I. Introduction
At the heart of the Local Government Pension Scheme (“LGPS”) sit local authorities administering the scheme. In recent years they have been facing persistent calls from local councillors and from outside lobbyists to divest and exclude from their investment portfolios stocks linked to the State of Israel. These calls are entirely political, that is to say for non-financial reasons. High on the list of stocks targeted are defence stocks. In case it is tempting to assume this is linked to the war in Gaza, it is important to note that published minutes show these to have been agenda items ante bellum, in bello and during the ceasefire. Emboldened by the decision in R. (on the Application of Palestine Solidarity Campaign Ltd.) v Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government,Footnote 1 those campaigning for boycott, divestment and sanctions (“BDS”) against the State of Israel, and their lawyers, argue that there is adequate scope in law to do so. The author of this article argues that this view is misguided. The law does not lightly permit fiduciaries, in this case those responsible for LGPS funds, to deprive those funds of the benefit of lawful investments simply on non-financial grounds. To do so is a narrow exception to the rule; it is not a right on an equal footing with investing for financial reasons.
Disinvestment and divestment are economically the same. Both result in the disposal of an asset. Yet each tells a very different story: the first financial, the second non-financial. In an investment portfolio, disinvestment is the corollary to investment. It is contemplated at the outset as the means by which a profit or loss is realised. Divestment, on the other hand, is a militant form of sale. It implies a stripping-out or a decision to be “rid of” a stock on an accelerated basis for non-financial reasons. It conveys an underlying irritation with the stock on the part of the asset holder or investment manager, and has a metaphorical violence to it.
The word “divestment” has acquired its politicised meaning because it has been co-opted and subjected to pejoration by the BDS movement: “Divestment, or the ‘D’ in BDS, is shorthand for institutional pressure against complicit corporations that are knowingly and persistently implicated in Israel’s crimes.”Footnote 2 An exclusion policy extends this grudge into the future. It is a refusal to reinvest, no matter the financial case or a change in circumstances.
II. Why the LGPS Is a Front on Which BDS Activists Fight
Neither boycotts against Israel nor the incorporation of non-financial considerations into investment decisions are new phenomena. The coming-together of the two – rebranded under the current acronym of BDS – is, however, more recent. It can be traced back to 2005 when two things happened. No sooner had the BDS call for “Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions against Israel”Footnote 3 been made on 9 July 2005, Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer finalised its high-profile report on ESG,Footnote 4 publishing it just three months later. That report is widely seen as a major milestone in the movement for the incorporation of ESG by fiduciaries into the investment process. It is no surprise, then, that BDS activists immediately saw clarification of the law as an opportunity to reimagine the LGPS as the artery through which their agenda could be mainlined into the global stock markets. It is based on the old aphorism that “money talks” – the idea that money, or in this case valuable stocks, can influence outcomes and silence dissenting opinions.
The development of the law has taken two streams, which have coalesced into a two-limbed test. The “financial detriment” limb owes its genesis to Harries v Church Commissioners for England Footnote 5 (“The Bishop of Oxford case”). This involved the Church Commissioners as trustees of a charity rather than of a pension fund, but it also concerned the scope to alter an ethical investment policy that, incidentally, excluded armaments. Sir Donald Nicholls V.-C. expressed the test in these terms: “Trustees may, if they wish, accommodate the views of those who consider that on moral grounds a particular investment would be in conflict with the objects of the charity, so long as the trustees are satisfied that course would not involve a risk of significant financial detriment.”Footnote 6
The Law Commission, in its report on the fiduciary duties of investment intermediaries,Footnote 7 adopted the “financial detriment” test in the Bishop of Oxford case in relation to LGPS schemes and added a second limb: the “member support” limb. This built upon the decision of Sir Robert Megarry V.-C. in Cowan v Scargill,Footnote 8 in many ways a difficult case. In Cowan v Scargill, the Vice-Chancellor considered whether the trustees of the mineworkers’ pension scheme were acting in breach of their duties in blocking investments in, inter alia, energy companies that were in direct competition with coal. In circumstances where non-financial benefits could result in diminished financial returns, the Vice-Chancellor focused on what “the beneficiaries might well consider”.Footnote 9 This has recently been explained as indicating that “the beneficiaries would effectively have to consent to that course of action”.Footnote 10 Beneficiary approval is the distinguishing feature of pensions from charities. With charities, there are no beneficiaries to give consent (as charities exist for a public benefit purpose).
Thus, the current legal position is that where a divestment and exclusion policy based on non-financial factors is adopted or modified by a fiduciary, the test to be applied is that commended by the Law Commission. In general, non-financial factors may only be taken into account if two tests are met:
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(1) trustees should have good reason to think that scheme members would share the concern; and
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(2) the decision should not involve a risk of significant financial detriment to the fund.Footnote 11
This has been described by Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer as the “Non-Financial Factors Test”.Footnote 12 This was cited in R. (Palestine Solidarity Campaign) v Secretary of State, albeit with a variation (discussed below).
The “Non-Financial Factors Test” was immediately embraced by BDS activists. It is treated it as a roadmap or blueprint for how to harness large amounts of capital in the pursuit of their political agenda. The LGPS has therefore become a frontFootnote 13 in this political war. It is particularly seen as a target because of the potential impact BDS policies would have due to its size,Footnote 14 the existence of ESG policies as a matter of courseFootnote 15 and the proximity of administering authorities (usually local authorities) to the politics of the town hall, where BDS is often vociferous.
These activists, both outside and inside the town hall, lobby for BDS to be absorbed into LGPS investment (divestment) strategies. Attempts to persuade local authorities in England and Wales administering the LGPS to use pension money to fund this political agenda are widespread.Footnote 16 So much so that, as at November 2025, 81 local government pension funds were being targeted by the Palestine Solidarity Campaign (“PSC”)’s “LGPS Divest” campaign, seeking divestment of stocks worth some £12 billion, PSC claims.Footnote 17 Part of their strategy is the production of blacklists of stocks.Footnote 18 These lists are intended to encourage pensions committees and investment-decision makers to cut corners. By publishing names of companies, they expect fiduciaries to skip the square marked “rigorous research, engagement and legal analysis” and hop straight to divestment. On any measure, such lists are grossly reductive of the complex legal and factual matrix.
The most high-profile example is the BDS campaign targeting LGPS funds by UNISON, the UK’s largest trade union. Far from being a response to their perception of Israel’s conduct of the war in Gaza following 7 October 2023, this campaign predates that war by a decade. The pursuit of BDS policies targeting the LGPS prompted a response from the previous Conservative-led Government in the form of statutory ministerial guidance under Regulation 7(1) of the Local Government Pension Scheme (Management and Investment of Funds) Regulations 2016,Footnote 19 which provides that an investment strategy “must be in accordance with guidance issued from time to time by the Secretary of State”.Footnote 20 This guidance was specifically intended to act on “concerns about the possible impact of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement”.Footnote 21
The ministerial guidance supplemented the “Non-Financial Factors Test” with statements to the effect that “using pension policies to pursue [BDS] against foreign nations and UK defence industries are inappropriate, other than where formal legal sanctions, embargoes and restrictions have been put in place by the Government […] [administering authorities] should not pursue policies that are contrary to UK foreign policy or UK defence policy”.Footnote 22 It prompted a claim for judicial review of the relevant passages by the PSC and Ms Jacqueline Lewis, both a member of the PSC’s executive committee and an employee of a local authority and a member of its pension scheme.
On appeal to the Supreme Court, the claimants succeeded by a narrow majority (3:2)Footnote 23 in having those passages struck from the guidance on Padfield Footnote 24 grounds.Footnote 25 Lord Wilson (with whom Lady Hale and Lord Carnwath agreed) considered the Secretary of State to be empowered only to issue guidance on how administering authorities should approach the making of investment decisions by reference to non-financial considerations, rather than what investments they should not make.Footnote 26 Lord Wilson reached this view by examining the policy of the primary and secondary legislation in which the power to issue guidance was given. The Government’s response was to introduce legislation. The Public Service Pensions Act 2013 was amended to extend the power of the Secretary of State to give guidance or directions to administering authorities “including guidance or directions on investment decisions which it is not proper for the scheme manager to make in light of UK foreign and defence policy”.Footnote 27
At the time of writing no such guidance has been forthcoming from the successor Labour Government. In the absence of fresh guidance or directions from the Secretary of State, the “Non-Financial Factors Test” has returned to centre stage and BDS activism has had a second wind. UNISON officials, for example, welcomed the Supreme Court decision with the two-part test clearly at the forefront of their minds: UNISON’s Head of Local Government said “pension funds should serve the best interests of their members and if those members want to ethically invest or disinvest then – as long as decisions don’t undermine the pension fund – they must be allowed to do so”.Footnote 28 Their BDS campaign document targeting the LGPS was reissued shortly thereafter. It specifically cites Lord Carnwath’s formulation of the “Non-Financial Factors Test”.Footnote 29
Despite the decision of the Supreme Court in R. (Palestine Solidarity Campaign) v Secretary of State, which provided answers to, or at least views on, some unanswered questions in this difficult area, many other questions still remain. Thus, LGPS investment committees draw upon the widely disseminated legal opinions issued to the Local Government Association (“LGA”) by Nigel Giffin K.C.Footnote 30 The opinions have been published online by the Local Government Pension Scheme Advisory Board,Footnote 31 the statutory board with responsibility for providing advice to administering authorities. Evidence of their use, apart from the central role played by the board, is in their re-publication online by numerous local authorities. In the remainder of this article the author examines some of the areas of possible controversy.
III. Equity’s Intervention
The LGPS is comprised of local funds, each managed and administered by a designated administering authority. While the 2016 Regulations allow an administering authority to delegate those functions,Footnote 32 it is the nature of its involvement in the affairs of an LGPS fund, which represents members’ money, which characterises an administering authority as a fiduciary: “The fiduciary is not subject to fiduciary obligations because he is a fiduciary; it is because he is subject to those duties that he is a fiduciary.”Footnote 33
It is trite law that not every fiduciary is a trustee, but this is a negative description; it tells us what someone is not. In an attempt to more accurately pinpoint the nature of their duties, the Law Commission has observed that “several authorities appear to regard themselves as ‘quasi-trustees’”.Footnote 34 This was cited with approval by Lord Wilson in R. (Palestine Solidarity Campaign) v Secretary of State: “As the Law Commission observed, administrators of local government schemes have duties which, at a practical level, are similar to those of trustees and they consider themselves to be quasi-trustees who should act in the best interests of their members.”Footnote 35 This has contributed to reifying that label, even though it was not adopted by the majority or argued before the Supreme Court or below.
In the leading case of Belmont Finance Corp. v Williams Furniture Ltd. (No. 2),Footnote 36 Buckley L.J. explained that:
A limited company is of course not a trustee of its own funds: it is their beneficial owner; but in consequence of the fiduciary character of their duties the directors of a limited company are treated as if they were trustees of those funds of the company which are in their hands or under their control, and if they misapply them they commit a breach of trust.Footnote 37
Central to this formulation is the fiduciary’s control of assets. In the case of an administering authority, this takes the form of formulating an investment strategy for the LGPS fund, including any divestment and exclusion policy.
In this case, fiduciary duties are owed to scheme members and, it has been argued by Nigel Giffin K.C., to scheme employers.Footnote 38 Designation as fiduciary is important. Even though the duties might largely mirror the administering authority’s public law duties, it is only the fiduciary who faces the intervention of equity and is liable to account. The irony is that despite the importance of the epithet “quasi” in describing trustee-type obligations, its equivocal nature hardly inspires confidence for millions of pensioners, at least not in the way Homer’s “swift-footed” Achilles inspired confidence in the Greeks.
One further point about the designation of administering authorities as fiduciaries is that it provides a basis not simply for the protection of those to whom duties are owed but, curiously, a perceived source of power. The power of administering authorities to pursue political agendas, as opposed to discernible ESG policies, is not obvious. Regulation 7(2)(e) of the Local Government Pension Scheme (Management and Investment of Funds) Regulations 2016 contemplates an ESG policy.Footnote 39 The Supreme Court, and the courts below, appears to have assumed that the power exists because the administering authority is a fiduciary, as though the reference to ESG is shorthand for any investment policy based on non-financial factors. At first instance, Sir Ross Cranston said: “Certainly the general law recognises that non-financial factors can be pension purpose.”Footnote 40
The debate as to the scope of the power appears to have been avoided because of the apparent acceptance in the ministerial guidance of the inclusion of non-financial factors in principle. Yet none of this explains why Regulation 7(2)(e) is narrowly drafted and does not use the more open-ended description of any non-financial factors policies: inclusio unius est exclusio alterius. The importation of such a broad power through the labelling of the administering authority as a fiduciary contrasts with the refusal to import associated protections for members that would otherwise apply to beneficiaries of trusts, such as the need for unanimity when it comes to member support. This is discussed in Section III(B) below.
A. Rule Against Fettering Discretion
Equity will not allow trustees – in this case, quasi-trustees – to fetter the exercise of their discretion at a future date. The rule may be excluded or restricted by an express power.Footnote 41 In the LGPS context, the rule is engaged by the adoption of divestment and exclusion policies, as these are intended to legislate as to the future exercise of discretion.
The statutory response is a requirement for a triennial review cycle for LGPS investment policies.Footnote 42 As such, the power to legislate for the future exercise of discretion is not open-ended, but subject to cyclical review. The triennial review cycle does not prohibit out-of-cycle reviews where circumstances require. The approach adopted by Nigel Giffin K.C. appears to be that a new ESG policy can be adopted out-of-cycle. However, he considers that while an administering authority should not fetter its discretion by determining absolutely that it will not review it out-of-cycle, there is no positive obligation to do so.Footnote 43
Put in those terms, there is a risk of asymmetry: the administering authority willing to adopt a policy out-of-cycle based on exceptional circumstances but, in practice, unlikely to consider the possibility of a review in response to circumstances out-of-cycle. The fiduciary has an obligation to continue to keep an open mind when occasions for exercise of the discretion arise and it should not purport to bind itself to exercise the discretion in the future.Footnote 44
Politically, it suits administering authorities adopting BDS policies outside of the triennial cycle to rely on the absence of a positive obligation to reassess those policies prior to the end of a triennial cycle. Led by BDS activists as architects of the exclusion policy, the LGPS pension fund is then effectively checked into Hotel California. The administering authority can, of course, check the fund out of the policy any time it likes but the reality is that the unrelenting BDS agenda means that it will never let the fund leave (at least not until the end of the three-year cycle). Rapidly changing opinions on defence stocks make that sector the paradigm example of how such an approach improperly surrenders discretion. Application of a pre-existing policy without considering it in changed circumstances fetters investment discretion, per Cowan v Scargill. Footnote 45
B. Misconstruing the Fiduciary Power
Like any other fiduciary power, the power to adopt and implement an exclusion and divestment policy derived from non-financial factors exists within equity’s arena. Any purported exercise of the power beyond its scope will, in equity, be void ab initio. One example in the present context is the case involving a fiduciary who misconstrues the “Non-Financial Factors Test” upon which their power rests. Their power is contingent upon meeting, inter alia, the requirements of that test. Misconstruing the test may involve a lack of skill and care at common law. It is standard fare to observe that not all acts of a fiduciary are, in fact, fiduciary in nature.Footnote 46 However, that is no answer to a charge of ultra vires. Professor Richard Nolan put it this way: “A fiduciary must not benefit from using the power unless allowed to do so.”Footnote 47 It would certainly be an odd result if a fiduciary could unilaterally extend its power and do so by being negligent.
Divestment plans in the LGPS market have proceeded on the basis of a mistaken belief that the decision in R. (Palestine Solidarity Campaign) v Secretary of State provides the final piece of the jigsaw. It is interpreted as delivering a sense of security and legal certainty to local government lawyers that had otherwise been lacking. Insofar as it addressed the “Non-Financial Factors Test”, that is incorrect. On the contrary, the decision virtually guarantees that both the formulation of the test and the meaning of specific words in each limb remain open for consideration by the courts.Footnote 48 Statements to the contrary in Butler-Sloss v Charity Commission that “both Lord Wilson and Lord Carnwath expressly approved […] the Law Commission’s [test]”Footnote 49 must equally be open to doubt.
Nigel Giffin K.C. considers that “in the light of PSC, the Law Commission approach to non-financial considerations where investments are made by trustees and quasi-trustees can be regarded both as an authoritative statement of the general law”.Footnote 50 With respect, that is a stretch. Consideration of the test itself was not part of the ratio. The decision was solely concerned with a question of ultra vires: whether the Secretary of State was empowered to issue certain “guidance” to LGPS administering authorities relating to defence and foreign policies.
Of the judges who even referenced the Law Commission tests, Lord Wilson did not extend his analysis to substantive consideration of the two criteria.Footnote 51 Nigel Giffin K.C. considers that His Lordship “certainly referred to the Law Commission approach without any doubt or criticism, and I think that what he said at [27] and at [30] amounts to agreement with it”.Footnote 52 This is plainly a mishandling of this part of His Lordship’s judgment. The absence of “doubt or criticism” cannot be read as tacit approval of the Law Commission test when the test was not at issue in the case.
There also appears to be a measure of confusion amongst local government lawyers as to the interpretation of Lord Carnwath’s judgment. That judgment also concerned the issue before the court: identifying whether power lay with the administering authorities or the minister. His Lordship similarly concluded that primary responsibility for investment decisions “rests with the administering authorities”.Footnote 53 His Lordship also said that non-financially motivated policy choices made under Regulation 7(2)(e) “are judgements to be made by the administering authority, not the Secretary of State. The attempt of the Secretary of State to impose policy choices was objectionable […] because they were choices to be made by the authorities, not by central government”.Footnote 54
These statements on the locus of the power precede Lord Carnwath’s discussion of the “Non-Financial Factors Test”. That discussion must therefore be understood as part of His Lordship’s analysis of the ultra vires question. While Lord Wilson’s line of enquiry took him to the statutory regime, for Lord Carnwath, the “Non-Financial Factors Test” was an alternative route. Simply put, for Lord Carnwath it appears to have been a case of “find the controls and you find the power”. As Richard Nolan put it in his discussion of fiduciary powers generally, controls “seek to curb the harm that the holder of power can inflict on those affected by it”.Footnote 55 Thus, for Lord Carnwath, the application of the “Non-Financial Factors Test” marked the spot where the power to formulate investment policy power lay. After all, the test derives from the concern of equity to curb fiduciary power for the protection of those to whom the duty is owed.
His Lordship’s agreement was simply to acknowledge that he had taken judicial notice of the existence of the “Non-Financial Factors Test”. Where the consensus is that the test applies to administering authorities, a point which Lord Carnwath accepted, it must follow that it attaches because of the fiduciary power vested in them. His references to such eminent and authoritative sources as the Law Commission and extrajudicial commentary by Lord Nicholls allowed him to accept this without further enquiry. His words reflect this: “There appears now to be general acceptance that the criteria proposed by the Law Commission are lawful and appropriate. I agree.”Footnote 56 His Lordship was indicating that he agreed there is general acceptance. His approval of the formulation of the test (albeit with some variation, intended or unintended) was solely for the purpose of articulating what he considered the generally accepted wording to be.
This leads Lord Carnwath to conclude that the criteria in the “Non-Financial Factors Test” “are judgments to be made by the administering authority, not the Secretary of State”.Footnote 57 Again, it was simply about identifying the locus of the power to formulate policies. To argue that his reasoning is anything more than an analysis of where power lay is doubtful. The formulation of the test was not in issue and the point was not argued. Such acceptance was simply another way of confirming that duties and obligations regulating the exercise of a power attach to the administering authorities, where the power to make the investment policy lay.
Local authorities, as administrators of the LGPS, must of course apply the law as it stands, so understanding how the limbs of the test should be applied in practice is critical. On the “member support” limb, Nigel Giffin K.C. considers that “a very high proportion of members would either positively support the reliance placed upon the non-financial factor in question, or at any rate have no objection to it”.Footnote 58 This echoes the Law Commission’s view from June 2014 that “we do not think that there needs to be 100% agreement. If a majority are opposed to an investment while the rest remain neutral, we think that would be enough”.Footnote 59
In something of a feedback loop, the Law Commission echoed earlier advice from Nigel Giffin Q.C. (as he then was) in his 2014 opinion, in which he considered that the concern should be “widely shared”Footnote 60 by members. To add to the mix, Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer uses the term “sufficient consensus”.Footnote 61 To the extent these different expressions permit wiggle room for investment committees, it must surely be limited. Prudence demands that the bar is recognised as being very high.
In his 2025 opinion, Nigel Giffin K.C. considered that: “[o]n normal Wednesbury and Tameside principles, it is for the administering authority to judge (subject to rationality and consideration on a legally correct basis) whether it has enough information to reach a decision about member support and what weight to give to particular items of information.”Footnote 62 The Law Commission considered that the courts would focus on “whether trustees […] sought an answer in a reasonable way”.Footnote 63
Broadly, there are two approaches to judging member support: either the judgment of the fiduciary, without consultation of members, or external consultation of some sort, such as a survey or poll.Footnote 64 Clearly the first lacks external validation and must be reserved for only the clearest cases. In 2005, Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer put it this way:
[T]here will be a class of investments that could reasonably be assumed offensive to the average beneficiary such that they could lawfully be excluded from an investment portfolio without all the beneficiaries’ express consent. That class of investments will not be fixed and a conservative approach is advisable, but the types of investment that might fall into that class include investments that are linked to clear breaches of widely recognised norms, such as international conventions on human rights, labour conditions, tackling corruption and environmental protection.Footnote 65
It can be reasonably observed that the spread of opinions on defence stocks is not only wide but widening. With the rise of ESG policies in recent years, defence stocks have been one of several sectors feeling bruised. They have a recent history of being actions boudées for many investment managers. However, the current unstable geopolitical climate has given pause for thought. It has been widely reported that such exclusions are being actively reappraised by the investment management industry.Footnote 66
This is not only for financial reasons (e.g. the Goldman EU defence basket has consistently outperformed the STOXX Europe 600 since 2022) but for non-financial reasons. The geopolitical situation and the heightened risk of war in Europe have stress-tested this stalwart of ESG policies, exposing how they have failed to differentiate between a range of situations. At one end of the spectrum, there are those who still wish to exclude defence stocks on ESG grounds and, at the other end, there are those who are content to include them. In that bell curve is a very broad middle ground, encompassing numerous shades of grey, including distinctions made based on types of weapons, uses of weapons, end users and manufacturers and degree of supply chain linkage.
A general divestment and exclusion policy targeting defence stocks is therefore highly controversial, as encapsulated in the minutes of the Avon Pension Fund Committee meeting of 28 March 2025: “The Committee needs to decide if Option A [general aerospace and defence exclusion] is merited in order to convey important points of principle, set against points outlined elsewhere in this paper, e.g. incremental costs, armaments required for UK defence, local employment, etc.”Footnote 67 Short of, perhaps, certain weapons that breach established norms (although that list is likely getting shorter following recent threats by Russia to use nuclear weapons), the sector simply does not lend itself to consensus. This is particularly the case when the membership base is as large as that of the LGPS. When set against the Israel-Hamas War, the topic is no less controversial. If anything, that only adds another layer of controversy. The conclusion must be that if ever there was a case in which a fiduciary could reasonably form an internal view that there is member support for a general divestment and exclusion policy, it is not on defence stocks. The public discourse only confirms that “defensive” is not universally considered to be “offensive”, in the sense used by Freshfields.
For this reason, campaigns are afoot with the objective of creating the impression for LGPS investment committees that there exists broad member support for divestment and exclusion of stocks of companies supplying the IDF. These have included the provision of pamphlets and online information to LGPS members, together with pro forma letters to be signed and sent to investment committees in support of divestment and exclusion. Such a strategy is as old as the hills. Cassius planned to manipulate Brutus by throwing several forged letters from “the public” through his window, each designed to encourage Brutus to assassinate Caesar. In the belief that the citizens of Rome were expressing their desires in this way, Shakespeare’s Brutus resolves to “speak, strike, redress”.Footnote 68
Here, the letters may not be forgeries but are no less in doubt. In one example, UNISON, the UK’s largest union, attached pro forma letters to an information booklet aimed at those of its members also invested in LGPS pensions. The booklet was entitled: “Palestine: Is your Pension Fund Investing in the Occupation?”Footnote 69 In circumstances where letters are the direct consequence of that document, it behoves administering authorities to probe whether the union has simply used members as vectors for the union’s own views.
An administering authority must act in good faith and exercise the care, skill and diligence a prudent person would exercise. To qualitatively assess the value to be placed on the resultant letters, an administering authority need look no further than the title page. The Principles for Responsible Investment (“PRI”), the world’s leading proponent of responsible investment, publishes standards and guides for best practice. On the issue of asking questions designed to exact preferences from investors, it recommends, quite categorically, that fiduciariesFootnote 70 should “avoid questions that begin with a statement indicating a pre-existing position: this can bias the beneficiary’s response”.Footnote 71 Applying the PRI test, there must be serious doubts as to whether the letters truly represent views held by members.
For that class of cases where the decision maker is not entitled to reach an internal view on member support, as is most likely here, polls or surveys have been considered by some to be a reasonable method to gauge member support.Footnote 72 The survey design is critical if the administering authority is to discharge its duties. It must not act negligently in designing it but must design it on usual Wednesbury and Tameside principles, acting rationally. It must also do its “best to exercise fair and impartial judgment”Footnote 73 in designing it. Thus, for example, a select group surveyed may not be representative of investors generally. In that case, it would render any determination of member support unsound.
Nigel Giffin K.C. considered that “the views of trade unions or other representatives of employee or member opinion about what the members think may well be relevant”.Footnote 74 There is always a risk that by bypassing actual members of the scheme and treating unions as speaking for them, a well-known democratic deficit is relied upon. The UNISON booklet, for example, also includes pre-drafted motions for union branches to pass in support of LGPS divestment. The significance of such a motion is that it creates the impression of member support even though a 51 per cent. vote (of that proportion of members who turn up to a branch meeting) would not meet Nigel Giffin K.C.’s “high proportion” test. In such circumstances, a survey looking only as far as unions incorrectly and unreasonably assumes underlying broad member support.
In addition, when a pro-BDS investment committee of an administering authority decides to consult a pro-BDS union in lieu of actual LGPS members, there is an obvious concern that the survey is nothing more than an echo chamber. The results would be open to challenge on the grounds of confirmation bias. Nigel Giffin K.C. suggests a prophylactic approach: “[I]t would probably make sense to remind the consultees that what is really being looked for is their knowledge or judgment of what members (including pensioner and deferred, as well as active members) would be likely to support, rather than the body’s own policy on fossil fuels, or boycotts against a particular state, or whatever the issue might be.”Footnote 75
This may be wishful thinking. Many unions are active in promoting BDS, if not formally affiliated with the PSC. It has been convincingly argued that: “Most [union] members [lack] the knowledge or motivation to engage actively in the democratic processes of policy-making; officials [have] the skills and the personal interests to dominate the decision-making and electoral processes; creating a vicious circle […] The trend towards ‘mega-unions’ increases internal heterogeneity and the distance between leadership and rank-and-file.”Footnote 76
Many members, of course, remain silent, more concerned with the challenges of daily life while their unions or LGPS pensions committees seek relevance in the international arena. The Law Commission’s view is that where a majority of members are opposed to an investment while the rest remain neutral, “we think that would be enough”.Footnote 77 This has risk written all over it. The administering authority enthusiastically using this as a means of supplementing a small majority skates on thin ice. Nigel Giffin K.C. has attempted to steer administering authorities away from the edge of the pond, but only slightly: “Although I suggest here that it should not matter that a proportion of members would be simply indifferent to the investment policy in question, I think that there would need to be at any rate a substantial groundswell of positive support for it.”Footnote 78
There are various reasons why even this approach is fraught with difficulty for the local government lawyer. Apart from the fact that it is not clear what “substantial groundswell” means, the effect of such a tempered approach is still to allow in the residual “indifferent” members to make up the numbers for the “high proportion” bar. Gauging the views of members must be a qualitative, as well as quantitative, assessment. Silence is not the same as indifference or neutrality. In the context of an LGPS scheme with tens of thousands of members, silence is more likely to reflect a rational belief amongst members that their stakes are so small that their views are not worth expressing. To fail to make this distinction shows a lack of skill and care on the part of the administering authority. The risk of a breach of duty is compounded by the lack of disclosure to members that no-votes could be treated as supporting votes.
The “financial detriment” limb is no closer to offering certainty to the market than the “member support” limb. Proceeding on the basis of Lord Carnwath’s approval is further complicated by His Lordship’s reformulation of the phrase from “risk of significant financial detriment” to “significant risk of financial detriment”.Footnote 79 Nigel Giffin K.C. appears to regard the two formulations as intended to mean the same thing.Footnote 80 It is difficult to make that leap. Linguistically, there is a difference in degree. A significant risk is not necessarily the same as a risk, because the former is something more than just a risk. Significant financial detriment is not necessarily the same as financial detriment because, again, it is something more than financial detriment. Despite the decision in R. (Palestine Solidarity Campaign) v Secretary of State being handed down by the UK’s highest court, it is reasonable to conclude that the financial detriment test itself is not settled.
It is striking that no mention is made by Nigel Giffin K.C. in his 2025 opinion of Michael Green J.’s comments on this point in his decision in Butler-Sloss v The Charity Commission. Footnote 81 Although a case involving charitable trusts, rather than pension funds, the judge’s comments as to the dangers of treating the test as being cast in stone are illuminating:
I do not think that the Vice-Chancellor [in the Bishop of Oxford case] was laying down either what “significant financial detriment” actually meant or that it was any form of threshold test that the trustees had to consider before anything else. Clearly financial detriment arising out of the pursuit of a particular investment policy is an important factor that trustees need to consider when balancing all the relevant factors. But there is a danger in treating the words of the Vice-Chancellor as though they are statutory requirements and prescriptive.Footnote 82
While the apparent difference in degree between “significant financial detriment” and “financial detriment” has been noted,Footnote 83 it has not been judicially corrected or subsequently considered. Attempts to reconcile the two phrases by suggesting they were intended to mean the same thing offer little in the way of guidance in the absence of a view as to what that thing is.
Administering authorities bent on adopting a particular policy based on non-financial factors are incentivised to interpret the “financial detriment” and “member support” figures as favourably as possible. Put simply, their interests are served by a low number representing financial detriment and a high number representing member support for their proposed policy. In proposing a divestment and exclusion policy based on non-financial factors, an administering authority therefore automatically places itself in a position where its interest in producingFootnote 84 self-serving numbers potentially conflicts with its duties. These duties include the duty to act in good faith and the duty not to act for its own benefit without the informed consent of its principal.Footnote 85
The lack of certainty creates space for a range of interpretations of data. The scope for a self-serving interpretation of the data is also inadvertently encouraged by the Law Commission’s “seesaw” approach, where compelling values in one set can create tolerance in the other set, where the values are relatively weak:
For example, if trustees are faced with compelling evidence that members feel very strongly about the issue, then they may be justified in accepting a risk of some possible detriment, so long as that detriment is not significant. Conversely, if trustees receive clear professional advice that the decision is financially neutral, with some members agreeing and some indifferent, the trustees may still go ahead. The position may be different where only a modest level of agreement is combined with some risk of detriment.Footnote 86
The final scenario described by the Law Commission is the most likely here. Despite the Law Commission’s uncertainty on that, having allowed the genie out by introducing the idea that data relating to one limb can move the dial on the other, the imagination of local government lawyers has been captured. It is no wonder that administering authorities are at pains to show their financial detriment analyses. Like the diligent high school mathematics student, they believe extra marks are available if they show their workings.
C. Attaining and Exercising the Power
The scope of a power, as a fiduciary power, is not only determined by the terms of that power, but also how it is attained and how it is used. In the case of BDS policies, as with other policies based on non-financial factors, the power is not vested but is contingent upon meeting, inter alia, the high bar of the “Non-Financial Factors Test”. The administering authority which, for example, proposes a general aerospace and defence (“A&D”) policy to members, after shelving a BDS policy targeting defence stocks linked to Israel, may be acting in good faith or not. The change might reflect a legitimate concern over defence stocks generally and therefore a genuine change in policy or it might be to dress the BDS wolf up in sheep’s clothing. This might to be in order to attract stronger member support for the purposes of the test on the assumption that even defence, a perennially controversial sector, is seen as less controversial than a naked BDS policy. It could also be an attempt to improve the fact pattern should there be a challenge under the Public Sector Equality Duty.Footnote 87 These are difficult questions. Each case will be evidence dependent. Similarly, where an administering authority uses unions as proxies for member support, this might be in good faith or could be a cynical ploy to overcome a likely lack of support if members were surveyed directly. Again, the evidence will be critical in that determination.
The distinction between acting in good faith or not in the preliminary steps prior to acquiring the power of divestment is important. It is trite law that a fiduciary must act in good faith.Footnote 88 Where it fails to act in good faith, the resulting power, in the form of an adopted policy, will be tainted. Its adoption is likely to be adjudged void ab initio because “good faith goes to the scope of a power”.Footnote 89
Related to this, but usually occurring after the adoption of the policy, is the purpose for which it is exercised. Even where an A&D or any other ESG policy is intra vires, a fiduciary cannot in equity exercise the power if its purpose is improper.Footnote 90 Thus, where such an A&D policy is adopted and then used for the purpose of implementing the fiduciary’s own BDS agenda which, if that had been apparent, would not have been supported by a sufficient number of members, a court might consider it to be in breach of the proper purpose rule. In the Victorian case of Duke of Portland v Topham,Footnote 91 Lord Westbury considered that exercise of the power must be:
with an entire and single view to the real purpose and object of the power, and not for the purpose of accomplishing or carrying into effect any bye or sinister object (I mean sinister in the sense of its being beyond the purpose and intent of the power) which he may desire to effect in the exercise of the power.Footnote 92
If the “bye object”, or purpose, in exercising the power under an A&D policy is to engage in BDS under the guise of a more general policy, a court might consider the power to have been exercised for improper purposes. In such a case, a court could treat the ostensible exercise of the power as void.Footnote 93
A different approach to the re-constitution of a BDS policy as an A&D policy is to consider it as now applying to two sub-portfolios: the first comprising A&D stocks linked to Israel, the second to “other” A&D stocks. If the preference of the hypothetical LGPS administering authority is to divest of and exclude only stocks in the first category, and that stocks in the second are simply tag-along stocks for the purpose of allowing the BDS policy to be less focused on the State of Israel, those stocks are, in effect, collateral damage. In those circumstances, the question is not whether sales of stocks in the second category are sham transactions, because the answer is clear. They are real sales in exchange for cash. The question is instead whether expansion of the original BDS policy to include “other” stocks (and thereby relabel the policy as an A&D policy), and their subsequent sale, can be said to be decisions taken for a proper purpose.
The question arises, fairly and squarely, in circumstances where the administering authority’s interest in selling stocks in the first category is not because they are A&D stocks per se, but because they are stocks linked to Israel. Similarly, its interest in selling the “other” stocks in the second category is not because they are A&D stocks but because they are a price worth paying for weaponising their agenda. They serve to re-frame the BDS-motivated disposal of stocks in the first as being A&D disposals.
A court would properly take notice of the surrounding circumstances. These include the administering authority’s starting preference for a BDS policy and its switch to an A&D divestment and exclusion policy as a means of enveloping or subsuming a naked BDS strategy. The minutes of the Avon Pension Fund Committee meeting of 28 March 2025 record the Head of Pensions as saying that:
any such decision [to divest from stocks connected to the supply of arms to the State of Israel] based on non-financial factors is likely to be controversial among a material body of the scheme’s membership and open to legal challenge. He informed the Committee that they could decide to set broader and more robust criteria covering conflicts in general, to avoid unique focus on Israel-Palestine […]. This option would substantially reduce risk of exposure to conflict zones and the risk of inconsistent application with potential legal challenge triggered by narrow focus on Israel.Footnote 94
Such a policy was not adopted and so no view is expressed but, if it had been, this comment would likely have been relevant to the court’s analysis of the final policy. In Howard Smith Ltd. v Ampol Petroleum Ltd.,Footnote 95 the Privy Council cited with approval the judgment of Viscount Finlay in Hindle v John Cotton Ltd.:Footnote 96
Where the question is one of abuse of powers, the state of mind of those who acted, and the motive on which they acted, are all important, and you may go into the question of what their intention was, collecting from the surrounding circumstances all the materials which genuinely throw light upon that question of the state of mind of the directors so as to show whether they were honestly acting in discharge of their powers in the interests of the company or were acting from some bye-motive, possibly or personal advantage, or for any other reason.Footnote 97
If, alternatively, the A&D exclusion policy is both designed to envelop (and therefore de-emphasise or downplay) an anti-Israel BDS policy but also to more generally reduce risk of portfolio exposure to conflict zones, it has a dual purpose. Where there are multiple purposes, some proper and others not, should a court set aside the decision? The question has arisen both in a public law context and in the context of directors, with which there are some similarities to an LGPS administering authority.Footnote 98
In R. (on the Application of FDA) v Secretary of State for Work and Pensions,Footnote 99 a case in which Nigel Giffin K.C. also appeared, Lord Neuberger M.R. (as he then was) said that “where a decision-maker has taken a legally irrelevant factor into account when making his decision, the normal principle is that the decision is liable to be held to be invalid unless the factor played no significant part in the decision-making exercise”.Footnote 100
If the decision maker’s own interest is in pursuing a BDS policy in circumstances where there has been no determination of member support for it per se, it is a legally irrelevant factor. An administering authority – as a fiduciary – cannot impose views of its own which would not be widely shared by members.Footnote 101 They must put the scheme and the interests of the members (and employers) first, to the exclusion of their own interests. Moreover, in circumstances where the A&D policy has its genesis in an intended BDS policy, it might be said that the pursuit of a BDS policy played a “significant part”.
Eclairs Group. v J.K.X. Oil & Gas, which arose in a company law context, provides an additional perspective on when courts will invalidate decisions taken for an improper purpose. Lord Sumption explained that “save perhaps in cases where the decision was influenced by dishonest considerations or by the personal interest of the decision-maker, the directors’ decision will be set aside only if the primary or dominant purpose for which it was made was improper”.Footnote 102 The question is whether the dominant purpose of the A&D policy is to reduce portfolio risk to conflict zones or to target Israel. Lord Sumption’s response, obiter, to the question of how to determine the “primary” or “dominant” purpose was to adopt a “but for” approach and “ask whether the decision would have been made if the directors had not been moved by it”.Footnote 103 In the absence of argument from leading counsel on the point, the majority expressly withheld approval of that approach. It nevertheless provides an insight into how the rule might evolve.
If the genesis for an A&D policy is the desire to pursue BDS and the purpose of including “other” stocks is window-dressing and not for the purpose of reducing risk to conflict zones, both the weightiest purpose and the causative purpose might be understood as improper. The effect would be that the policy is at risk of being struck down by a court of equity.
The “improper purpose” rule is not limited to situations where a policy is adopted. Even where there is no adoption of a policy based on non-financial factors of any kind, the power to sell a stock in the portfolio is subject to the oversight of equity. If, for example, the fiduciary (through its investment manager) sells stock and describes it as a decision made on financial grounds, that description is open to being recharacterised. If the internal communications, trading patterns or previous course of dealing suggest that the sale was in fact made for non-financial purposes, a court will not hesitate to recharacterise the disposition as being ultra vires because it can properly take notice of the surrounding circumstances, per Hindle v John Cotton.Footnote 104
IV. The Need for Urgent Reappraisal
Administering authorities must recognise that the law is not settled in this area. Those who approach the “Non-Financial Factors Test” as nothing more than a two-part checklist for BDS following the decision in R. (Palestine Solidarity Campaign) v Secretary of State will inevitably come a cropper. This section considers how current understandings of the limbs of the test require urgent reappraisal against the reality that equity acts in personam.
A. The “Non-Financial Factors Test”
In its 2014 report, the Law Commission considered that “member support” need not meet the gold standard of unanimity applicable to trustees needing beneficiary consent. This was based on the view that a quasi-trustee operating within a statutory framework is different from a traditional trustee operating exclusively under the gaze of trust law: “courts have expressed concerns about lifting wholesale rules that have been developed in the context of traditional trusts and applying them to trusts of a different kind.”Footnote 105 This may be a convenient response to the reality that an LGPS fund with tens of thousands of members does not lend itself to the remotest possibility of unanimity, but it owes little to principle.
At best, such an approach can point to the distinction made by Lord Browne-Wilkinson in Target Holdings Ltd. v Redferns,Footnote 106 a case in which there had been an unauthorised application of trust monies, but where no harm was ultimately done as a result of that breach. His Lordship distinguished between a bare trust arising in a commercial context and a traditional trust settled in a family context. The logic of drawing such a distinction has been described as “disquieting”.Footnote 107 So too here: there may not be a trust, but the administering authorities control assets which represent the money of employee members.Footnote 108 When it comes up squarely for consideration by the courts, the current formulation of “member support”, and how it interacts with the “financial detriment” limb, may well attract a more rigorous analysis than occurred in R. (Palestine Solidarity Campaign) v Secretary of State.
With use of the qualifier “significant”, the “financial detriment” limb similarly shows signs of a distinction, where mere financial detriment is considered to be tolerable. Such an approach invites the question: where is that line drawn? It is tempting for local government lawyers to assume that so long as defined benefits are paid and future liabilities covered, it should not matter if the administering authority plays geopolitics with assets in the fund. That reasoning is flawed. Such an approach owes more to actuaries than equity lawyers. Sir Peter Millett, as he then was, explained the relevant principle:
the primary obligation of a trustee is to account for his stewardship. The primary remedy of the beneficiary – any beneficiary no matter how limited his interest – is to have the account taken, to surcharge and falsify the account, and to require the trustee to restore to the trust estate any deficiency which may appear when the account is taken. The liability is strict.Footnote 109
Put another way, the duty is not confined to meeting liabilities but extends to the authorised application of assets; the remedy is not about compensating for loss but about restoring the fund. This leaves little room for tolerating financial detriment.
Indeed, in the absence of clarity, the financial detriment limb is ripe for interpretation by the courts. In this context at least, there is a strong argument that it means any financial detriment other than that which is de minimis. The ordinary meaning of “significant” is something that is not nil, minor, insignificant or trivial. Logically, therefore, any financial detriment that is not de minimis is significant.
Moreover, the determination of whether the financial detriment is significant is often assumed to be a measure of financial detriment relative to the size and performance of the portfolio. This may have something to do with phrase “to the fund” appended by the Law Commission to the Vice-Chancellor’s “significant financial detriment” test in the Bishop of Oxford case.Footnote 110 As a “funded” scheme, the LGPS aims to achieve solvency, that is, scheme administrators are required to hold assets to cover the cost of the defined benefits (liabilities), rather than anything in excess of that. This is perceived as allowing for more leeway when it comes to assessing significant financial detriment, because it is measured against that metric.
However, the test of whether financial detriment is not de minimis, as a convenient means of determining whether financial detriment is instead significant, arguably looks at financial detriment in absolute terms. At the very least, in the absence of judicial pronouncements on the question, the possibility that the test is absolute cannot be discounted. After all, it is well established that the way the trustee (or quasi-trustee) reaches a decision is critical, per Martin v Edinburgh D.C.Footnote 111 There is also a practical reason why an administering authority should adopt a more conservative approach in the absence of legal certainty. Where an administering authority’s breach of fiduciary duty results in unauthorised divestments and exclusions, equity acts in personam. In short, the fiduciary has a risk of personal liability.Footnote 112
B. Equity Acts In Personam
In the hypothetical cases discussed, putative policies are susceptible to being set aside in equity. It might be considered that dispositions made under them are less likely to be set aside on the assumption that the purchasers may well be bona fide purchasers for value without notice (of the equity). However, the assumption that those darlings of equity are able to claim good title to stock sold to them in the name of BDS may in fact be less available than might otherwise be thought. This is because the policies, their genesis and the accompanying analyses are typically published online. Notice need not be actual but can be implied or constructive.Footnote 113 The precise mechanics of the sales will be relevant to that analysis.
None of that matters when it is recalled that equity acts in personam. This requires administering authorities to adopt a prudent approach to the “Non-Financial Factors Test”. While the defined benefits of individual members might be still covered, such that they suffer no damage in their pockets, the stocks disposed of, as well as those passed over, are in consequence of the putative policy. In contrast to the common law approach, the concern is not about damage to individual members but the conduct of the administering authority as fiduciary. The term “equitable compensation” hardly encapsulates equity’s underlying objective. It is not compensatory in the common law damages sense, but restorative. This is because the defaulting fiduciary’s liability is strict. A claim for equitable compensation against a fiduciary is therefore not to make whole a loss suffered by a member but to be restitutionary or restorative to the fund.Footnote 114
On the basis that an LGPS fund’s investment portfolio is not static, the obvious question is what would have been the fund’s position but for the breach of fiduciary duty?Footnote 115 It is open to the administering authority to show that the investment portfolio would have suffered that loss had there been no breach of duty. However, in the case of a long-term holder of assets, as the LGPS is, it is highly likely that stocks divested would have continued to have been held. Divestments therefore likely include a loss of capital appreciation as a result of premature realisation,Footnote 116 a loss of dividend cash flows and loss of securities lending fees. For stocks excluded, a list of blacklisted stocks provides prima facie evidence. The losses connected to exclusions of stocks include those that deprive the scheme of all the capital appreciation, dividend and securities lending income on those shares which the scheme would otherwise have received. This is not to mention the overall legal costs involved or the administration costs in ring-fencing a portfolio from exposure to a pool with incompatible policies.Footnote 117
In such circumstances, an accounting – a preliminary step to an award of equitable compensation – would enable the scheme to falsify, namely disallow, the losses connected to divestment and surcharge the losses connected to exclusions. Allocating the effects of market risk to the point where the shares would have been sold or, if they would have continued to have been held, to the trial date, is the starting point. If they appreciate, the change is chargeable to the defaulting fiduciary. It reflects the replacement cost to the beneficiary after taking into account sale proceeds. It is not a perfect outcome,Footnote 118 but it is in keeping with the restorative objective of equity. It is for this reason that on the question of liability Sir Peter Millett once essayed: “There is no question of ‘stopping the clock’.”Footnote 119
Where, however, the divestment or exclusion is followed by intermeddling by the defaulting fiduciary in the value of the shares, the court will adjust the valuation point. Rather than letting the clock run where that misconduct causes a fall in value, the court will, in those circumstances, turn it back to their pre-intervention value, per Mitchell v Al Jaber.Footnote 120 The case of the LGPS administering authority using its platform to “talk down” the shares having improperly divested or excluded them, perhaps by encouraging others to follow suit, is surely only a matter of time.
Whilst a member may see no impact to their defined benefits on the adoption and implementation of a divestment and exclusion policy in breach of the administering authority’s duties or powers, it does not mean to say that The Pensions Regulator would look the other way. Section 16(1) of the Pensions Act 2004 provides that:
If, on the application of the Regulator, the court is satisfied that there has been a misuse or misappropriation of any of the assets of an occupational or personal pension scheme, it may order any person involved to take such steps as the court may direct for restoring the parties to the position in which they were before the misuse or misappropriation occurred.
The power is concerned with the assets of the scheme, rather than damage to the members. The rules on equitable compensation would naturally inform the court’s calculation.
A person is “involved”, and therefore liable, if they are knowingly concerned in the misuse or misappropriation of the assets. External investment managers utilised by an administering authority bring a BDS policy to life. Market execution capability, thereby turning a written divestment policy into a real sale, can only mean that they are “concerned in” the breach. On the question of knowledge, the LGPS is unusual in the sense that unlike most other asset owners who simply issue an instruction, in the case of administering authorities, the history of the policy is typically online and that history may contain red flags. In the case of a BDS policy, it will prompt the obvious questions: Was member support achieved, particularly on such a controversial topic? If so, how? How was “no significant financial detriment” determined considering the stocks comprise one of the hottest sectors in the market?Footnote 121
A separate question concerns whether the value restored ought to recognise value from any secondary transaction. It is, of course, a truism that disposals are for value, such that cash received can be deployed into other investments and that cash not used to buy an excluded stock can be deployed elsewhere. The question, then, is whether the administering authority can offset losses by any gains from these second order transactions. The scope for the administering authority to argue that the fund’s loss should be netted down to account for gains is limited in equity.
In Bartlett v Barclays Bank Trust Co. Ltd.,Footnote 122 Brightwell J. (as he then was) allowed set-off in equity on an exceptional basis. There had been two transactions. The first made a small profit, part of which was invested into a second transaction, which made a large loss. The transactions were connected in the sense that they were born from the same investment policy.
The decision was, for many years, interpreted as a “same transaction” exception to the general rule. However, in Stevens v Hotel Portfolio II UK, the Supreme Court considered the essence of the exception:
It is not the mere existence per se of a connection, or even a close connection, between the relevant breaches of trust which may make the denial of a set-off inequitable. The connection merely sets the scene for asking the often fact-intensive question whether the ordinary application or the disapplication of the no set-off principle better serves the objectives of equity in the particular circumstances.Footnote 123
The decision in Bartlett v Barclays Bank was therefore explained on the basis that any other outcome would have been inequitable, namely contrary to the principles of equity.Footnote 124 Adopting this reasoning, it is likely that the approach of the courts to the scenarios discussed here would be very different. This is because in Bartlett v Barclays Bank the conduct of the fiduciary was characterised as nonfeasance, rather than misfeasance.Footnote 125 The Bank, qua shareholder, was simply negligent in failing to stop the transactions from proceeding.
The examples explored in this article present very differently. The transactions are not linked, directly or indirectly, to an investment policy intended to make money. They are linked to a divestment policy. The difference is not semantics. There is no intention whatsoever to make money for the LGPS fund. Nor is there any calculation to use the second order transactions to ameliorate loss, which was the case in the Victorian case of Fletcher v Green.Footnote 126 Where the breach of fiduciary duty involves an absence of good faith, the conduct is closer to misfeasance than nonfeasance.
On the question of whether set-off would be “inequitable”, two maxims of equity are engaged. First, where there is an absence of good faith, the administering authority cannot be said to come with clean hands in seeking set-off. Second, equity will not allow a wrongdoer to profit by a wrong. While this is not a case where the administering authority makes a profit in a financial sense, any other outcome would enable it to profit politically by weaponising its political agenda, paid for by means of set-off in equity. Lord Briggs’s use of Brontë-esque imagery to describe the exercise of the court’s equitable discretion as like “tempering the wind to the shorn lamb” is apt.Footnote 127 It is difficult to conceive of an LGPS fiduciary, intentionally sailing close to the wind, being able to call for the wind to then be tamed. The result is that a court would likely order payment of the loss, calculated on a gross basis.
With respect to equitable compensation, the courts will, at best, overlook losses which are de minimis. Cherney v Neuman Footnote 128 involved, inter alia, a claim for breach of trust against a firm of solicitors for an unauthorised payment from a client account. Having concluded that a large amount was paid out of a client account in breach of trust, the judge, Henderson J. (as he then was), quantified the net loss to the client. As the amount transferred out had been matched by a simultaneous (or virtually simultaneous) payment in, the net financial impact to the client consisted of bank charges of £7. His Lordship considered this to be trivial and applied the maxim de minimis non curat lex (more commonly known as the de minimis principle). He therefore declined to enquire as to what defences might be available to the defendant and even whether the loss of £7 remained uncompensated.
In Glenn v Watson,Footnote 129 the judge, Nugee J. (as he then was), took a similar approach to a claim involving, inter alia, an unauthorised borrowing of £7,045. His Lordship considered that this was a breach of trust but duly noted that restoration took place after just four days. While restoration should have included four days’ worth of accrued interest on that relatively small amount, the judge took the view that the interest was de minimis. In the circumstances, the judge considered that it “is not obvious that even the strict rules of equity require any more”.Footnote 130 Faced with the risk of paying equitable compensation, the prudent administering authority will consider whether the potential outcome could be anything other than a de minimis loss.
V. Conclusion
The Supreme Court may not have found evidence of the Lord Chancellor’s footprint in car dealerships,Footnote 131 but for those wishing to play at geopolitics from the town hall, its presence cannot be ignored. At stake for administering authorities is personal liability.
That ought to give local government lawyers and government ministers alike the greatest difficulty in accepting the premise of the recent Position Paper authored by Max Du Plessis S.C. and others.Footnote 132 Commissioned by the PSC, it seeks exclusion and divestment from the LGPS of stocks in what the authors call “Involved Companies”. That term is intended to include, inter alia, the stocks of defence companies supplying the State of Israel – at a time when Israel is still threatened by terror groups proscribed by the UK. To maximise its impact, the Position Paper has been widely disseminated. It has also been sent by or on behalf of the PSC to the UK Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government. It is an attempt to influence trading activity in the stock marketFootnote 133 and political decision-making.
Specifically, the Position Paper calls for the Secretary of State to issue guidance to LGPS administering authorities, in effect requiring them to exclude stocks in the targeted companies and “take reasonable steps towards divesting”.Footnote 134 It further states that if they fail to comply, the Secretary of State should issue a direction to them under their powers. Separately, the Position Paper calls on administering authorities directly to exclude the targeted stocks and take “reasonable steps”Footnote 135 to divest from them. The Position Paper is premised on the assertion that “the UK has significant investment relations with Israel”Footnote 136 through the LGPS. That analysis starts with the Secretary of State and administering authorities as “organs of the State”Footnote 137 but conveniently stops short of following the money. The LGPS represents private, not public, money. The logic of the Position Paper is remarkable: it would mean that a private citizen of the UK can hold the targeted stocks directly, but not indirectly through his or her own pension.
In calling for the Secretary of State to issue guidance or directions to administering authorities, the authors of the Position Paper point to the minister’s power to issue “guidance or directions on investment decisions which it is not proper for the scheme manager to make in light of UK foreign and defence policy”.Footnote 138 Exercising that power for the purposes called for in the Position Paper would likely render the decision open to legal challenge as being an unreasonable and irrational use of the power. The power is a direct response by Parliament to the decision in R. (Palestine Solidarity Campaign) v Secretary of State, which had denied the Government from taking steps to protect LGPS pensions from being hijacked by BDS policies. In other words, it was designed as a shield, not as a sword.
Yet the authors of the Position Paper overlook this and consider the power to be a sword by which BDS policies can be imposed on the LGPS. The power would, in effect, be used to impose de facto boycotts or sanctions against particular companies in the LGPS sphere of influence. That would amount to a power-grab by the minister because it would wrest what is clearly a new foreign policy decision away from the Foreign Office. Exercise of the power in a way that would introduce de facto sanctions would create a parallel sanctions regime.
Arguing that the power should be exercised in that way is an attempt to invert the purpose of a statutory power. The courts will not tolerate that. The general principle is that the court will give effect to Parliament’s intention in enacting the legislation. To that end, the court will adopt a purposive approach by considering the context of the statute as a whole, including the historical context in which the statute was enacted.Footnote 139 This does not mean that interpretation of the statutory power is stuck in time and cannot respond to changing circumstances, but the argument that circumstances have changed here is misplaced. The relevant circumstances are not Israel’s prosecution of a war subsequent to the enactment of the power but the continuing need for sanctions policy to be set in the usual way rather than for a minister to step outside their brief and use the LGPS as the delivery mechanism. Those circumstances did not change in bellum.
The other call, directed to LGPS administering authorities, runs headlong into the “Non-Financial Factors Test”. The authors of the Position Paper argue that in the circumstances it is a relatively low bar. As the analysis in this article demonstrates, it is anything but that. The law has established a high bar, and for good reason. The law does not lightly permit fiduciaries, responsible for funds representing other people’s money held in the LGPS, to deny those people the benefit of lawful investments simply on non-financial grounds.
Lest BDS activists and their lawyers miss the simple point: a BDS policy aligns LGPS funds to the politics of terror organisations proscribed by the UK Government. After all, those groups also object to defence companies supplying Israel. Equity acts on the conscience and there can be no more obvious case for it to wish to intervene. This has nothing to do with politics; it has everything to do with protecting funds from policies which overstep the limits of how those assets should be managed.