Ethnic differences based on national origin are often undistinguished within the Black community in the United States. The assumption of a singular Black ethnicity (or the notion that all Blacks in the U.S. identify their origins within the U.S.) defines the majority of scholarly work on Black political identity and political behavior. However, the growing visibility of Black immigrant communities in major metropolitan areas of the U.S. raises the following question for scholars of immigration and race politics: What are the political implications of ethnic diversity within the Black community?

A common history and shared collective memory of racial exclusion define the narrative of political incorporation of U.S.-born African Americans¹

and inform perceptions of this group's racial common fate.² Yet, research suggests attitudes about race and identity among immigrant Blacks do not necessarily mirror those of African Americans (Waters 1999; Rogers 2004). Thus, it is not clear that the African-American experience adequately explains political incorporation among immigrant Blacks who come from countries with different societal norms about racism and race identity. There is an ongoing debate as to whether distinctions in racial attitudes among African Americans and immigrant Blacks potentially challenge traditional representations of Black political identity and solidarity.

My dissertation research examines the political relevance of ethnic differences within the Black community. The project investigates whether cultural differences between U.S.-born Blacks and immigrant Blacks are connected to important distinctions in racial group consciousness, political perspectives, and political behavior for the two groups. I use national survey data of African Americans and first- and second-generation Black Caribbean immigrants,³

as well as interview data of each group in New York City and Washington, D.C., to explore this question.

The data suggest that African Americans and Black Caribbeans are acutely aware of the cultural differences between their communities, yet, they are also sensitive to shared problems of racial discrimination. Ideologically both groups are quite similar, yet, offer different strategies for confronting problems of discrimination. However, the differences between first-generation Black Caribbeans and African Americans appear to be greater than the differences between African Americans and second-generation Black Caribbeans.

African Americans and second-generation Black Caribbeans tend to support group-based solutions to dealing with problems of race, while first-generation Black Caribbeans emphasize individual action as a solution to racial animus. Further, African Americans tend to participate more in electoral activities, while Black Caribbeans are more involved in their local communities.

Although still preliminary, my research on the relationship between African Americans and Black Caribbeans also examines how political solidarity is very much contextually relevant. If we compare Washington, D.C., and New York City as different contexts with unique institutions and political actors, they offer different stories about the possibilities of competing politicized identities among African Americans and Black Caribbeans.

The New York City metropolitan area represents one context where Black ethnic diversity is visible and at times highly contested among African Americans and Black Caribbeans. A long history of migration, a population that comprises 8% of the city's residents (Kasinitz et al. 2001), and the existence of important social institutions have afforded Black Caribbeans opportunities to assert political agendas distinct from the African-American community.

The relationship between African Americans and Black Caribbeans is at times characterized in terms of fierce political competition such that coalition building is necessary for cooperation between the groups (Kasinitz 1992; Rogers 2004). Thus, lack of mobilization around shared problems is one unintended consequence of distinct political agendas within the African-American and the Caribbean communities in New York City. This is in part influenced by African-American and Black Caribbean political elites who are vying for political power in the city (Rogers 2004).

In contrast to New York City, Washington, D.C., offers a different narrative of political incorporation. Although there is a thriving and well-established community in this region, Black Caribbeans represent a significantly smaller proportion of the Black population relative to African Americans and further, tend to be more widely dispersed throughout the metropolitan area. Thus, as a community they are not as visible as their counterparts in New York City and thus, do not represent a viable political threat to African Americans.

The institutions and political actors that facilitate political competition between immigrant and U.S.-born Blacks in New York City do not appear to serve that function in Washington, D.C.; thus, the possibilities of political competition between Black Caribbeans and African Americans are more constrained. Although vibrant and active ethnic-based institutions exist in Washington, D.C, it is not clear that they play a role in politicizing ethnic differences between immigrant Blacks and African Americans. Further, because of their numbers, it may not serve the broader interests of Black Caribbeans to alienate themselves from the African-American political establishment.

Thus, in the context of Washington, D.C., part of the political adaptation of Black Caribbeans is not to play up their ethnic differences or distinguish themselves from African Americans. Rather, it is more beneficial for Black Caribbeans to integrate themselves within the African-American political community. This might be particularly relevant for political elites of Caribbean background. Specifically, an effective strategy for climbing the political ranks in the Black political community in D.C. would be to adopt a public persona as African American. Consequently, in this type of context, political polarization between African Americans and Blacks Caribbeans is less likely and the likelihood of shared mobilization between the groups far greater.

Depending on one's approach to analyzing this particular problem, there are different answers to the question of ethnic diversity within the Black community and its political implications. However, further research that incorporates the relevance of local contexts and how this constrains and enables the roles of institutions, political actors, and rank-and-file African Americans and Black Caribbeans offers a rich approach to understanding the roots of political solidarity within the larger Black community.