Introduction
Subjective wellbeing (SWB) plays a pivotal role in fostering health along the lifespan (Das et al. Reference Das, Jones-Harrell, Fan, Ramaswami, Orlove and Botchwey2020). Research on ageing suggests that SWB is influenced by age-related changes in lifestyle, socio-economic conditions and health (Chen and Page Reference Chen and Page2016; Kunzmann et al. Reference Kunzmann, Little and Smith2000; Steverink et al. Reference Steverink, Westerhof, Bode and Dittmann-Kohli2001). For example, older adults experience shifts such as physical decline, ongoing personal growth, changes in family roles, retirement and social losses, all of which can shape their SWB (Das et al. Reference Das, Jones-Harrell, Fan, Ramaswami, Orlove and Botchwey2020; Steverink et al. Reference Steverink, Westerhof, Bode and Dittmann-Kohli2001; Tian Reference Tian2016; von Humboldt, Ribeiro-Gonçalves, Low et al. Reference von Humboldt, Ribeiro-Gonçalves, Low and Leal2023, von Humboldt, Rolo et al. Reference von Humboldt, Rolo, Ribeiro-Gonçalves, Benko, Low and Leal2023).
Indeed, SWB refers to how individuals perceive and evaluate their own lives, encompassing both emotional and cognitive dimensions. The emotional aspect is reflected in positive and negative emotional experiences, while the cognitive aspect involves judgements about satisfaction with life (Baumeister et al. Reference Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger and Vohs2003; Carver and Buchanan Reference Carver and Buchanan2016). The study of SWB is an active field, emphasizing individuals’ perceptions of life quality, as highlighted in its very definition (Diener Reference Diener1984; Diener et al. Reference Diener, Oishi and Tay2018). High SWB is marked by frequent positive emotions, infrequent negative emotions and an overall positive evaluation of life (Diener et al. Reference Diener, Tamir and Scollon2006). The term subjective underscores the construct’s focus on personal perspectives, highlighting the individual’s viewpoint in evaluating life quality. Additionally, higher levels of SWB are often linked to better health and happiness (Diener et al. Reference Diener, Oishi and Tay2018).
Furthermore, SWB has been found to affect both health and longevity (Diener et al. Reference Diener, Pressman, Hunter and Delgadillo‐Chase2017). Ong (Reference Ong2010) reviewed mechanisms linking SWB to health outcomes, highlighting the role of healthier behaviours such as improved diet, regular physical activity and better sleep. Physiological pathways, including improved cardiovascular and immune system functioning, as well as reduced exposure to or quicker recovery from stress, were also identified as key mediators. Positive emotions, in particular, enhance resilience by allowing individuals to recover more effectively from stressors, both emotionally and physiologically (Fredrickson et al. Reference Fredrickson, Mancuso, Branigan and Tugade2000). For instance, higher levels of SWB may improve cardiovascular function, such as heart rate regulation, which, in turn, leads to better overall health outcomes (Howell et al. Reference Howell, Kern and Lyubomirsky2007).
Time perspective (TP) is a multifaceted concept that reflects how individuals perceive and feel about their past, present and future (Laureiro-Martinez et al. Reference Laureiro-Martinez, Trujillo and Unda2017; Mello Reference Mello2019). It refers to the way individuals cognitively divide their experiences into the three temporal frames. Time perspective plays a pivotal role in shaping present actions and future plans while influencing psychological functioning, including thoughts, emotions and behaviours (Burzynska and Stolarski Reference Burzynska and Stolarski2020). While TP is shaped by personal, social and cultural influences, it also operates as a stable individual difference that significantly impacts motivation, decision-making and behaviour (Zimbardo and Boyd Reference Zimbardo and Boyd1999). According to Zimbardo and Boyd (Reference Zimbardo and Boyd2008), TP is an often-unconscious personal orientation towards time, organizing the flow of life into categories that provide coherence, structure and meaning. Stolarski et al. (Reference Stolarski, Fieulaine, Zimbardo, Zeigler-Hill and Shackelford2018) suggest that TP can be understood as both a transient state and a stable trait. State TP involves temporary focus on one of three temporal dimensions (the past, present or future) while experiencing the present moment. In contrast, trait TP refers to enduring patterns of time orientation that can be assessed as stable personality dimensions.
The way individuals approach their temporal perspective profoundly influences emotional responses to life situations and overall satisfaction with life (Stolarski and Matthews Reference Stolarski and Matthews2016). The dual-pathway model suggests that the effects of TP on mental wellbeing can occur through two distinct mechanisms: directly or indirectly. Direct effects involve the regulation of emotional states and the way individuals evaluate past, present and future life events. Indirect effects are mediated by other factors, such as health or education, which in turn can act as antecedents of mental wellbeing (Cunningham et al. Reference Cunningham, Zhang and Howell2015). For example, individuals with a past-positive TP, who tend to view challenging life experiences as opportunities for personal growth and skill development, experience significantly different effects on their mood and mental wellbeing compared to those with a past-negative TP, who perceive such situations primarily as sources of trauma (Cunningham et al. Reference Cunningham, Zhang and Howell2015).
Different TPs also shape behaviours across various life domains, including health-related actions (Daugherty and Brase Reference Daugherty and Brase2010), risk-taking (Jochemczyk et al. Reference Jochemczyk, Pietrzak, Buczkowski, Stolarski and Markiewicz2017) and romantic and confrontative relationships (Stolarski et al. Reference Stolarski, Wojtkowska and Kwiecińska2016). These behaviours can lead to significant life outcomes such as physical health, career success and social connections or, conversely, negative consequences like illness or social isolation, which may in turn influence happiness and overall satisfaction with life (Burzynska and Stolarski Reference Burzynska and Stolarski2020; von Humboldt et al. Reference von Humboldt, Mendoza-Ruvalcaba, Low and Leal2024; von Humboldt, Mendoza-Ruvalcaba, Ribeiro-Gonçalves et al. Reference von Humboldt, Mendoza-Ruvalcaba, Ribeiro-Gonçalves, Chávez-Rodríguez, Low and Leal2021; von Humboldt, Ribeiro-Gonçalves, Costa et al. Reference von Humboldt, Ribeiro-Gonçalves, Costa, Low, Benko and Leal2023).
Time perspective is relatively stable and can shape individuals’ attitudes towards time (Jankowski et al. Reference Jankowski, Zajenkowski and Stolarski2020). Recent research highlights the value of a balanced TP, which may allow synchronizing with past, present and future orientations (Boniwell et al. Reference Boniwell, Osin, Alex Linley and Ivanchenko2010). Individuals with balanced TP tend to report higher levels of SWB, compared to those with less balanced orientations (Boniwell et al. Reference Boniwell, Osin, Alex Linley and Ivanchenko2010; Zhang et al. Reference Zhang, Howell and Stolarski2013). Furthermore, balanced TP has been shown to predict wellbeing independently of personality traits such as extraversion and neuroticism (Stolarski Reference Stolarski2016). Studies reveal that among individuals with high temporal balance, the effects of these personality traits on wellbeing are diminished, indicating that balanced TP plays a moderating and attenuating role in the relationship between personality and wellbeing (Jankowski et al. Reference Jankowski, Zajenkowski and Stolarski2020).
Bryant (Reference Bryant2003) proposed that SWB is influenced by an individual’s ability to reflect on positive past experiences, enjoy present positive moments and anticipate future positive events. For those with a present-hedonistic orientation, life is approached with a live-for-the-moment attitude. These individuals generally report higher levels of enjoyment, optimism, energy and vitality, alongside more frequent positive affect. However, this orientation is also associated with increased aggression and vulnerability to depression (Cunningham et al. Reference Cunningham, Zhang and Howell2015).
Regarding past orientation, Kazakina (Reference Kazakina1999) discovered that among older adults (aged 65 and above), a past-positive perspective was significantly linked to greater satisfaction with life, while a positive orientation towards the present correlated with higher levels of positive affect.
Present-focused thinking has also been highlighted by Maslow (Reference Maslow1993) as beneficial for wellbeing, emphasizing the importance of focusing on the ‘here and now’. Similarly, Lennings (Reference Lennings2000) observed that older adults tend to be present-oriented and avoid focusing on the past. His study revealed that optimism was positively correlated with satisfaction among younger older adults (under 75 years), whereas optimism and satisfaction showed a negative correlation in the oldest cohort (75 years and older) (Lennings Reference Lennings2000). This suggests that, as individuals age, optimism may increase, but satisfaction with life may decline. Consequently, among older adults, a present orientation may align with positive emotions but not necessarily with satisfaction with life (Desmyter and De Raedt Reference Desmyter and De Raedt2012). Moreover, individuals with a present orientation often adopt a ‘live-for-the-moment’ attitude towards life, which may lead to greater enjoyment. These individuals tend to report higher levels of positive affect and greater energy, optimism and vitality. However, this orientation is also associated with higher levels of aggression and a greater susceptibility to depression (Cunningham et al. Reference Cunningham, Zhang and Howell2015).
Future orientation, as described by Zimbardo and Boyd (Reference Zimbardo and Boyd2008), often takes on a transcendental focus in older adults, emphasizing a future that extends beyond death. While older adults think more about their own mortality compared to younger people, they experience less fear of death (De Raedt and Van Der Speeten Reference De Raedt and Van Der Speeten2008). Future-oriented thinking has been shown to play a critical role in wellbeing and positive functioning, particularly influencing proactive behaviours and health maintenance in later life (Kahana et al. Reference Kahana, Kahana and Zhang2005). Positive attitudes towards the future in older adults have been linked to indicators of SWB, such as greater positive affect (Desmyter and De Raedt Reference Desmyter and De Raedt2012). Furthermore, older individuals with a positive orientation towards the past tend to experience higher life satisfaction, while a present orientation is associated with elevated positive affect. In contrast, a past-negative perspective has been connected to greater negative affect, depressive feelings and lower levels of satisfaction with life and positive affect (Desmyter and De Raedt Reference Desmyter and De Raedt2012).
Growing older involves gaining maturity and becoming more in charge. However, some individuals view ageing unfavourably, seeing it pessimistically, which can diminish the satisfaction they might derive from their own growth (Kang Reference Kang2021). Ageing is often regarded as a challenging process, during which individuals may lose confidence and experience a decline in competence (Schafer and Shippee Reference Schafer and Shippee2010). Ageism can have harmful effects not only on individuals’ wellbeing but also on their outlook for the future (Kang and Kim Reference Kang and Kim2022).
The way different age groups perceive and experience ageism is shaped by the historical and social forces that influenced their formative years. Generational labels such as Baby Boomers, Generation X, Millennials and Generation Z are used not just to mark age differences but to reflect shared values, beliefs and experiences that emerged from the specific political, cultural and economic climates in which each group came of age (McKercher Reference McKercher2023). These collective experiences, ranging from political shifts to technological revolutions, help explain why attitudes towards ageing, discrimination and social inclusion may differ between generations (McKercher Reference McKercher2023).
Ageism occurs when someone is labelled as ‘old’ and evaluated or treated differently because of it (Barber and Tan Reference Barber and Tan2018). Older adults with higher levels of wellbeing tend to be less negatively impacted by ageism, particularly those who feel proud of their age group, experience fewer negative emotions, are more optimistic about ageing and their future, are more confident in their bodies and maintain flexibility in setting goals (Kang and Kim Reference Kang and Kim2022). However, participants who were exposed to ageism conditions rated their futures as offering fewer opportunities, an effect mediated by mood that did not occur for younger adults. Furthermore, as older adults’ personal experiences with ageism increased, their perception of future opportunities decreased. This indicates that ageism limits how older adults perceive the potential for their future (Barber and Tan Reference Barber and Tan2018).
Over time, continuous exposure to ageism can lead individuals to internalize the very stereotypes they encounter. Levy’s (Reference Levy2009) stereotype embodiment theory offers a compelling explanation of this process, suggesting that age-related stereotypes (often negative) can become self-relevant as individuals age. Many older adults, as a result, may begin to unconsciously adopt these societal views, perceiving themselves as increasingly frail, dependent or resistant to change. This internalization can limit their openness to new experiences, reduce engagement in health-promoting behaviours and hinder their willingness to pursue learning opportunities. Carstensen’s (Reference Carstensen1992, Reference Carstensen2021) socio-emotional selectivity theory further complements this by illustrating how older adults, aware of their limited time horizons, prioritize emotionally meaningful goals. However, if these goals are shaped by internalized stereotypes, it may reinforce passive or restricted engagement with life. Together, these frameworks emphasize the importance of addressing both external and internalized ageism to promote healthier, more empowered ageing experiences.
Although ageism is often associated with older adults, cross-national data reveal a more complex portrait. According to Bratt et al. (Reference Bratt, Abrams, Swift, Vauclair and Marques2018), in 14 of the 28 European countries studied, including Portugal, perceived age discrimination is reported more frequently by younger individuals than by older adults. In these countries, perceptions of age-based discrimination tend to be highest among the youngest age groups and decline steadily with age. This pattern stands in contrast to countries like the Czech Republic and Russia, where perceived age discrimination follows a J-shaped pattern, peaking among the oldest respondents, or countries like Poland and Germany, where a U-shaped distribution is observed, with both younger and older adults reporting higher discrimination than middle-aged adults. The experience of ageism may be shaped not only by age itself but also by national narratives, labour market dynamics, intergenerational relationships and social attitudes towards ageing (Bratt et al. Reference Bratt, Abrams, Swift, Vauclair and Marques2018).
In Portuguese society, age-based discrimination is perceived as highly prevalent, with 53 per cent of the population reporting it as a frequent form of unfair treatment. Although public awareness is relatively high, the lack of specific legislation or public policy means that ageism often remains unchallenged (Gonçalves Reference Gonçalves2020; von Humboldt, Miguel et al. Reference von Humboldt, Miguel, Valentim, Costa, Low and Leal2023). Age-based discrimination remains a significant issue in Portugal’s labour market, with 33.5 per cent of workers reporting experiences of prejudice linked to age. This perception is more prevalent among younger workers: 42.3 per cent of individuals aged 18 to 35 report facing age-related discrimination, compared to 28.6 per cent of middle-aged workers and 25.6 per cent of older workers (Patient et al. Reference Patient, Esteves, Vauclair, Rosa and Schmitz2024).
Additionally, opportunity and limitation have been identified as two subcomponents of future time perspective (FTP), with their effects on wellbeing varying based on the extent of negative age stereotypes held by older adults. For those with fewer negative age stereotypes, both FTP-opportunity and FTP-limitation positively influenced wellbeing. However, for those with stronger negative age stereotypes, the positive effects of FTP-opportunity were enhanced, while the effects of FTP-limitation became weaker and even detrimental (Zhang et al. Reference Zhang, Zhou, Yu and Zhang2019). Moreover, while older adults reported a more restricted FTP than younger adults, age and a limited FTP had opposite effects on predicting SWB, affect, positive emotions, empathy and attitudes towards emotions. Specifically, old age was linked to a more adaptive emotional profile, while a limited FTP was associated with a more maladaptive emotional profile, even after controlling for health-related factors (Grühn et al. Reference Grühn, Sharifian and Chu2016).
Previous literature has explored the relationships between TP, SWB and ageism, but research examining these factors across distinct age cohorts and their interconnections remains limited. While existing research highlights the impact of TP on wellbeing, it often fails to account for how age-related factors such as perceived ageism may moderate these relationships. Moreover, ageism can shape how individuals perceive their future opportunities and wellbeing, potentially altering the influence of TP on their psychological outcomes. Additionally, few studies have compared these dynamics across different stages of the lifespan, leaving a significant gap in understanding how age influences these processes. To address this gap, the current study aims to: (1) compare TP, perceived ageism and SWB across three age cohorts (18–39, 40–59 and 60+ years) to explore differences across the lifespan; (2) analyse the influence of TP on SWB; and (3) examine whether ageism serves as a moderating factor between TP and SWB. These objectives seek to provide a deeper understanding of how age and societal attitudes shape wellbeing across different life stages in Portugal.
Methods
Participants
This study involved 884 participants from Portugal, with ages spanning from 18 to 91 years (M = 46.59; SD = 17.73). Table 1 provides an overview of the participants’ socio-demographic characteristics. The participants were divided into three age groups: young adults (18–39 years), middle-aged adults (40–59 years) and older adults (60 years and above). All participants were community-dwelling and at least 18 years of age.
Sociodemographic characteristics of the participants
* Thirteen participants did not report on their level of education.
Material
Socio-demographic questionnaire
The socio-demographic questionnaire collected participants’ information including age, gender, level of education and marital status. Descriptive statistics were used to characterize the sample.
Future Time Perspective Scale (FTPS)
Future time perspective was evaluated using the ten-item version of the Future Time Perspective Scale (FTPS; Rohr et al. Reference Rohr, John, Fung and Lang2017). This scale captures individuals’ perceptions of the remaining time in their lives, specifically assessing whether the future is viewed as open-ended and full of opportunities (e.g. ‘Many opportunities await me in the future’) or as restricted and finite (e.g. ‘There are only limited possibilities in my life’). Participants responded to each item on a five-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Translation of the FTPS was performed using established guidelines. Two independent bilingual translators whose mother tongue was Portuguese performed the translation from English to Portuguese. Then, both independent versions were compared by both translators and reconciled by consensus. The most appropriate translated version of FTPS was achieved, based on which terminology and linguistic concepts were most familiar within the Portuguese language and culture without deviating from the original scale. Internal consistency for the current sample was also satisfactory (Cronbach’s α = 0.906 for FTP-opportunity; Cronbach’s α = 0.783 for FTP-limitation).
Perceived Ageism Questionnaire (PAQ)
Perceived ageism was measured using the Portuguese version (Miguel and Pedroso Chaparro Reference Miguel and Pedroso Chaparro2025) of the eight-item Perceived Ageism Questionnaire (PAQ; Brinkhof et al. Reference Brinkhof, Ridderinkhof, van de Vijver, Wit and Murre2022), which allows individuals to assess the extent of ageism they perceive and experience. The questionnaire addresses both negative (e.g. ‘You are not being listened to and/or your opinion advice is not taken seriously because of your age?’) and positive aspects (e.g. ‘People assume that you are wise and sensible because of your age?’) of ageism. Participants indicated the frequency of these positive and negative experiences over the past year using a five-point Likert scale, from 1 (never) to 5 (very often). In the present study, subscales presented adequate reliability, with Cronbach alpha coefficients of 0.898 for the perceived negative ageism, and 0.731 for perceived positive ageism.
Positive and Negative Affect Schedule – Short Form (PANAS-SF)
The Portuguese adaptation of the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule – Short Form (Galinha and Ribeiro Reference Galinha and Ribeiro2005) was used to assess the affective components of SWB: positive affect (e.g. inspired) and negative affect (e.g. nervous). Respondents were asked to rate the ten positive and negative adjectives according to the extent to which each describes the way they have felt during a specified time, on a five-point Likert scale (1 = very slightly or not at all to 5 = extremely). The subscales presented a Cronbach alpha of 0.86 for positive affect and 0.89 for negative affect (Galinha and Ribeiro Reference Galinha and Ribeiro2005). Internal consistency for the current sample was very satisfactory (Cronbach’s α = 0.870 for negative affect and Cronbach’s α = 0.897 for positive affect).
Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS)
Satisfaction with life was measured through the Portuguese version (Silva et al. Reference Silva, Do Céu Taveira, Marques and Gouveia2015) of the Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS; Diener et al. Reference Diener, Emmons, Larsen and Griffin1985). This five-item unidimensional scale affords a cognitive evaluation of one’s life as a whole (e.g. ‘So far I have gotten the important things I want in life’) (Pavot and Diener Reference Pavot and Diener2008). Each item is rated along a five-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree). The scale presents good psychometric properties, with an internal consistency reliability coefficient of 0.78 (Pavot and Diener Reference Pavot and Diener2008). In the present study, the SWLS demonstrated adequate internal consistency reliability (Cronbach’s α = 0.863).
Procedure
All participants received detailed information about the study and were asked to sign an informed consent form. Eligibility requirements included being at least 18 years old, residing in the community and having the ability to independently complete the online survey. Assistance by phone or online was available if needed. To reach a broader and more diverse sample, the survey link was distributed via email as well as social and personal networks. Participants were informed of their right to withdraw at any time, and participation was completely voluntary. Confidentiality and anonymity of the data were assured. Data collection occurred from March to May 2023. The study received ethical approval from the Ispa - Instituto Universitário and procedure adhered to the Portuguese Psychologists’ Code of Ethics and the Declaration of Helsinki’s guidelines for research ethics. Participants did not receive any compensation for completing the surveys.
The survey data were input into a database and analysed using the SPSS statistical software (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences). Prior to the analyses, data were screened for outliers, normality and scale reliability. No univariate outliers were detected. All continuous variables were assessed for skewness and kurtosis, and values were within acceptable ranges. The reliability of each scale was assessed using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient. Descriptive analyses were conducted to characterize the sample and the variables under investigation. Multivariate analyses of variance were performed to examine the study variables – FTP, perceived ageism and wellbeing – as dependent variables, with age cohort (18–39 years, 40–59 years and 60 years and older) and gender as independent variables. This approach was chosen to reduce the likelihood of Type I error due to multiple significance tests involving correlated outcome variables. Significant differences identified through MANOVAs were further investigated using univariate tests, and Tukey’s HSD (Honestly Significant Difference) test was applied for post-hoc comparisons. Additionally, regression analyses were conducted using the PROCESS macro developed by Hayes (Reference Hayes2013) to examine moderating effects. In these analyses, FTP served as the independent variable, perceived ageism as the moderator and wellbeing dimensions as the dependent variables. In line with exposed gender and group age differences in study variables, gender and age group were introduced as covariates. Statistical significance was determined at p < 0.05. Given the low level of missingness, analyses were conducted using listwise deletion.
Results
Preliminary analyses
A MANOVA revealed a significant multivariate effect of gender on perceived ageism [Wilk’s Λ = 0.992; F (2, 881) = 3.400, p = 0.034; partial η2 = 0.008]. Follow-up univariate analyses indicated significant differences in perceived negative ageism [F (1, 882) = 4.451, p = 0.035; partial η2 = 0.005], with men reporting higher levels of perceived negative ageism (M = 2.08) compared to women (M = 1.95). No effects of gender on FTP or dimensions of wellbeing were identified.
Future time perspective, perceived ageism, negative affect, positive affect and satisfaction with life: differences between age groups
Table 2 presents the results of age group comparisons across FTP, perceived ageism and dimensions of SWB. A significant multivariate effect of age group on study variables [Wilk’s Λ = 0.650 F (14, 1750) = 30.08, p < 0.001; partial η2 = 0.194] was identified by MANOVA analyses. Findings indicated that different age groups differ in their levels of FTP-opportunity [F (2, 884) = 81.92, p < 0.001; partial η2 = 0.157], with younger participants showing higher levels of FTP-opportunity (M = 3.63), when compared to middle-aged (M = 3.12) and older participants (M = 2.73). Conversely, FTP-limitation was perceived as a limitation only in the older group (M = 3.23) [F (2, 884) = 24.48, p < 0.001; partial η2 = 0.053]. Negative ageism was mostly perceived by the younger (M = 2.11) and the older (M = 2.47) groups of participants [F (2, 884) = 69.80, p < 0.001; partial η2 = 0.137]. Positive ageism seems also to differ across age groups [F (2, 884) = 18.95, p < 0.001; partial η2 = 0.041], with younger participants presenting the lowest scores (M = 2.11), followed by middle-aged (M = 3.13) and older participants (M = 3.32). Subjective wellbeing presents a U-shaped pattern across age groups [Negative affect: F (2, 884) = 15.28, p < 0.001; partial η2 = 0.034; Positive affect: F (2, 884) = 7.62, p < 0.001; partial η2 = 0.017; Satisfaction with life: F (2, 884) = 3.74, p = 0.024; partial η2 = 0.008]. More specifically, middle-aged participants report the lowest levels of negative affect (M = 2.04) and the highest levels of positive affect (M = 3.56) and satisfaction with life (M = 3.47). Older participants evidence the highest levels of negative affect (M = 2.44) and the lowest of positive affect (M = 3.29). Younger participants report slightly elevated levels of positive (M = 3.36) and negative affect (M = 2.36).
Future time perspective, perceived ageism, negative affect, positive affect and satisfaction with life: descriptives per age group and univariate tests
Note: Measures marked with different letters differ statistically between age categories, at the level of α < 0.05, according to the Tukey HSD test.
Relations between future time perspective, negative affect, positive affect and satisfaction with life: the moderating role of perceived ageism
Moderation analyses were conducted to test whether the relationship between FTP (opportunity and limitation) and wellbeing (negative affect, positive affect and satisfaction with life) was moderated by perceived ageism (positive and negative). As shown in Table 3, results overall indicated that FTP-limitation is a positive and statistically significant predictor of negative affect, and a negative predictor of positive affect and satisfaction with life. Conversely, greater levels of FTP-opportunity are positively associated with positive affect and satisfaction with life. Also, while perceived negative ageism is significant in positively predicting negative affect, positive ageism is positively associated with positive affect and satisfaction with life. The moderating effect of perceived positive ageism on the relationship between FTP-opportunity and satisfaction with life (b = −0.091, p = 0.002) and between FTP-limitation and satisfaction with life (b = −0.073, p = 0.008) was statistically significant, suggesting that the effect of FTP on satisfaction with life depends on the level of perceived positive ageism. Simple slope analyses for low (−1 SD below the mean), moderate (mean) and high (+1 SD above the mean) positive ageism showed that the positive effect of FTP-opportunity on satisfaction with life is stronger for low levels of perceived positive ageism (b = 0.452, p < 0.001), and that the negative effect of FTP-limitation on satisfaction with life is stronger for high levels of perceived positive ageism (b = −0.180, p < 0.001) (see Figure 1). Results also revealed that the effect of FTP-opportunity on negative affect (b = 0.101, p = 0.001) and positive affect (b = 0.095, p = 0.001) is moderated by perceived negative ageism. Each of the simple slope tests revealed that the positive effect of FTP-opportunity on negative affect is only significant for high levels of perceived negative ageism (b = 0.112, p = 0.012), and that the positive effect of FTP-opportunity on positive affect is stronger at higher levels of perceived negative ageism (b = 0.568, p < 0.001) (see Figure 1). Finally, results suggest that the relationship between FTP-limitation and satisfaction with life was moderated by negative perceived ageism (b = 0.085, p = 0.003). The simple slope tests revealed that the negative effect of FTP-limitation on satisfaction with life is significant for low levels of perceived negative ageism (b = −0.116, p = 0.004) (see Figure 1b).
Relationships between future time perspective and wellbeing, moderated by perceived ageism.
Summary of moderated regression analyses predicting negative affect, positive affect and satisfaction with life
Significance levels:
*** <.001; ** < .01.
Discussion
Time perspective, perceived ageism and subjective wellbeing across the lifespan
This study explored the relationships between perceived ageism, FTP and SWB across age groups, revealing how age-related perceptions influence wellbeing in Portugal. A key finding was that FTP-opportunity declines with age, reflecting older adults’ reduced perceptions of opportunities for personal growth, achievement and fulfilment. This decline may align with the notion that ageing brings a realistic reassessment of priorities as individuals become more aware of their finite future (Carstensen Reference Carstensen2006; Kooij et al. Reference Kooij, Kanfer, Betts and Rudolph2018). Factors such as retirement, declining health and diminished social or professional roles may contribute to this narrowing of perceived opportunities (Heaven et al. Reference Heaven, Brown, White, Errington, Mathers and Moffatt2013; Leung et al. Reference Leung, Molassiotis and Carino2021; von Humboldt, Costa, Fernandes et al. Reference von Humboldt, Costa, Fernandes, Silva and Leal2021). Furthermore, the decrease in FTP-opportunity may reflect a reduction in motivation or a diminished sense of agency in shaping one’s future, potentially undermining a sense of purpose and life satisfaction. In contrast, younger individuals tend to perceive their future as expansive and full of possibilities, which often drives their motivation to pursue long-term goals and engage in growth-oriented activities (Carstensen Reference Carstensen2006; Kelly et al. Reference Kelly, Goring, Noonan and Brown2024). This contrast underscores the influence of life stage on future outlooks and suggests a need for targeted interventions to support older adults in maintaining a sense of purpose. Encourageing lifelong learning, meaningful social connections and opportunities for personal achievement could help mitigate the negative effects of a shrinking FTP-opportunity, fostering a more optimistic and empowered view of ageing (Kooij et al. Reference Kooij, Kanfer, Betts and Rudolph2018).
The results revealed that levels of FTP-limitation were significantly higher among older adults, indicating a greater tendency to view their future as constrained or restricted. This finding underscores the heightened awareness of limitations that often accompany ageing, such as health challenges, financial constraints or diminished social roles (Leung et al. Reference Leung, Molassiotis and Carino2021; Zihl and Reppermund Reference Zihl and Reppermund2023). As individuals age, they may become increasingly attuned to physical and societal barriers that impact their ability to pursue future goals, potentially leading to feelings of powerlessness or resignation (Marhánková and Moura Reference Marhánková and Moura2024; von Humboldt and Leal Reference von Humboldt and Leal2013). This heightened perception of limitations reflects a realistic acknowledgement of the finite nature of time and resources, prompting older adults to prioritize immediate concerns over long-term aspirations (Heckhausen et al. Reference Heckhausen, Brandstätter, Fishbach, Freund, Lachman and Robert2021; Marhánková and Moura Reference Marhánková and Moura2024). This shift, while understandable, may also have negative emotional consequences, as it could contribute to a diminished sense of agency and an increased sense of loss or regret over unachieved goals (Brandtstädter Reference Brandtstädter2010; von Humboldt et al. Reference von Humboldt, Carneiro and Leal2019). In contrast, younger individuals generally perceive their future as expansive and less encumbered by immediate constraints, fostering greater optimism and motivation to pursue long-term objectives (Carstensen Reference Carstensen and Jacobs1993; Heckhausen et al. Reference Heckhausen, Brandstätter, Fishbach, Freund, Lachman and Robert2021). This contrast highlights the profound impact of life stage on how individuals conceptualize their future. Also, consistent with this prior research, findings of the present study demonstrate that FTP-opportunity and FTP-limitation exert opposing effects on wellbeing. Greater FTP-opportunity is associated with higher levels of positive affect and satisfaction with life, underscoring the psychological benefits of perceiving the future as filled with possibilities. Conversely, FTP-limitation is linked to increased negative affect and reduced positive affect and life satisfaction, reflecting the emotional costs of perceiving one’s future as constrained.
Therefore, while findings suggest that individuals who perceive limited future time may focus more on emotionally meaningful but potentially less optimistic goals, affecting their overall emotional experience, they also suggest that recognizing and addressing the emotional and cognitive challenges tied to heightened FTP-limitation in older adults could play a critical role in designing interventions that enhance their sense of agency, purpose and overall wellbeing (Leung et al. Reference Leung, Molassiotis and Carino2021; Zihl and Reppermund Reference Zihl and Reppermund2023).
The findings revealed that both negative and positive ageism were more prevalent in older adults, with positive ageism increasing with age. This dual dynamic sheds light on the nuanced and often contradictory ways society perceives ageing (von Humboldt, Miguel et al. Reference von Humboldt, Miguel, Valentim, Costa, Low and Leal2023). On the one hand, older adults are more likely to encounter negative stereotypes, such as assumptions about declining physical health, cognitive ability or adaptability (Kang and Kim Reference Kang and Kim2022; Streb et al. Reference Streb, Voelpel and Leibold2008). On the other hand, they are also more likely to be associated with positive stereotypes, such as being viewed as wise, experienced or community-oriented (Abrams et al. Reference Abrams, Swift and Drury2016).
While positive ageism may appear satisfactory, it is not without its challenges. Positive stereotypes, though well-intentioned, can be limiting and reductive, painting older adults as a homogeneous group and ignoring the diverse realities of ageing. For example, some older adults may retain exceptional physical vitality but struggle with memory loss, while others may excel intellectually but face mobility challenges. Such diversity underscores the need to move beyond simplistic attributions tied to age and to recognize ageing as a highly individualized experience (Langmann and Weßel Reference Langmann and Weßel2023).
Moreover, the coexistence of positive and negative ageism can create conflicting societal expectations for older adults. For instance, while they might be revered for their perceived wisdom, they may simultaneously face marginalization due to assumptions of incompetence in rapidly changing environments, such as technology-driven workplaces or social contexts (Kang and Kim Reference Kang and Kim2022; von Humboldt, Miguel et al. Reference von Humboldt, Miguel, Valentim, Costa, Low and Leal2023). These stereotypes, whether positive or negative, can contribute to an emotional burden, as older adults navigate these conflicting views and the potential for exclusion or patronization across various domains of life (Abrams et al. Reference Abrams, Swift and Drury2016). Results of the present study also highlight the significant role of perceived ageism in shaping emotional outcomes, as negative ageism was found to increase negative affect, while positive ageism was associated with greater positive affect and satisfaction with life. These findings suggest that societal attitudes towards ageing, whether discriminatory or affirming, can influence older adults’ emotional and evaluative wellbeing. Positive ageism, though beneficial in some respects, may inadvertently create pressures or unrealistic expectations for older adults to conform to idealized stereotypes of successful ageing, which can dampen the psychological benefits of an opportunity-oriented future perspective. Understanding the interplay of these forms of ageism is essential for promoting a more inclusive society that acknowledges the richness and individuality of ageing experiences while addressing the emotional and social challenges tied to these stereotypes.
Influence of time perspective on subjective wellbeing
The results revealed interesting patterns in SWB across different age groups, particularly when distinguishing between the affective and cognitive components. Negative affect was higher among both younger and older participants. This suggests that both ends of the age spectrum may be more susceptible to negative emotions, though for different reasons. For younger individuals, this might be attributed to the pressures and uncertainties associated with early adulthood, such as career development and personal identity formation (Branje et al. Reference Branje, de Moor, Spitzer and Becht2021; Shmulsky et al. Reference Shmulsky, Gobbo, Donahue and Klucken2021). In contrast, older adults may experience negative affect due to factors such as declining health, loss of social roles, societal marginalization and a growing awareness of time and opportunity constraints (Marhánková and Moura Reference Marhánková and Moura2024; von Humboldt et al. Reference von Humboldt, Mendoza-Ruvalcaba, Arias-Merino, Ribeiro-Gonçalves, Cabras, Low and Leal2022).
Similarly, positive affect, the other component of affective wellbeing, was found to be lower in both younger and older participants. This pattern suggests that both groups may struggle to maintain positive emotional experiences, albeit for different reasons. Younger individuals, while facing potential opportunities, might grapple with instability and the stress of building their lives, which can overshadow moments of joy and satisfaction (Wood et al. Reference Wood, Crapnell, Lau, Bennett, Lotstein, Ferris and Kuo2018). Meanwhile, older adults might find it challenging to sustain positive emotions as they contend with health issues, the loss of loved ones and shifts in their social and professional identities (von Humboldt, Carneiro et al. Reference von Humboldt, Carneiro and Leal2021; von Humboldt et al. Reference von Humboldt, Leal, Pimenta and Niculescu2013).
Interestingly, SWL, the cognitive aspect of SWB, was higher among middle-aged participants. This suggests that individuals in this age group experience a more balanced life, as they navigate the unique midpoint of the lifecourse, where both gains and losses coexist (Lachman et al. Reference Lachman, Teshale and Agrigoroaei2015). Middle-aged adults may have found stability in careers, families and social networks, while also focusing on maintaining functionality and stability. While midlife may not be at the peak of gains or the lowest point of losses, it represents a pivotal period where individuals experience both a sense of accomplishment and the need to adapt to changes (Lachman et al. Reference Lachman, Teshale and Agrigoroaei2015).
This contrast across age groups underscores the importance of considering both affective (emotional) and cognitive (evaluative) dimensions when assessing wellbeing throughout the lifespan. Younger and older adults appear to share a heightened vulnerability to emotional challenges, albeit with age-specific contexts, while middle-aged individuals may benefit from a period of relative stability and equilibrium. These findings highlight the need for targeted interventions to support SWB at all stages of life, whether through fostering emotional resilience in younger and older individuals or reinforcing the positive gains experienced during middle adulthood (Willroth et al. Reference Willroth, Mroczek and Hill2021). These findings highlight the complexity of SWB and the importance of considering both emotional and cognitive dimensions when assessing wellbeing across the lifespan.
Perceived ageism as a moderator between time perspective and subjective wellbeing
Findings of the present study also reveal that perceived ageism, both positive and negative, significantly influences the strength and direction of the relationships between FTP and SWB. For example, the results show that high levels of perceived positive ageism weaken the positive relationship between FTP-opportunity and satisfaction with life. This suggests that while individuals may perceive opportunities in their future, societal expectations related to positive stereotypes about ageing (e.g. being productive or wise) might reduce the sense of personal accomplishment or fulfilment derived from these opportunities. Conversely, high perceived positive ageism amplifies the negative effect of FTP-limitation on satisfaction with life, indicating that positive stereotypes may heighten dissatisfaction when individuals feel constrained by their future perspective. Indeed, although the positive effects on mental health of positive ageism have been recognized (Levy et al. Reference Levy, Chang, Lowe, Provolo and Slade2022), it has also been shown that societal age stereotypes about competence relate to the wellbeing of older people, but only in contexts that provide greater opportunities for competence attainment (Fasel et al. Reference Fasel, Vauclair, Lima and Abrams2021). On the other hand, high levels of perceived negative ageism strengthen the positive relationship between FTP-opportunity and positive affect, indicating that seeing future opportunities may serve as a protective factor against the emotional toll of age discrimination. However, the positive effect of FTP-opportunity on negative affect under high perceived negative ageism suggests that perceiving opportunities might also heighten emotional sensitivity to age-based discrimination. For instance, research suggests that individuals who are depressed may be more likely to perceive high levels of ageism due to their negative outlook on life (Ayalon Reference Ayalon2018). Also, the finding that the negative relationship between FTP-limitation and satisfaction with life is stronger at low levels of perceived negative ageism implies that a supportive environment with reduced discriminatory attitudes may buffer against the detrimental effects of a limited future perspective. Overall, results provide nuanced evidence of how ageism, whether positive or negative, can amplify or mitigate the effects of FTP on wellbeing. Societal messages that promote youth as ideal and dismiss the value of older individuals can create a sense of devaluation and exclusion, pressuring individuals to prove their worth and ability, especially if they perceive age-related biases in different everyday personal, social and professional contexts. On the other hand, the expectation to exemplify positive or idealized traits (such as wisdom, resilience or patience) can unintentionally create unrealistic standards. When older adults feel unable to meet these expectations, it may lead to feelings of inadequacy. Viewing them through the lens of positive stereotypes can impose pressure to conform to these ideals, potentially reducing their sense of wellbeing, despite their positive perspective towards the future.
Limitations
Several limitations should be considered when interpreting the findings of this study. First, the cross-sectional design constrains the ability to establish causal relationships, as data were collected at a single point in time. This approach does not account for how prior experiences or future changes in variables such as ageism, FTP or SWB might influence the observed patterns. Longitudinal research could provide valuable insights into the dynamic nature of these variables, particularly as individuals transition through different life stages and face shifting societal and personal expectations.
Second, while the study included participants from various age groups, the demographic composition may limit the generalizability of the findings. Cultural, socio-economic and geographical variations were not extensively represented, potentially narrowing the applicability of the results. Future research should prioritize more diverse and representative samples to examine whether these patterns persist across different cultural and social contexts.
Third, the reliance on quantitative methods, though instrumental in identifying trends and associations, may not fully encapsulate the complexity of individual experiences. For instance, perceptions of ageism or future opportunities might hold different personal meanings that are difficult to capture with standardized measures. Integrating qualitative methods, such as interviews or focus groups, could enrich the understanding of how these phenomena are experienced in daily life. Further, qualitative approaches or longitudinal designs could offer deeper insights into how ageism becomes internalized over time and how this internalization shapes individuals’ TP and self-concept across the lifespan. Future research could complement perceived ageism measures with scales that directly assess self-directed and internalized ageist attitudes.
Finally, the study primarily focused on ageism, FTP and SWB without considering other influential factors, such as social support networks, physical and mental health, socio-economic status or occupational experience. These variables can significantly shape individuals’ perspectives, skills and overall trajectories and are likely to interact with the constructs examined and could significantly shape the wellbeing of individuals at different life stages. Future studies should adopt a more all-inclusive approach, incorporating these additional factors to provide a comprehensive understanding of the determinants of SWB across the lifespan.
Implications
Notwithstanding these limitations, the findings of this study underscore the importance of addressing both positive and negative ageism to promote SWB and a more balanced perception of future opportunities across life stages in Portugal. The results indicate that ageist attitudes, whether framed around decline or idealized wisdom, can profoundly shape emotional and cognitive wellbeing. Policy makers and organizations can leverage these insights to foster more inclusive environments that challenge age-based stereotypes. Initiatives aimed at reducing ageism in critical sectors such as health care, the workplace and social services could significantly improve life satisfaction and psychological health for individuals at various stages of life.
For mental health professionals working with older adults, these findings highlight the potential of interventions that target the internalization of ageist beliefs in Portugal. Cognitive-behavioural therapies, for example, could help individuals reframe negative stereotypes or unrealistic expectations tied to ageing, promoting a more empowered and self-affirming view of this life stage. Such interventions could enhance emotional resilience and life satisfaction, providing older adults with tools to navigate societal pressures and personal challenges more effectively.
The study also has implications for intergenerational education and awareness initiatives. Educational programmes that highlight the diversity of ageing experiences, ranging from variations in health and cognitive abilities to differences in life satisfaction, could help dismantle stereotypes and foster mutual understanding among generations. These programmes could promote a more nuanced view of ageing, emphasizing its multi-dimensional nature and the unique opportunities present at every stage of life. By encourageing dialogue and shared learning between younger and older individuals, these efforts may reduce age-based biases and improve attitudes towards ageing across the lifespan.
Furthermore, this study underscores the need to integrate psychological and social factors into health and wellness programmes for Portuguese older adults. Recognizing that SWB is closely linked to perceptions of future opportunities and experiences with ageism, such programmes could focus on enhancing life satisfaction, encourageing lifelong learning and creating spaces for meaningful social engagement. Addressing these aspects holistically could foster not only better physical health but also sustained mental and emotional wellbeing, empowering individuals to thrive regardless of age.
Ultimately, these findings call for a societal shift towards a more inclusive perspective on ageing, one that values the contributions of individuals at every stage of life while acknowledging and addressing the challenges they face. This comprehensive approach can pave the way for a society where ageing is embraced as a natural, diverse and enriching experience.
Conclusions
Ageing is an inevitable part of life, yet the way we perceive and experience it profoundly impacts our wellbeing across all stages of life. This study highlights the complex dynamics between ageism, perceptions of future opportunities and SWB across different life stages. Future FTP-opportunity decreases with age, reflecting a shrinking horizon of perceived possibilities as individuals grow older. At the same time, FTP-limitation is higher among older adults, highlighting a heightened awareness of constraints imposed by age.
The study also reveals that both negative and positive ageism are more prevalent among older adults, with positive ageism increasing with age. While positive stereotypes, such as being seen as wise, may offer some benefits, they can also impose limiting expectations, undermining the individuality and diversity of ageing experiences. Regarding SWB, negative affect is more pronounced in both younger and older individuals, while positive affect is lower in these groups compared to middle-aged participants. Satisfaction with life, a cognitive dimension of SWB, peaks in middle age, likely due to a unique balance of gains and losses during this life stage. Further, FTP affects wellbeing and is moderated by perceived ageism; FTP-Limitation increases negative affect and decreases life satisfaction, while FTP-opportunity enhances positive affect and life satisfaction. Negative ageism predicts greater negative affect, whereas positive ageism improves positive affect and life satisfaction. And FTP-opportunity boosts satisfaction with life more under low positive and high negative ageism, while FTP-limitation lowers satisfaction with life more under high positive and low negative ageism.
These findings emphasize that societal perceptions and expectations about ageing influence emotional and cognitive wellbeing for people at all life stages. Addressing these age-related challenges and fostering more inclusive attitudes towards ageing is vital for creating a society where individuals of all ages feel valued, empowered and capable of pursuing meaningful opportunities. Ultimately, understanding the complexities of ageing is not just about supporting older individuals but about enriching the human experience across the entire lifecourse.
Author contributions
SVH: study concept and design, analysis and interpretation of data, preparation of manuscript; IM: study concept and design, analysis and interpretation of data; recruitment of subjects, preparation of manuscript; IL: study concept and design, interpretation of data. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Financial support
This research was funded by the FCT – Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia, I.P., under Grant Number SFRH/BPD/116114/2016. This work was funded with national funds from FCT in the context of the project UID/04810/2020, doi: 10.54499/UIDP/04810/2020.
Competing interests
The authors declare no conflict of interest. The authors alone are responsible for the content and writing of the paper.
Ethical standards
The study was conducted according to the guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the Ethics Committee of ISPA – Instituto Universitário (Protocol code: SFRH/BPD/116,114/2016; Date of approval: 11/7/2016). Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study. The data presented in this study are available on request from the corresponding author. The data are not publicly available due to privacy and ethical restrictions.
