Introductory Remarks Omitted

Secretary Clinton. It's probably well known to all of you that when I became Secretary of State, the view was that the Africa Bureau had been starved of resources and attention, that it was not given the support it needed within the highest levels of our foreign policy establishment, that it unfortunately didn't have the kind of support that was required to meet the challenges that we face throughout Africa. And I was very determined to recruit a leader who could begin to help turn that around. And I had known Assistant Secretary Carson when he had been an ambassador in Africa, in Kenya, and then Zimbabwe, and I knew that he had continued his professional and public service on behalf of Africa. So I was very pleased to be able to recruit him away from the DNI and bring him back to the State Department.

We have made progress and I'm very proud of that progress, but we have a long way to go. And those of you here today as our chiefs of mission bear not just the usual responsibilities that come with being the chief executive officer of America's presence in a country, but the added responsibility to help us chart this new course and to institutionalize and systematize it so that all the work that we've been doing, all the budget increases, all the increases in personnel, all the attention paid doesn't fade away when there's a change in administration in the future sometime. So I'm really looking to you to carry on this work, and I believe that in so many ways, what happens in Africa has a very direct and growing impact on what happens in Europe and what happens in the United States.

So when I look at sub-Saharan Africa and I see the challenges that we are facing with development, with the fight against poverty, with an effort for inclusive prosperity, the efforts that we are a part of to try to stand against corruption and conflicts, and then you layer on top of all of the existing problems the challenges that terrorism poses and the very real conflicts that are taking so many lives for so many years.

I know that you'll be meeting later today with Deputy Secretary Steinberg, Under Secretary Kennedy, the Chief of Staff for the National Security Council Denis McDonough, and they will be talking with you as well about our priorities and the role that President Obama wants Africa to play in our diplomacy and development strategy.

We are continuing to try to strengthen democratic institutions and the rule of law; countries such as Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone have risen from conflict. But they have a long road to go. And I have visited two out of the three of those countries thus far and I am heartened by some of what I see and I am very frustrated by other of what I see.

We know that the challenges of staying on a course of open, transparent government, with moving away from the sort of big-man theory of governance, to move away from our relationship, as President Obama said in Ghana, from one of patronage to partnership takes time. And that's why we have to embed these principles and values in our approach to Africa and stay with them. There's no quick fixes here at all.

But I want to tell you a little story. Johnnie and I went to Kenya last August and it was a very tough visit with the leaders of Kenya, because they had not yet resolved the aftermath of the violence following the election. And we had some of the most straight-talking meetings with the president, the prime minister, and cabinet members that you could imagine. And we, of course, carried a message from President Obama because of his personal connection with Kenya. We kept hammering on them, we kept calling them. We didn't give them much rest. And we had a very able, experienced ambassador who was constantly in their face, if you will, and I see him right there.

And two things happened in the last several months. One is I was in Krakow, Poland at the Community of Democracies, and there were a number of countries represented and Kenya was there. And the prime minister and the foreign minister couldn't come because it was right before the time of the referendum vote. A young deputy foreign minister was up on stage and he was sitting there with the foreign ministers from Indonesia and Japan and other places of vibrant democracies. And when he began to talk, he said, “I see Secretary Clinton in the audience. She and America just kept telling us to quit killing each other, and that's what we're trying to do.”

So old-fashioned diplomacy, constant engagement began to make an impression. At the same time, USAID, working with other—both NGOs and I think with the UK DFID-I'm not sure, right—UK DFID—began to put together an election system that was truly technologically advanced. So when the August 4^th referendum occurred, by computers, results could be put up immediately and there could be no question about the outcome. So we worked really hard for 15, 16 months to get those kinds of changes in place. Now, there still is a lot to do, but we could see the result, and we're beginning to see Kenyans themselves taking responsibility for their own future.

Now, we've also been working, as you know, to help train more than 120,000 peacekeeping soldiers, 77,000 of whom remain active. African countries have been extraordinarily willing, from Senegal to Ghana to Burundi, to engage in peacekeeping. But it is important that we continue our training and our oversight, and those of you in countries where the training takes place or where the peacekeepers are sent from, the host countries, have to work with us. We also have to do a better job of working with the UN so that their peacekeeping presence of non-African forces, such as in Eastern Congo, are more responsive and better able to meet the needs of the civilian population for protection and security.

The bureau was enormously helpful in rounding up votes for the sanctions resolution on Iran—Gabon, Nigeria, Uganda, thank you, because it wasn't easy. I think I talked to President Museveni three times and Johnnie visited him several times. But—end result was we got strong African support for the international sanctions regime. We are building, and in some—many cases, rebuilding collaboration not only along bilateral lines, but multilateral alliances, most especially in our collaboration and engagement with the African Union, because it's very important that we do more to build up the African Union and other regional entities like the East African Community, which has a real potential for being an engine of economic prosperity.

We have committed an additional $6.3 billion to public health projects in Africa to end deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and to eradicate polio from the continent. We've paid particular attention to Northern Nigeria because as you know, that is where polio reemerged, and it reemerged in part because of these rumors about the polio vaccine sterilizing young Muslim boys. So we've worked really hard to turn that around.

But we need to make sure—and this is one of the signature principles of our development approach—that we use this money to help build the capacity of African institutions themselves, to treat these diseased, to have more of a systematic approach to healthcare, to address the brain drain that deprives the continent of medical professionals.

In our effort to reduce the threat of extremism in Somalia, we have introduced a new dual track to help expand the Djibouti peace process, contain Al-Shabaab, and grow governance and development efforts. This is one of our hardest problems, and we welcome any ideas that any of you might have, because Johnnie and I worry about it all the time. Simultaneously, we are encouraging Somali communities here in the U.S. to increase positive engagement with their homeland. And in Sudan, as Johnnie said, we are working to ensure the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the completion of the January 2011 referenda.

We are doing—we have a full court press between our Special Envoy, retired General Scott Gration, called back Ambassador Princeton Lyman to work, we have a very experienced ambassador in Juba. It is going to be hard, and it is difficult to deal with Khartoum, try to figure out what they want and how they are intending to go forward. But we are absolutely committed to doing everything we can. And I could go through every country and talk about everything that you're doing and all of the issues that we're facing, but I guess at bottom, I really believe not only in Africa's potential, but in the potential of the State Department and USAID and our entire government to have a more productive, constructive, sustainable engagement with Africa into the 21^st century.

And I am happy to take your questions and I also invite any suggestions, criticism, ideas that you might have about how we can do our jobs better. But I really came to thank you for helping us make real our commitment to rebuilding the Africa Bureau and charting a new course for African engagement for this government far into the future. Thank you.

Introductory Remarks Omitted

Secretary Clinton. Yesterday marked a milestone in the history of Sudan. Voters from Southern Sudan began lining up to register for the referendum by which they will decide their own future. Holding this referendum, resolving the status of Abyei, and all of the conditions of the CPA represent the promise of self-determination made to the Sudanese people under the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005. The United States believes that these are promises that must be kept. It is critical to peace and stability, not only for Sudan but also for the neighbors, some of whom are here today, and the rest of Africa represented by others, that the referendum for Southern Sudan be held peacefully and on time on January 9^th. And regardless of the outcome, the will of the people must be respected by all parties in Sudan and around the world.

Because we have already seen the alternative. The alternative, the unacceptable alternative, is Sudan's past, more than four decades of recurring conflict, two million people dead, millions more displaced, simmering tensions that stall development and perpetuate poverty, then erupt again to darken the lives of another generation of Sudanese children.

In the next 55 days, the Government of Sudan can ensure a brighter future, one that does offer peace, opportunity, and hope. But there is a huge amount of work to be done in these next 55 days. And I agree completely with Minister Karti and with Mr. Amum; each member state must do its utmost to help. None of us should look back and wish we had done more. As President Obama has said, although no outsider can dictate events on the ground in Sudan, it is up to the political leaders and the people of Sudan whether they will choose peace or confrontation. But it is up to all of us to help them not only make the right choice but then to implement it to the benefit of all their people.

It was particularly heartening last week to see the defense ministers from Khartoum and Juba hold a rare joint press conference to say that no matter what differences and disputes might arise from the referendum process, they will be resolved through political dialogue. The minister said, and I quote, “There will be no return to war.” And we all fervently hope that is the case.

But to fulfill that promise, the North and South must promptly forge agreements on the crucial issues that will arise in 2011: oil revenue distribution, border demarcation, international treaties, security arrangements, citizenship rights, and the protection of vulnerable civilians, including Southerners in the North and Northerners in the South. The fate of 44 million Sudanese depends on their leaders’ willingness to work together to resolve these issues.

Most urgently, the parties must make the tough compromises necessary to settle the status of Abyei. They must find a way forward that both upholds the rights of the Ngok Dinka and the other residents of Abyei as well as the nomadic peoples like the Misseriya who regularly pass through the area. And they must do so promptly because preparations for the referendum on Abyei have fallen behind schedule and tensions will continue to rise.

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement agreed to by both parties calls for this referendum. It also states that the parties themselves can agree to change it. However, unless the parties reach a mutual agreement that is acceptable to all the people of Abyei, the United States and the international community will continue to hold them to their commitment to an on-time referendum, as promised in the CPA.

But even as we focus on the future of Southern Sudan, Abyei, and all of Sudan, we remain deeply concerned about Darfur. Violence is intensifying, human rights violations continue, arms flow despite the embargo, journalists and activists are arrested—some merely for speaking to members of this Security Council—UN peacekeepers are kidnapped. This is all unacceptable.

The United States stands ready to work with the Council to support peace efforts in Darfur and we call on all parties to participate in the Doha talks without delay or preconditions. We urge the government not to target civilians or use proxy militia or support the Janjaweed and other irregular forces, or prevent freedom of movement of UN personnel and aid workers. In Darfur and elsewhere, the Government of Sudan must live up to its international obligations to respect human rights; to allow humanitarian assistance; to protect civilians, including victims of sexual violence; to ensure that refugees and internally displaced people can return in safety and with dignity; and to bring those responsible for atrocities to justice.

As President Obama said here in New York, accountability sends a powerful message that certain behavior, including genocide, is not acceptable. Because in the 21^st century, we must uphold universal rules and values. Officials throughout Sudan, both North and South, have a particular responsibility in the run-up to the voting. They must avoid inflammatory rhetoric, quell rumors, and dampen animosities. They must allow unfettered campaigning by all sides and ensure that voters can travel safely to their polling places.

The voting must take place on time, without violence, and in an atmosphere of calm. I commend the Sudanese people, North and South, and the international community for working hard to make that possible. And we are beginning to see results. Nearly 33,000 voter registration books have been printed and delivered, enough to register nearly 5 million Southern Sudanese voters in the North and South. Booklets to register another 350,000 voters believed to be living abroad have also been shipped. More than 1,000 Sudanese election observers have been trained. And the Carter Center and European Union are also deploying monitors. Russia has generously committed to providing four helicopters that will be used to assist UNMIS in its many critical tasks.

But more must be done, and so we urge all UN member states to support the UN mission in Sudan, and we hope that the Government of Sudan will continue to fund, with help from others, the South Sudan Referendum Commission going forward.

Now, as we plan this effort, it is essential to include women. It's unusual that I'm the only woman at the table for the Security Council, so speaking on behalf of all women, let me just say that women are critical to every step of building, negotiating, and keeping the peace in Sudan. Lasting peace and prosperity will not be achieved if half the population is excluded from that process. In country after country, as we discussed with the implementation of Resolution 1325, we have seen that the underlying issues that cause conflicts are more likely to recur and less likely to be resolved if women are not involved at the peace table. In both the North and the South, we certainly hope that women will be brought in to the highest levels of government.

The Sudanese people want peace and the United States wants to help them achieve it. We have engaged in intensive diplomacy to help accomplish that. We have spent more than $200 million to help mitigate conflict, provide election security, create economic opportunities, and fund voter registration, education, and observation. We have sent Special Envoy Scott Gration, Ambassador Princeton Lyman, Ambassador Barrie Walkley, and a whole raft of people to try to increase our presence in Southern Sudan as well as to work with both the government in Khartoum and the SPLM in Juba.

And this month, the Chairman of our Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Senator John Kerry, traveled to Khartoum with a special message on behalf of President Obama. The message was this: If Sudan chooses the path of peace, the Government of Sudan can have a dramatically improved relationship with the United States, including normalization of relations between our two countries.

To demonstrate our commitment to improving U.S.-Sudanese relations, the United States has already taken two steps. First, we have changed our policies to ease the sale of agricultural and irrigation equipment to Sudan, which will boost food production and decrease the need for international food aid. Second, to help Sudan's economy grow, the United States has supported the creation of a group to work on ways to ease Sudan's national debt, consistent with international debt relief practices.

Now, these are steps we've already taken, but we are prepared to do much more. If the Government of Sudan fulfills the CPA, if it resolves the future of Abyei, if it holds Southern Sudan's referendum on January 9^th and then recognizes the will of the Sudanese people in the South, then the United States is prepared to begin the process of withdrawing Sudan from our list of state sponsors of terrorism. This would be done in accordance with our laws on terrorism. If the Government of Sudan commits to a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Darfur and takes other steps toward peace and accountability, the Obama Administration is prepared to offer Sudan a path to the ending of U.S. sanctions, working toward international debt relief, increasing trade and investment, and forging a mutually beneficial relationship.

We are well aware that it takes not only skill, but courage for Sudan's leaders in both the North and the South to implement the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, to promote dignity and human rights, to ease suffering and work toward a durable peace, and to include in that peace Darfur. But the world will stand with both of you if you can and do take these steps. We think that the path to peace and prosperity, to good neighborliness, to partnership and cooperation for all Sudanese is clear. It is up to the Government of Sudan, it is up to the SPLM in the South to decide whether to walk that path. If it does, the United States stands ready to assist you and, most importantly, to assist the next generation of Sudanese children so that they can have a future without war and conflict.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Introductory Remarks Omitted

Secretary Clinton. Let me now welcome a friend and an esteemed colleague who I have had the great pleasure of working with now for over a year, someone who has demonstrated the vigor of the Zuma Administration in her country in tackling problems at home, regionally, and globally. And today we will sign a new partnership framework for the PEPFAR program, which has so much meaning to us as a partner with our friends in South Africa. It embodies a new level of cooperation that has been made possible because of the tremendous efforts of the South African Government.

In addition to Minister Mashabane, I want to welcome Director General Ntsaluba, Ambassador Diseko, Ambassador Rasool, Ambassador Nene. I'd also like to recognize our Ambassador Gips, Ambassador Goosby, Ambassador Carson, and so many others both here and elsewhere in Washington, at our Embassy in Pretoria, and, most importantly, in the Government of South Africa.

We are here at a moment when South Africa is turning the tide against HIV/AIDS. It is exciting to see, and we are already reviewing surveys being done by the South African Government as the minister will, I'm sure, mention that shows HIV among youth is falling. We want to do everything we can to be a good partner. In his moving speech on World Aids Day last year, President Zuma noted that HIV/AIDs is a disease that can only be overcome by individuals taking responsibility for their own lives and the lives of those around them.

And what South Africa has done is to make a tremendous commitment by doubling its investment, now covering 60 percent of the total spending. There is so much that's being done at the grassroots level on prevention, efforts against discrimination, treating people with HIV, and doing so much more to put together a comprehensive strategy. And we together have worked on the development of a promising microbicide that could prevent the transmission of the HIV virus. This was led by South African scientists, and it's the kind of new partnership we want to see more of together.

There is a lot that we want to do far beyond HIV/AIDS. In fact, the minister and I are very proud to lead a very reinvigorated bilateral strategic dialogue. We just reviewed the progress in our recently concluded meeting, and I think it's fair to say that a lot of good is being done that is making a difference in the lives of people in both of our countries and beyond.

So now it is my great pleasure to invite the minister to make her remarks.

Foreign Minister Nkona-Mashabane. Thanks very much. My dear friend and colleague Secretary of State Madam Clinton, it is always such a great pleasure for me to be here with you. And I would really at the outset want to take this opportunity on behalf of myself and our delegation to pay our sincere message of sympathy to the Ambassador Holbrooke family, to your good self, to President Obama, government and people of the United States. Indeed, you have lost in him a dedicated diplomat and a dedicated statesman and a friend of the international community. May his soul rest in peace, and our hearts go out, again, to the family.

Indeed, in you, I have found a true friend but also a working partner. But we are working together to reinvigorate the very, very strong and very important bilateral ties that looks at our bilateral relationship, elevated to another level through the strategic partnership and strategic dialogue that we have solidified by signing, I hope—in this room last—this year in April. The amount of work that our working groups working on our leadership had covered, from issues around trade and investments to issues of food security, to issues of fighting HIV and AIDS.

And I can confirm what you've just said, but in the period that we've been working together, starting from last year during a visit in South Africa through Minister Dr. Motsoaledi and President Zuma and all our cabinet members—with your support, we have put 1.1 million people under this care of the HIV and AIDS treatment. We have tested more than 5 million South Africans. And with Dr. Motsoaledi, our minister of health, in the next less than 18 months, we'll have tested about 15 million South Africans who should really take responsibility to take care of themselves, but also take care of their loved ones.

This partnership under PEPFAR, it's really through Ambassador Goosby and all those who work with him—really, bravo, and thank you ever so much for the support. It really—it's turning the tide at home. South African Government spends about 6 billion rand on this program, and your 2.3 billion rand will go a long way. The U.S.A. is a leader; don't be shy to lead. You lead by also showing compassion to those who need you, those who can account for the resources that you provide for them for support.

I was quite elated to learn from our trade and investment delegation that the last time they've had such a vigorous engagement with their counterparts here was about nine years ago. So our partnership has really taken this relationship forward. We want to work with you to make AGOA bring meaning to many of our African compatriots. We have listened to your views about the national investment initiative that President Obama leads. Within, there are synergies between the two, and we should continue to work on that. Under our partnership, we also work on issues around peace, security, peacekeeping, peacemaking, and post-conflict in Africa, which is highly appreciated by all of us.

Madam Secretary, we walk into the United Nations Security Council hoping to find a good friend there under your leadership, your good self. We would want to make a contribution with many progressive governments around the world, in particular with your government, to make sure that United Nations Security Council work for peace around the world, and peace dialogue, and peace first priority. We are making an undertaking here that together with all African countries, we will work to make sure that we bring the AU Peace and Security Council to the table to work with the United Nations Security Council.

Madam Secretary, I would like to express my sincere gratitude for your warm hospitality, but inside this building, I actually forget that it's winter outside. It's always a pleasure to meet with you, and I look forward to hosting you again in South Africa next year for our second round of strategic dialogue. I guess by that time, we will have even—covered even greater grounds.

May I take this opportunity to thank our very, very energetic and hardworking ambassadors—Ambassador Gips, Ambassador Rasool, and all the leadership, all for our respective departments—Dr. Ntsaluba, Ambassador Carson, and all your delegations, as you have mentioned them all, and each one of them by name. Thank you ever so much. We look smart, we look progressive, we look focused because you work very, very hard with us.

Once again, bravo, and well done.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much. Well, they do make us look good.

Foreign Minister Nkona-Mashabane. Yes, thank you.