Sally Hines' book is an articulate and worthy contribution to what she calls a queer sociology of transgender. Bringing together empirical research with political, feminist, trans, queer and educational literature, she lays out a specifically sociological analysis of transgender experiences and debates. The book's strengths lie in its clear presentation of the topic and its UK focus, which builds upon research done primarily in the United States and Australia.

Throughout the book, Hines maintains an explicit focus on the lived experiences of her research participants. She successfully presents both the convergences and diversity of these experiences, while maintaining an analytic perspective that contextualises these experiences within wider debates in feminist and queer theory. She constantly tackles the paradox often seen in academic work on transgender of responding to the materially lived experience of transgender people and poststructural critiques, which seem to suggest that transgender identities offer potentially infinite possibilities for gendered and sexual transgression. Her analysis instead suggests an ‘emphasis upon identity transgression accompanied by attentiveness to the lived experiences within multiple subject positions’ (p. 84).

She explores these multiple subject positions through an analysis of trans people's experiences of changing practices of intimacy, care and citizenship. While there could have been more discussion of how these fit together analytically, she does say that she chose these particular areas as theoretical sites because they challenge gender essentialism and heteronormativity. She highlights how the lived experiences of transgender people in these arenas consistently break down the traditional gender and sexual binaries of man/woman, heterosexual/homosexual, arguing that a queer sociology can help us better account for and understand practices and identities that move past, through and around traditional gender and sexual categories.

In accordance with her commitment to presenting the lived experiences of her participants, Hines offers a thorough description and interpretation of their experiences with partnering and parenting relationships, and with kinship and friendship. In these chapters, she uses her data in a thoughtful manner to present the similarities and differences in how transgender people negotiate changing experiences of intimacy. Although much has been done on these topics with gay and lesbian families and parents, this is a considerable addition to the literature on the transgender-specific experience. Through the exploration of telling children about gender transitions, dealing with shifting identities with partners and spouses, forming relationships pre- and post-transition, working through supportive and/or fractured families, and relying on an ‘ethic of friendship’ (p. 159), Hines captures the dynamic, complex and nuanced realities of these experiences. She uses her data to further her argument that gender and sexual identities can be detached from biological understandings; suggesting as well that families do not have to contain a biological component to provide support and encouragement.

While Hines uses her interview material very well in her discussion of relationships with friends and family, her chapter on gender identities and feminism is less convincing. She rightly draws out the rather troubled relationship between feminism (specifically radical feminism), queer theory and transgendered specific theory and attempts to use feminism as a lens to analyse ‘subjective (trans)gender identities and the divergent links between feminism and trans masculinity and trans femininity’ (p. 85). She is interested in trans men's experiences with feminism specifically, as they have been traditionally marginalised in the discussion. Asking her participants about their relationships with feminism, Hines attempts to show the nuanced relationship transgender people have with feminism and feminist communities. She succeeds in providing evidence for a critique of second-wave feminist attitudes towards transgender practices, and mentions that most of her respondents felt more positive about ‘contemporary feminism’. However, she greatly underplays recent third-wave feminist thought, which advocates, supports and theorises a more inclusive and diverse understanding of feminism. This comes partly from her conflation of ‘feminism’ with lesbianism and radical feminism, which is not explained or theorised thoroughly. Further discussion of the impact of post-structural thought on mainstream feminism might have opened up space for her to better contextualise the experiences of her participants.

More of a focus on mainstream feminist analysis of social movements and networks might have also been valuable in her section on transgender care practices in relation to self-help networks, social movements and citizenship. However, even without this, Hines' analysis of recognition and citizenship transgender support groups is interesting. Her conceptualisation of education as an ethic of care is particularly useful in understanding the practice of both partaking of education and giving something back to both the transgender and non-trans communities. Lastly, the acknowledgement that transgressing citizenship claims is central to radical gender and sexual movements points to the wider pitfalls of embracing the liberal approach to citizenship without appropriate reflection.

TransForming Gender will be appropriate for those interested in the lived experience of transgender people, an analysis of care practices in the transgender community, the discussion of practices of parenting, partnering, friendship and kinship, or a general discussion of minority politics – and all of these specifically set in the UK context. Hines presents an interesting account and uses her data well to further her queer sociology of transgender.