1. Multiple Identity: The Term and its Theoretical Significances
Sociological research acknowledges that the individual is not simply defined by one identity evolved from societal structures, but rather by various ones. These identities – formed due to social roles, age, gender, reference groups, social milieus, and so on – became increasingly important in modern societies as well as in theoretical discussions. The recognition of this multiplicity of identities has been a major theoretical development, taking place over the past few decades. As a result of this structural change in modern societies, many traditional cultural bases are diminishing in numerous societies. As these bases dissolve, a number of newly developed ways of life arise, triggering a process of decision-making for individuals. What is being questioned in this process, is the identity and its uniqueness for any individual. Social worlds become relative and hence the modern identity becomes increasingly differentiated. Moreover, individual awareness or consciousness faces constant reflection on where the outer social reality plays a key role. There is also a process of reflection that takes place on the inside, thus focusing on one’s own individuality. Explained another way: the outside world is not the only influence during this process, but also the ‘I’ is given more attention, which may be linked to the challenging question of who one truly is.
In order to answer this question, a number of theoretical concepts relating to identity have been developed. They include: the plural identity, the pluralistic-self or the patchwork identity. Individual self-definitions are increasingly losing their obligatory character, because the stable life-worlds – where one’s rights, duties and behavioural patterns are fixed – are also dissolving. Individuals are therefore forced to personally contribute in the process of creating their own conjunctions between the rather dispersed experiences they have encountered. Much systematic research has been carried out on this topic.Reference Keupp, Ahle and Gmür2 Such research usually focuses on socio-cultural change and here especially around areas of tension, such as modernisation versus tradition, or socialisations versus religion, all of which have their repercussions and individual identities.
With the global distribution of goods, ideas, information, and especially the resulting mobilisation, the formation of identity has become independent of boundaries.Reference Eickelpasch and Rademacher3 The growing dissolution of borders between national and cultural environments has led to the concept of identity now being understood in a way that includes cross-cultural and cross-societal relations of individual.Reference Foroutan and Schäfer4–Reference Porsché7 Terms emerging from these concepts include: bi-cultural identity, hybrid identity, multiple identity, transcultural identity and intercultural identity.Reference Foroutan and Schäfer4–Reference Porsché7
∙ These terms do describe a process of finding ones identity in the course of being confronted by diverging socio-cultural frames. This is in fact common amongst individuals with a migration background. These individuals often face a wide range of questions, which may include: Who am I? Where do I belong? According to which set of values do I want to live my life? And can I be a part of one or more ethnic and religious groups? Having raised these questions, I would now like to proceed to the empirical part of this research.
2. Empirical Findings Regarding the Construction of an Identity for Turkish Adolescents
I will focus on identity construction for Turkish adolescents living in Germany and Austria who make up the second/third migration generation. Consequently, the concept of identity has now to be understood in a way that includes cross-cultural and cross-societal relationships and interactions of individuals. Turkish adolescents have proven a lively topic in recent German-language migration research. Do these adolescents develop multiple, cross-cultural German-Turkish or Austrian-Turkish identities? Are they, in other words, developing stronger ties to the nations they live in, or to their families and kinship groups?
2.1. Critical Comments in Regards to the Empirical Study
The construction of an identity, in a modern, globalised world, can be seen as a dynamic process. The studies featured in this article are slightly outdated, given the fact that they were conducted at least five years ago. In addition, some of the studies are based on empirical quantitative analyses with a large number of cases, whilst others were conducted by employing guided interviews and a qualitative approach. I personally believe that qualitative methods are more appropriate when researching the construction of identities, as they offer broader insight into that concept. Identities can be described in a more vivid and thorough manner. Quantitative studies are moreover more easily superseded by later ones. It would, however, be helpful to employ long-term qualitative studies following the life course of the individuals studied.
Empirical research into multiple identities is difficult to conduct and it is equally difficult to interpret these data in a sensible manner. Leaving this methodological discussion to one side, I will present three empirical studies:
1. ‘The situation of the population in Germany with Turkish Origins’ (‘Die Situation der türkischstämmigen Bevölkerung in Deutschland’)Reference Özcan8, a report published by the Sachverständigenrat für Zuwanderung und Integration (Berlin, 2004)
2. ‘Living in two worlds’ by Hilde Weiss (‘Leben in zwei Welten’)Reference Weiss9, a quantitative study by the Viennese sociologist focusing on Austria. For this study, 1000 face-to-face interviews with set questions were conducted. The interviewees were not only adolescents with a migration background born in Austria or either living in Austria since their fourth year, but also a control group of comparable Austrian adolescents. I will compare the results for both groups.
3. ‘Identity constructions of Turkish Adolescents’ (‘Identitätskonstruktionen türkischer Jugendlicher’)Reference Aicher-Jakob10 by Marion Aicher-Jakob. Aicher-Jakob, a teacher, conducted seven in-depth interviews.
2.2. Selected Empirical Findings
Self-identification and value-orientation of adolescents are important factors when it comes to constructing one’s identity. I will concentrate on three areas:
(1) Ethnic or national self-identification.
(2) Religious ties and identity.
(3) Marginality-feelings and identity.
I will discuss the results by comparing the three studies and by looking at the results from various and different perspectives.
Ethnic or national self-identification
Three main differentiations between respondents in the studies can be identified when considering ethnic or national self-identification; there are those who felt German/Austrian; those who saw themselves as being a combination of both nations/ethnicities, and those who felt they are Turkish. Moreover, considering all three studies it appears as though those who categorise themselves as being part of both ethnicities/nations vary strongly in terms of generation. The first study shows that in the group of respondents from the second generation (who were born in Germany or have attended schools in the country for a long time), 32% answered that they felt predominantly German, 42% felt partly German, and 26% answered that they hardly or did not feel at all German. For the first generation, the corresponding numbers were 6%, 30% and 63%.Reference Özcan8 More recent studies have confirmed this tendency towards feeling more German/Turkish by those under 30 years old.Reference Reimann11
In the second study dealing with Austria, three questions were posed, which had to be answered on a scale of 1–4.Reference Weiss9 One third of the Turkish adolescents agreed to the statement: ‘I feel truly at home in the country where my parents were born’. Two thirds of the Turkish adolescents agreed to the statement: ‘Even though my parents were not born in Austria, I do feel like I am an Austrian.’ Another two thirds of the Turkish adolescents agreed to the following statement: ‘I feel equally at home in Austria as well as in the country my parents originate from’. How should these answers be interpreted? On the one hand, an apparent trend of feeling rooted and at home in Austria is shown. On the other hand, however, there is strong evidence to suggest that many adolescents often feel equally affiliated and have a sense of belonging to the country where their parents originally come from. The respondents were not asked to choose between the two possibilities (of either feeling at home in both countries or simply just belonging to one nation/ethnicity) and therefore it is not evident whether or not more individuals feel predominantly Austrian, Turkish or both. Furthermore, feeling a sense of belonging in both places is a realistic development for those who have grown up as part of the second generation. Being at home in two nations, feeling a sense of belonging in two cultures and being able to rearrange and reconsider these traits in one’s own life, is seen as being the prototype of a cosmopolitan individual in the modern world. The resulting feelings of marginality, and the tensions that can arise, will now be briefly considered and discussed.
In the third study, ethnic and national feelings of belonging were recorded through statements by the adolescents regarding the topic ‘feeling at home’. They were asked where they felt at home and which country they would consider their ‘home-country’. The results give a thorough insight into ways whereby adolescents decide and feel about where they ‘belong’ and where their ‘home’ truly is.Reference Aicher-Jakob10 Feelings of belonging and being at home in regards to Turkey were described using the words: warmth, holiday memories, family and relatives. When it comes to Germany, descriptions of home and a sense of belonging focused on the friendships, which are based in Germany, Germany being their place of birth, where they grew up, and the German language. Feeling ‘at home’ in both countries results from first of all, ‘being at home’ in the country in which one was born; on the other hand, a person’s ‘roots’ also elicit those emotions. Roots in this sense describe the parent’s place of birth. Furthermore, by asking questions about the interviewee’s own life-concept, it became clear that all of the adolescents would prefer to live in Germany in their future. The results show that when it comes to feeling at home, an identity concept, which is constructed by assimilative orientations in regards to German society, as well as to one’s Turkish roots, plays a crucial role.
Religious ties and identity
The study from 2004 found that religious standards and hence rules and conduct regarding religion play a more dominant role amongst Turkish adolescents than they did amongst German ones throughout their socialisation. This has been confirmed by subsequent studies. Religion is therefore an important aspect and a source of orientation for Turkish adolescents when it comes to their identity. According to this study, tensions thus arose in the modern living environment, since religious objectives are not given as much space in it.Reference Uslucan12 The study on Austria also establishes that religion is an important dimension of identity. Sociological research on religion in modern societies emphasises the disengagement of the individual from religious dogmas through the process of secularism. It is thought that individuals manage their religiosity more or less independently of their ties to institutional structures of religion. The study therefore distinguishes between the religious beliefs of the adolescents and their religious practices.Reference Weiss and Wittmann-Roumi Rassouli13 Furthermore, 56% of the Turkish interviewees said that ‘religion is very important’ in their lives. Only 5% of the Austrians said the same thing about themselves. Those who believe religion is ‘rather important’ make up 82% of the Turkish adolescents and only 27% of the Austrian ones. The difference is even more marked when it comes to religious practice; 30% of the Turkish adolescents visit a mosque frequently, or at least weekly, the comparable number for Austrian respondents was just 3%. It could be said that these marked differences in religiosity lead to tensions with Austrian society. It is not so much the belief system, but rather the religious practice and the frequent visits to the mosque that have this effect.Reference Weiss and Wittmann-Roumi Rassouli13 These visits cause stronger social integration into the ethnic community and hence also a greater sense of distance from the Austrian environment.
In the qualitative study by Aicher-Jakob, interviewees were asked to categorise themselves into ‘German’ or ‘Turkish’. Religion was seen as being close to the Turkish culture. ‘Feasts/parties’ were also associated with the Turkish culture, due to the fact that many events, which take place in Turkish communities are almost all closely linked to religion, such as the sugar feast, sacrifice feast and Ramadan.Reference Aicher-Jakob10 Religion again played a far more important role than nationality in choosing a partner. Only 13% of the Austrian-Turkish interviewees agreed with the statement: ‘having lived in Austria for a long time it is more likely that I will choose an Austrian partner’.Reference Weiss and Strodl14 For German and Austrian adolescents, religious identity is not a central factor in their lives, as it is for the Turkish ones. Does this imply a coexistence in the future marked by differences? Does religion prevent the development of multiple identities? Is this why inter-ethnic marriages are uncommon?Reference Carol15 And what role does family association play in regards to these questions?
A study is currently being conducted about ‘Islamic everyday practices in Austria’. It represents a large variety of strategies when it comes to dealing with Islam and Islamic religiosity. These strategies range from a pragmatic approach to Islam, deep religiosity, religious emancipation and secularism, to distancing oneself and avoidance of religion.Reference Aslan and Yildiz16 It would be of great interest to find out the extent to which this typology is connected to transcultural orientations and multiple identities. However, the project has not yet been completed.
Marginality-feelings and Identity
In the German report from 2004, a hypothesis was formulated that those in the second generation who increasingly question and debate the values and norms of their parents are more likely to try multi-layered identities and develop such forms of identities. ‘It becomes more and more common that only those traditions and cultural elements are being accepted, adopted and maintained in order to form one’s identity, which can coexist with the present society’.Reference Uslucan17 In this sense, an increase in multiple and complex identity structures may be predicted and expected in the future.
A study conducted in Austria in the years 2004–2005 reveals that the identity management of Turkish-born adolescents can be fraught with tensions and sources of conflict. Dimensions revealed about the process of self-realisation amongst the adolescents included strong feelings of being uprooted and also a loyalty dilemma resulting from sometimes feeling more Turkish and sometimes more Austrian. These dimensions were combined to create a tension-scale. The concept of marginality was thereby operationalised. Marginality thus refers to individuals, who are located on the threshold of two cultures and take part in both yet without truly being part of either one.Reference Gapp18 Adolescents with a Turkish background – when compared, for example, with adolescents who originate from the former states of Yugoslavia – suffer most from these tensions. Depending on the dimensions, they feel either alien/homeless or find it difficult to acknowledge their loyalty towards either Turkey or Austria (40–50%).
In addition, adolescents with a Turkish origin were also most removed from a modern lifestyle. In this study, these distances were specified through statements that refer to equality of men and women, to partnership, open ways of creating family-ties, and to one’s personal responsibility in that regard. Those who disagreed with these statements showed more marked subjective feelings of homelessness and uncertainty about where one truly belongs, if one wants to be more Turkish or more Austrian.Reference Gapp18 It was also found that the fact that many parents seem to pressure their children into being strongly oriented towards their own ethnic background and therefore more focused on finding friends and partners within their own ethnic group, has led to an increase in ambiguous, tension-driven identities being promoted. In particular, Turkish adolescents who have internalised the traditional value-orientations of their parents and at the same time their own set of orientations and traditions have increased feelings of being caught between two cultures.Reference Gapp18 Furthermore, what should also be taken into consideration is how experiences with discrimination can enforce the feelings of confusion amongst the adolescents. Moreover, it would be an advantage to look at how the given intra-individual and intra-family conflicts and tensions can be processed and coped with in more depth.
In the Aicher-Jakob study, adolescents were asked to weigh the importance of socio-cultural aspects with regard to their self-awareness. When stating what made them different, these adolescents often referred to ‘their blood’, ‘their faith’, and ‘their skin colour’ as being their Turkish features. ‘A decrease in faith’, the ‘clothes’, the ‘place of birth’, ‘the language’ and ‘the free lifestyle’ were described as their German characteristics. All adolescents see both sides as being present in their personalities. The majority of the Turkish youths feel themselves to be somewhere in the middle.Reference Aicher-Jakob10 No statements were made on whether this leads to conflict or tensions. What are perceived as Turkish characteristics at home, and hence socialisation plays a larger role, can be disregarded when outside of this setting. The balancing of both sides is illustrated in the following statement: ‘So, at home I am Turkish. But outside you don’t even see that I am Turkish. Because … because there just isn’t a difference between German and Turkish people … Cause outside everyone does the same thing. We also walk, just like everyone else … it’s not as if we would walk on our hands or on our head’.Reference Aicher-Jakob10
3. Conclusion
Multiple identities, as described, develop through confrontations with diverging socio-cultural settings. Can some kind of meta-identity develop out of partial identities? The processes and practices through which these identities evolve have not yet been thoroughly investigated. The empirical findings are inconsistent and identity constructions are often fragile. Multiple identities have to withstand ambivalences. Much more empirical research is needed to shed light on the tensions to which second-generation Turkish adolescents are exposed, the values they use to shape their lives, and on the question to which culture they feel the closest ties.
Brunhilde Scheuringer is professor emeritus of sociology at the University of Salzburg, Austria. Her areas of research are: sociology of refugees and migration, sociology of work and of occupations, social structural analysis.
