The Overseas Chinese Democracy Movement is an excellent book on the Chinese opposition in exile, a topic that is usually overlooked, although recent history has demonstrated that transnational social movements can play a major part in the transformation of authoritarian governments. As the author himself explains in his introduction, “though broadly using the theoretical frameworks of diaspora and exile politics…, this book is predominantly an empirical and historical project” (p. 6). This being said, the most important factor is the quality of the sources. Chen Jie presents a very comprehensive history of what he calls the OCDM since 1989, when the June 4th massacre drove a large number of activists to settle abroad. Although it mostly analyses the development of this movement in the US, he also hints at what happened in Australia and Europe. The author has a profound knowledge both of the activists and of the various groups that have constituted the movement. After a small historical presentation and the compulsory reference to Sun Yat-sen, he analyses in detail the various groups which have been created since the early 1980s. His analysis is quite objective as he not only presents the criticisms that have been made of the OCDM and its leaders, but gives an assessment of their role based on both a vast array of sources, as shown in his comprehensive bibliography, and a large number of in-depth interviews conducted with the principal activists of the movement.

In chapter one, Chen presents the growth and decline of the movement in the wake of the June 4th massacre, and analyses the reasons why infighting has developed in the OCDM. In chapter two, he analyses the environment in which the activists evolve: “[t]he movement is a specific form of diaspora political activism which targets the homeland from the host societies and is grounded in the diaspora settings” (p. 37). Whereas the Chinese diaspora was very sympathetic to the exile activists in the wake of the June 4th massacre, things have changed with the rise of China and its growing influence in the US and in the global economy. Many overseas Chinese have become careful not to offend the Beijing regime as they rely on trade with the homeland to make a living. In the same way, host societies, and especially the US government, have developed their relations with the Chinese government and have considered the OCDM as an obstacle to good relations. Since the beginning of the 21st century, after China entered the WTO, the role of human rights in Western countries’ foreign policy has continually declined. During this period Beijing has arrested members of the OCDM who tried to go back to their motherland, and “has become more proactive in its work directly targeting the exile community, watching, harassing, and character-assassinating the leading elements” (p. 58). Fear of infiltration by CCP agents has caused mutual suspicion and therefore weakened the movement.

However, Chen shows in the next chapter that the OCDM has been able to continue its activities “under the new normal” by finding what he calls “niche contributions” to the domestic struggles. He cites all sorts of these niche contributions, such as urging the US and EU to “ban the entry of ‘cruel’ Chinese officials into their countries” (p. 94), designating those responsible for torture of petitioners or weiquan lawyers. Another niche is the help they provide to dissidents or their families to escape China and settle abroad. Others give awards to Chinese human rights defenders (p. 102).

In his last chapter, Chen tries to use a comparative approach to show the weaknesses and strengths of the OCDM. He shows that it is much more difficult than for, say, the Filipino exiles or the Taiwanese exiles, as geopolitics play an important part in the support Western countries are ready to give to political opponents. He also shows that the Chinese emigrant communities are very different from, say, their Cuban counterparts, as most of their members didn't flee their motherland to escape political persecution, and they rely on relations with the PRC to make a living. However, this reviewer is not satisfied with his analysis of the Chinese overseas: he equates them with the emerging middle class, students who come legally, ignoring the importance of the illegal immigrants, who represent the bulk of the PRC migrants (pp. 154–156).

There are also some historical inaccuracies, as Chen writes that “unlike the Soviet Union or Cuba, the PRC has never labelled emigration as traitorous.” He is ignoring the years of Mao's rule when emigration was outlawed and emigrants were considered as traitors to the motherland.

Another drawback of this book is that the author does not say a word about opposition activities in Hong Kong, where the Alliance in Support of the Patriotic Movement in China has organized vigils every year since 1990, or the various organizations which support weiquan lawyers, the labour movement, and so on. I assume that the author does not consider Hong Kong “overseas,” as it is now part of China. This position can be accepted, but I sincerely hope that Chen will write another book on this subject in the near future.

Overall, this is the best book ever written on the contemporary Overseas Chinese Democratic Movement, presenting an objective analysis of its strength and weaknesses, with a certain amount of empathy. It is very well informed and is a must-read for anyone who wants to approach this important subject.