most part, when faced with the choice to come together or move apart, we have chosen to come together. And we have made real and meaningful progress. Now, our work is far from finished, but it is well underway.
And on behalf of the United States, I look forward to continuing to work with you to create that more secure, prosperous, and peaceful world we all seek. Thank you very much.
Q. Madam Secretary, it's a great privilege to have you address this (inaudible) Manama Dialogue. (Inaudible) I'd like to ask you the same question I posed to your predecessor, Secretary Rice, on one of her many visits to Kuwait. The past administration prioritized an electoral-based democratic progress as political reform in the region and the results were often problematic for both the U.S. Government and the international community; for example, Hamas's victory in Palestine. In your opinion, is the current (inaudible) the same line on political reform in the region?
Secretary Clinton. Well, that's an excellent question, because I do think there needs to be a much broader definition of what democracy means. Democracy is not only elections. Democracy is building the institutions that will enable a process of electing representatives to deliver results for people and do so by creating an inclusive approach to decision making.
Democracy also requires the protection of minority rights, the independence of the judiciary, a free press, the kinds of institutional changes that have to go hand-in-hand with elections. So we very much support democracy and we are continuing to provide support for organizations and individuals who speak out for and work on behalf of democracy. We are helping—for example, today in Bahrain at my town hall, I heard from a young parliamentarian who had gone to some of the courses that the United States runs to help young people go into politics and what it means not just to win an election, but to serve people.
So clearly, the United States remains committed to democratic process and to the democratic enterprise, because we believe that ultimately, it is the most stable form of government. But we know that different countries have taken different paths, and so we want to emphasize the broad array of actions that can lead to democratization. So elections are part of it, but it is not the only part, and too great an emphasis on it can lead to having one election and no more as people don't fully invest themselves in what it takes to build the institutions of democracy.
Q. Thank you. Given the amount of time it took for the Iraqi Government to be formed, what do you think that says about its future stability and policy direction?
Secretary Clinton. Well, I have a somewhat different take than perhaps others might have, but democracy is hard work. And people don't just wake up one day and say we know how to do this. Politics, Max Weber said, was the slow, hard boring of hard boards. I mean, this is hard work. And for the first time, the Iraqis themselves had to bargain with each other, negotiate over future commitments and decisions, and what they came up with was an inclusive government that provided for recognition of the legitimate participation of all elements of their society.
Now, I would hope that the next time there's an election, forming the government won't take so long, but it is only fair to say that Belgium and the Netherlands had recent elections and took months to form a government, and they have had a lot more practice in politics than the Iraqis have had. So I think we ought to be very understanding of the difficulties that new democracies face, and to go back to the young woman's question, really work not only to build the institutions, but embed the attitudes of what it takes to do politics in a democratic system.
Now, the real test is whether this newly formed government will begin delivering results for people, because democracies have to deliver results. The lights have to stay on for longer than three hours a day. There have to be some tangible signs of difference that will reinforce the commitment of the Iraqi people to the political process. So I think they're off to an encouraging start from what we have seen so far.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Bahraini Foreign Minister AI Khalifa, December 3, 2010Footnote 16
Secretary Clinton and Minister Sheikh Khalid ibn Ahmad Al Khalifa delivered these remarks in Manama, Bahrain
Foreign Minister Al Khalifa. Ladies and gentlemen, guests, good morning.
I am delighted to welcome U.S. Secretary of State Mrs. Hillary Clinton and express my pleasure to have her in the Kingdom of Bahrain. On this occasion, I would like to commend the historical relations that tie our two friendly countries; relations that have been reinforced by the directives and leadership of His Majesty King Hamad bin isa Al-Khalifa and His Excellency President of the United States of America Barak Obama. I am pleased that this visit is a historical opportunity for us to work on developing the good ties between our two friendly countries on all levels to serve our joint interests.
Immediately after this press conference, His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al-Khalifa will meet with Her Excellency the Secretary and during the meeting he will reaffirm the strength of the ties of our two friendly countries. The Secretary will also meet with a group of promising Bahraini youth and will address the opening ceremony of Manama Dialogue this evening.
I have the pleasure to work together with Her Excellency the Secretary for our joint interests and enhancing our historical ties. In this context, I would like to inform you that during our bilateral meeting that we have just had, we tackled many issues of mutual interest and we exchanged positive views on those issue.
The Kingdom of Bahrain and the United States of America have long standing cooperation with historical roots that go back for decades. This cooperation aims to reinforce peace, stability and security in the Arabian Gulf region. We hope to increase this cooperation and move it to new horizons.
During my meeting with Her Excellency the Secretary, I welcomed the support of the United States to the municipal and legislative elections in the Kingdom and at the same time I expressed our appreciation to the United States’ positive stance towards the success of the democratic process in the Kingdom.
On another note, I reiterated our interest about the meeting that will be held in Geneva between 1+5 group and Iran and we reiterated the importance of continuing the diplomatic negotiations between the two parties taking in consideration the right to peaceful nuclear energy program with the commitment of full transparency and safety standards.
As for the peace process in the Middle East, we discussed how to reach a comprehensive peace in the region. I hailed the pivotal role of the United States to facilitate the direct negotiations between the Palestinian and Israeli parties. On the other hand, we see the importance of continuing to support and enhance the Arab peace initiative as it is considered an important vision for peace in the region. We believe that through the actual commitment towards negotiations between the Palestinian and Israeli parties, an agreement could be reached to end this conflict and enable the Palestinian party to have its own viable independent state according to June 1967 borders in return for guaranteed security to Israel.
We affirmed the importance of the unity and stability of brotherly Iraq in light of the formation of the new Iraqi government especially that Iraq is a dear Arab country to us and an important element of security and stability in our vital region.
We also discussed Yemen and affirmed the importance of working with this brotherly country to empower it to confront terrorism. We hailed the efforts of a group of Yemen's friends who discussed the challenges that face Yemen and gathered international support to overcome those challenges.
We share with our friends in the United States many views on many different issues that we face. This is being reinforced by the friendly atmosphere that we see during our serious talks with American officials. We look forward to continued joint work between us for the interest of our two friendly countries and their peoples and to live in peace and stability in the Gulf and Middle East regions.
Your Excellency, Madam Secretary, I thank you and appreciate this visit and I always welcome you to the Kingdom of Bahrain.
Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Foreign Minister. And it is a great personal pleasure for me to be here in Bahrain, both for a bilateral visit and consultation, as well as participating in the Manama Dialogue tonight. I am also very excited about the chance to meet with young people, and to have a dialogue with them, as well, this afternoon. I look forward to meeting with His Majesty, King Hamad, as well as the Crown Prince.
This is my first visit, long overdue, something that I have anticipated for a long time. And I want to start by congratulating the government and people of this beautiful country on the parliamentary and municipal elections that were held six weeks ago. The fact that so many citizens voted was a strong demonstration of their resolve to take part in their public life.
And as we know, the challenges of democratic governance do not end with elections. But I am impressed by the commitment that the government has to the democratic path that Bahrain is walking on. It takes time; we know that from our own experience. There are obstacles and difficulties along the way. But America will continue working with you to promote a vigorous civil society, and to ensure that democracy, human rights, and civil liberties are protected by the rule of law, because we view Bahrain as a model partner for not only the United States, but for so many countries that are looking to see the way that Bahrain decides about its future.
We often say that you are a country that punches above your weight, Your Excellency. And our nations cooperate closely across a range of issues. We work together to support entrepreneurs. Our scientists collaborate. Our students, and so many others, have developed close ties between our two people. And the sailors of our ships’ fleets have lived and worked alongside you for decades, as part of our close security partnership.
So, as the foreign minister said, we had a very productive discussion about the challenges facing Bahrain and the region. We share a positive vision for the future of the Gulf and the larger Middle East. We both seek a region where countries can conduct their affairs free of threats or intimidation, where people of different faiths and confessions can coexist peacefully and enjoy the same rights, and where citizens are free to develop their God-given talents in an atmosphere of stability, peace, and prosperity.
We also spoke about the principles underlying this vision, of commitment to solving problems peacefully through partnership and diplomacy, respect for national sovereignty, adherence to international norms, including the freedom of navigation and nuclear non-proliferation, empowering individuals across the region by driving economic development and protecting the rights of all.
We know that Bahrain, like their Gulf neighbors, are working to build a strong region where not only individual countries can progress, but where the entire region can, as well. And I intend to discuss these issues in some depth tonight at the dialogue, and I am very grateful, as always, for the foreign minister's insight.
We also discussed some of the key concerns, how best to pursue our shared goal of a two-state solution and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. As I have said before, this is not easy. If it were, it would have been done by now. But the United States is working intensively to create the conditions that will permit the parties to negotiate their way forward to a final resolution.
I also appreciate Bahrain's support for the work of President Abbas, Prime Minister Fayyad, and the Palestinian Authority, who are building the institutions necessary for a viable, independent state that can provide security, law and order, and essential services to the Palestinian people. They need support from all of us. And that is part of what we are attempting to do by creating the conditions for peace, and helping the Palestinian people realize their legitimate aspirations. And we have consistently commended the Arab peace initiative, which was a far-sighted visionary statement of what can be achieved if we work together.
We obviously talked about Iran, and our hope that Iran will pursue a different path in dealing with its neighbors and, in fact, I would add, in dealing with its own people. We continue to hold open that possibility, and will look for a specific way to try to increase our coordination and cooperation, if Iran is willing to do so.
As we deepen our bilateral ties, and pursue important regional and global issues, we must continue to build the structures of cooperation that sustain security and prosperity in the Gulf. The United States has been proud to be a partner of Bahrain for many years. We look forward to continuing our close and productive cooperation, partnership, and friendship with the government and the people of this wonderful country. Thank you, Your Excellency.
Q. Thank you. Madam Secretary, there was a meeting at the IAEA yesterday, not only on Iran, but also about North Korea. And according to your ambassador to the IAEA, it is likely that there is more than one uranium enrichment facility in this country. I wonder if you can give us further details on this. And also, how will this affect your meeting with your counterparts on Monday? Thank you.
Secretary Clinton. Well, Christophe, I think it's important to add, as you just have, that the concern about states developing nuclear weapons includes North Korea. And just as the neighbors in this region are very focused on Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons, the neighbors in northeast Asia are equally concerned about what North Korea is doing. So, we are going to be meeting on Monday in Washington with the foreign ministers of both South Korea and Japan, to review the approach we should be taking. We have obviously reached out to China and Russia and others who have a direct concern about North Korea's behavior.
But we are all concerned about these two countries. And I think it's important to recognize it's not directed at the people of either country; it is a concern about decisions being made by the leaders of these countries that puts at risk the peace and stability of two regions of the world. And I want Iranians and North Koreans to understand that, as His Excellency said, we do not object to the peaceful use of nuclear power for generating energy. Every country is entitled to that. What we object to is a pursuit of nuclear weapons that can be used to threaten and intimidate their neighbors and beyond. That is unacceptable, and it is destabilizing. And it, unfortunately, will spark arms races in both regions that will make both regions even more dangerous. That's why we must stop it.
Foreign Minister Al Khalifa. Thank you. I apologize for not being able to take more questions, we are pressed for time. Thank you very much.
Press Release from the U.S. Agency for International Development, December 5, 2010Footnote 17
The U.S. Agency for International Development's (USAID) Disaster Assistance Response Team (DART) arrived in Haifa, Israel on December 5 to help combat the wildfires that began on December 2 in Northern Israel. In addition, the United States transported nearly 70 metric tons (MT) of fire suppressant and 3,800 gallons of fire retardant concentrate to Israel on December 5.
“We are relieved to learn from the government of Israel that the fires are contained and commend them for leading and coordinating an extraordinary international effort to suppress the deadly wildfires,” said Nancy Lindborg, USAID Assistant Administrator for Democracy, Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance. “The United States immediately mobilized when Israel needed our firefighting assistance, and we will continue to stand by our friends as they begin to recover and rebuild in the aftermath of the fires.”
The USAID DART, which includes a National Incident Management Organization (NIMO) team with fire management experts from the U.S. Forest Service, is currently working alongside their Israeli counterparts at the command center at Haifa University to offer technical expertise and discuss additional ways the United States might assist.
On December 5, a USAID cargo flight, carrying approximately 27 metric tons (MT) of Fire-Trol retardant and 22 MT of Fire-Trol fire foam, landed in Israel. The USAID-charted aircraft, which originated in Italy, also transported 20 MT of Italian-donated fire foam to Israel. In addition, one U.S. C-130 aircraft from U.S. European Command (EUCOM) delivered 3,800 gallons of fire retardant concentrate to Israel.
On December 4, two U.S. C-130 aircraft from EUCOM delivered a total of 20 short tons of fire retardant to Israel.
The United States stands prepared to provide additional assistance to support the Government of Israel if needed.
White House Statement, December 10, 2010Footnote 18
Vice President Biden spoke today to Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to discuss the December 15th United Nations Security Council High-Level Meeting on Iraq that the Vice President will chair. The purpose of the UN session is to recognize and reinforce the important progress that the Republic of Iraq has made and to discuss ways in which Members can continue to support Iraq's government and people. The Vice President and Prime Minister also discussed joint efforts to enable Iraq to return to the international standing that it enjoyed prior to the adoption of Chapter VII resolutions, as well as the security situation in Iraq and progress on government formation.
White House Statement, December 10, 2010Footnote 19
The Vice President spoke by phone today with Lebanon's Prime Minister Saad Hariri to discuss recent developments in Lebanon and the region. The Vice President reaffirmed the Administration's commitment to Lebanon's sovereignty, independence, and stability, underscoring the commitment of the United States to supporting the development of strong and effective Lebanese state institutions.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of Defense Gates, December 10, 2010Footnote 20
Secretary Robert Gates delivered these remarks en route to Andrews Air Force Base from Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates
Secretary Gates. Felt like it was a good visit to the UAE (United Arab Emirates) and a very productive, satisfactory meeting with the Crown Prince last night. We talked about our bilateral relationship, particularly our military-to-military relationship, as well as the desirability of greater multilateral cooperation in the Gulf on air and missile defense and maritime surveillance.
We talked about Afghanistan where the UAE is making a real contribution both on the military side and on the economic and humanitarian assistance side and providing support for some of the other participating countries. We talked about Yemen and the need to—the concerns we have about Yemen, but also the need to provide—continue providing assistance to the government of Yemen and President Saleh as they take on—as he takes on the various challenges there.
We obviously talked about Iran and the importance of the sanctions and keeping the diplomatic and economic pressure on. I thanked him for their support and contributions to the Palestinian Authority that has helped sustain the Palestinian Authority over the last number of months. I think that was—
So anyway, we really covered a broad range of issues, and so let me then go on and say something about the vote on “Don't Ask, Don't Tell.” I was disappointed in the Senate vote, but not surprised, as I indicated when we were on the aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln early in the week. I was not optimistic. The fact remains, though, that there is still roughly a week left in the lame duck session, and so I would hope that the Congress would act to repeal “Don't Ask, Don't Tell.” If they are unable to do that, then as I've indicated in testimony and talking with you all, my greatest worry will be that then we are at the mercy of the courts and all of the lack of predictability that that entails.
Q. I want to ask you about Iran. I would like to ask you about Iran. Based on your meetings in Oman and last night in UAE, do you think the United States and the GCC are on the same page regarding how to deal with Iran's nuclear program?
Secretary Gates. I think that—I won't speak for Oman or the UAE, but I think that there is general—you can see the general support in the region for applying the sanctions and for doing what we can to make the sanctions effective and try to influence the Iranian government to walk away from their—from a nuclear weapons program. And there clearly is concern, and not just in this region but elsewhere, about Iran's overall aggressive behavior with respect to Hezbollah and Lebanon and other places around the world. And I think that's a broadly shared concern.
Q. (Inaudible).
Secretary Gates. Well, I guess I would just say that I think that we have made more progress in Kandahar faster than I expected. They have moved in that area more rapidly than I had anticipated. I think one other thing that sort of—certainly came through clearly to me in this trip and that I hinted at when we talked in that FOB (Forward Operating Base) Joyce is—when I was there, I was talking about how you need to understand that the strategy in one part of the country will be different than the strategy in another part and we have to be diverse enough to say, you know, we're going to do certain things in one part of the country that we won't do elsewhere, and vice versa.
And I think what's really clear is that, for example, in the east what we're engaged in is a disruption activity and a blocking activity to stop the Taliban from coming across the border, from making it to Jalalabad and to Kabul, whereas in the south it's a different strategy of clearing the Taliban out of populated areas and then holding those areas. So it's a different approach in both.
And it's not a surprise that in the east, where you've got these guys coming across the border all the time, that it's actually now more kinetic than in some places in the south.
Q. Mr. Secretary, on Yemen, is there anything that you are asking some of the countries in the region to do? Is it funding? Is it training? And what more can—specifically can the U.S. do there other than just spend more money?
Secretary Gates. Well, I think that as in—and I kind of hinted at this at the embassy yesterday in Kabul, the key is getting in there before there's a crisis with economic assistance, with building partnership capacity. And I think that both the UAE and Oman are engaged in these activities, these development projects. Other countries are as well. The United States has some efforts ongoing in this respect, particularly in building partnership capacity. So I think it's that kind of thing. And I actually think that there are a number of countries that are trying to help.
Q. Just to follow up on that one, in terms of the ability to continue doing that, as long as Pakistan doesn't move in on the other side of that border, do you feel like you can really make a lot of headway in terms of disruption or are you just picking away at the—the numbers are too great—they're just going to continue flowing across?
Secretary Gates. I think actually one of the reasons the numbers have increased is because of Pakistani pressure on the other side of the border. And so what I talked about when I was in Afghanistan is the importance of Afghanistan and Pakistan building this relationship and this collaboration so they're planning operations on both sides of the border at the same time so they're reinforcing each other's actions. And my sense is that both Afghanistan and Pakistan are open to that. There have been a number of meetings between their military officials and we participate in some, but not all. And we're willing to facilitate that cooperation to the degree we can.
Press Release from the U.S. Trade and Development Agency, December 15, 2010Footnote 21
The U.S. Trade and Development Agency is actively supporting Palestinian public sector efforts to increase information and communications technology infrastructure and capacity. USTDA awarded a grant today to the Palestinian Authority's Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Technology for a feasibility study to develop a roadmap and implementation plan to apply latest-generation data and communications management tools for the public sector.
The $567,019 grant was conferred today in Ramallah by U.S. Consul General Daniel Rubinstein. Signing on behalf of the Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Technology was His Excellency Mashour Abudaka. The Ministry selected Network Dynamics Associates, LLC, of Weston, Connecticut, to conduct the feasibility study.
Speaking at the grant signing, the Consul General emphasized the critical role of the project in building Palestinian institutions and the importance of the development of the ICT sector to job creation and private sector development.
The project will recommend applications that can be applied across all government ministries to ensure efficient, transparent, and effective ICT systems throughout the Palestinian Authority. The grant builds on the momentum of USTDA's successful engagement with the Palestinian private sector. USTDA is currently supporting three private-sector led ICT projects, including support for the development of an internet data center, a next generation wireless network, and an ICT master plan for Rawabi—the new, planned city north of Ramallah. Working with local partners in the private and public sectors, USTDA is working to enhance ICT availability and to increase capacity in this vital sector of the Palestinian economy.
Remarks by Vice President Biden, December 15, 2010Footnote 22
Vice President Joe Biden delivered these remarks at a meeting of the United Nations Security Council in New York, New York
Vice President Biden. Distinguished colleagues, it's a genuinely rare opportunity to chair this session of the United Nations Security Council to address the important issues related to the Republic of Iraq.
Let us briefly reflect on what has been a critically important period in Iraq's history. In recent years, the Iraqi people have emerged from the depths of sectarian violence, and they have flatly rejected the grim future offered by extremists, and they have earned themselves a chance for much better days ahead.
Iraqi forces are now in charge of securing their country, and they have proved themselves more than capable of doing so, as I and many of you have seen with our own eyes.
Since our administration came to office, we've withdrawn over 100,000 American troops from Iraq and ended our combat mission there. We have transitioned from a military-led engagement to a civilian-led engagement.
And the 50,000 troops who remain until the end of next year, under the security agreement with the Iraqi government have been given a new primary mission: advising and assisting their Iraqi counterparts. Meanwhile, the frequency of violent attacks in Iraq has reached its lowest level—thank the Lord—since 2003.
As you know, in March the Iraqi people conducted a historic election. And last month Iraq's political leaders agreed on a framework for government that reflects the election's result.
This government will include blocs representing every major community, and will not exclude nor marginalize anyone. It is made in Iraq by Iraqis, and it reflects a remarkable development that in today's Iraq, politics—politics has emerged as the dominant means for settling differences and advancing its interest.
And Iraqi leaders must now honor, in a timely manner, the commitment made to each other and to the Iraqi people that were made in the negotiating process.
Going forward, the United States will continue to do its part to reinforce the progress being made in Iraq, consistent with our strategic framework agreement with the Iraqis—to forge an enduring partnership across a range of sectors, including education, energy, trade, health, culture, information technology, law enforcement—the judiciary and security. And we respectfully urge other nations to share their expertise as well with this new emerging Iraq.
I don't need to remind this gathering of the important role the United Nations played and continues to play in the support of Iraq's development and the very, very heavy price it has paid. We will not forget the horror of August 19, 2003, when terrorists took the lives of 22 people, including an outstanding—and I think we would all agree, remarkable—U.N. envoy, Sérgio de Mello.
It was a tragic harbinger of all that was to follow after August of 2003. But the U.N.'s important work continued, and it continues to this day. It continues because of the foresight of the U.N. Special Representative who rightly observed, and I quote him, “There is no such thing as a distant crisis,” since “you can't help people from a distance.”
That wisdom forged during a career spent in the hard-luck corners of the world lives on in all of those bravely helping Iraq to build a better future, including the men and women of the United Nations mission in Iraq.
Over more than a dozen visits to Iraq, as their foreign minister can tell you, I jokingly kid that I deserve Iraqi citizenship. I've spent so much time there, and I've enjoyed every minute. And over those dozen visits since the war began, I've seen firsthand—as I hope many of you have—UNAMI's efforts to strengthen democratic institutions, conduct elections, advance inclusive dialogue and national reconciliation, aiding vulnerable communities, promoting the protection of human rights, and the reform of the justice system. Quite frankly, I've watched these young men and women who are the staff of the Special Representative literally risk their lives. I've watched them, and I think sometimes those outside this vaulted chamber underestimate the incredible talent, the incredible dedication and the incredible devotion the men and women you send—we send in these regions. They deserve our gratitude. They deserve our special thanks—not just to the special envoys, like former Envoy de Mello, but also Ad Melkert, who I worked with every single day that I was in Iraq. And I will say again, we would not have gotten to this point and I think our colleagues in Iraq would acknowledge were it not for their staff, whose work is often done under trying conditions—and I might add, Mr. Secretary, I think their work remains as important as it ever has been.
To be sure, Iraq faces further challenges on the road to security and prosperity. Attacks by extremists remain an unacceptable aspect of daily life in Iraq. We're particularly concerned about recent attempts to targets innocents because of their faith, including both Christians and Muslims, and to lash out at security forces working to keep the country safe.
But I firmly believe that despite these challenges, Iraq's best days are ahead. As a founding member of the United Nations, Iraq seeks and deserves the opportunity to resume its rightful role in the community of nations. Toward that end, this session formally acknowledges the significant steps Iraq has taken toward fulfilling its obligations to the United Nations incurred in the lead-up to the 1991 Gulf War.
Accordingly, the Security Council has now lifted a restriction imposed by the United Nations Security Resolutions 687 and 707, relating to weapons of mass destruction and civilian nuclear activities, in recognition of Iraq's commitment to nonproliferation; its compliance with relevant treaties and other international instruments; its adherence to the highest nonproliferation standards, and its provisional application of the additional protocols to its agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency pending its entry into force.
The Council has also terminated the residual activities of the Oil for Food program because Iraq has successfully closed out remaining contracts and the Council has ended the development fund for Iraq effective June 30, 2011, due to the steps Iraq has taken toward resolving debts and claims inherited from the previous regime and establishing accountable arrangements for transitioning the fund.
We all know that our work on these issues is not complete. We urge Iraq's neighbors and the rest of the international community to continue to work closely with Iraq on its remaining Chapter 7 obligations. And we strongly support resolution of outstanding issues between Iraq and Kuwait.
Since President Obama asked me to oversee our administration's Iraqi policy when we took office, let me assure you that the United States will continue to work with the Iraqi leaders on the important tasks that lie ahead, conducting the census, integrating Kurdish forces into Iraqi security forces, keeping commitments to the Sons of Iraq, resolving disputed internal boundaries in the future of Kirkuk, passing critical hydrocarbon legislation and a fiscally responsible budget, and helping to stabilize its economy.
We must also continue our efforts to protect and support those displaced by war, and to help enable voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable returns.
Today, as we take stock of all the Iraqi people have endured and accomplished, and all that still must be done, we cannot lose sight of the fact that Iraq is on the cusp of something remarkable—something remarkable—a stable, self-reliant nation; a just, representative and accountable government; and a positive force for peace and stability in the region. We all have an interest in redeeming that promise and preserving the gains Iraq has made.
I thank you all for listening. I shall now invite the distinguished Secretary General to take the floor.
White House Statement, December 16, 2010Footnote 23
The Vice President spoke to Kurdistan Regional Government President Massoud Barzani today to discuss progress on government formation talks. The Vice President also extended his congratulations to President Barzani on his re-election as Chairman of the Kurdistan Democratic Party.
Statement by President Obama, December 21, 2010Footnote 24
President Obama. Today's vote in the Council of Representatives is a significant moment in Iraq's history and a major step forward in advancing national unity. I congratulate Iraq's political leaders, the members of the Council of Representatives, and the Iraqi people on the formation of a new government of national partnership. Yet again, the Iraqi people and their elected representatives have demonstrated their commitment to working through a democratic process to resolve their differences and shape Iraq's future. Their decision to form an inclusive partnership government is a clear rejection of the efforts by extremists to spur sectarian division. Iraq faces important challenges, but the Iraqi people can also seize a future of opportunity. The United States will continue to strengthen our long-term partnership with Iraq's people and leaders as they build a prosperous and peaceful nation that is fully integrated into the region and international community.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton, December 21, 2010Footnote 25
Secretary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. I congratulate Iraq's political leaders on forming a new, inclusive government that respects the will of the Iraqi people, reflects the nation's diversity, and demonstrates a commitment to democratic ideals. This government is a testament to the desire of Iraqis to settle their differences through free debate and an open exchange of ideas. Iraq's leaders must now take the next steps to tackle the many important challenges still facing their nation and realize a brighter future for all Iraqis.
The United States will continue working with our Iraqi partners at each stage to build a strong, long-lasting relationship between our countries that promotes security and prosperity in Iraq, and stability throughout the region. Our partnership is founded on mutual respect and mutual interest as we work to achieve shared goals. With the new government in place, we look forward to expanding our economic and security relationship, promoting cooperation on science, education, and health, strengthening the rule of law and transparent governance, deepening our cultural exchanges, and improving our partnership in all the areas laid out in our Strategic Framework Agreement. We will also continue helping Iraq take up its increasing role as a constructive member of the international community.
The formation of this government is a milestone in the emergence of the new Iraq. It constitutes a resounding rejection of the extremists who sought to derail the democratic process and sow discord among Iraqis. Iraq is a great nation with a promising future, and we will stand shoulder to shoulder with the new government to help our Iraqi friends build on what they have already achieved.
Statement by Vice President Biden, December 21, 2010Footnote 26
Vice President Biden. Today, Iraq's political leaders delivered what Iraq's people deserved and expected: an inclusive, national partnership government that reflects the results of Iraq's elections.
I especially want to congratulate Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, Iraqiyya leader Ayad Allawi and Kurdistan Regional Government President Massoud Barzani for the hard work and wise leadership that has brought Iraq to this promising moment.
There are many challenges ahead, but I am convinced Iraq is up to them. The United States stands ready to help and to strengthen even more the important partnership we have built.
