Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 April 2006
As several recent articles in PS have noted, studyabroad remains one of the most important and vital ways to make theinternational relations and comparative politics classroom moreactive, participatory, and experiential (Thies 2005; Bowman andJennings 2005). Along with various pedagogical techniques (such assimulations, film, and Internet and web-based technologies)increasingly used by political science instructors to enhance thelearning environment, the study abroad experience helps bring theworld into the classroom because it can connect directly andexperientially with students. Studies have shown that studyingabroad increases students' cross-cultural abilities and globalunderstanding, skills particularly relevant to comparative politicsand international relations courses (Kitsantas 2004; Hopkins 1999).Indeed, because of study abroad's value as one component in active,student-centered learning, as early as 1991 the APSA Task Force onPolitical Science, in the so-called Wahlke Report, made therecommendation that political science departments should strive toincrease the number of their students who participate in studyabroad programs of some kind, a recommendation echoed again recentlyby several higher education panels (Wahlke 1991; Bollag 2003).
As several recent articles in PS have noted, study abroad remains one of the most important and vital ways to make the international relations and comparative politics classroom more active, participatory, and experiential (Thies 2005; Bowman and Jennings 2005). Along with various pedagogical techniques (such as simulations, film, and Internet and web-based technologies) increasingly used by political science instructors to enhance the learning environment, the study abroad experience helps bring the world into the classroom because it can connect directly and experientially with students. Studies have shown that studying abroad increases students' cross-cultural abilities and global understanding, skills particularly relevant to comparative politics and international relations courses (Kitsantas 2004; Hopkins 1999). Indeed, because of study abroad's value as one component in active, student-centered learning, as early as 1991 the APSA Task Force on Political Science, in the so-called Wahlke Report, made the recommendation that political science departments should strive to increase the number of their students who participate in study abroad programs of some kind, a recommendation echoed again recently by several higher education panels (Wahlke 1991; Bollag 2003).
For the political science educator the good news is that the number of students participating in study abroad programs in the last half-decade has increased markedly. The Open Doors Report (2004), the most comprehensive survey of students studying abroad, shows that the number of students studying abroad for credit has more than doubled since 1992. Much of this increase can be traced to the growth of short-term study abroad programs (study abroad tours typically lasting anywhere from 10 days to 4 weeks) which accounted for 47.7% of all U.S. study abroad for the academic year 2001–2002.1
Germany ranked 7th among the favorite destinations for Americans studying abroad in 2003. Indeed, the number of American students studying in Germany increased by about 15% from the previous year's numbers for a total of 5,600 students in 2003.
Not all the news here is good, however. Study abroad remains overwhelmingly a “White” experience, with nearly 83% of students classified as Caucasian. And despite short-term programs, time and money remain obstacles for many students, for while the increased availability of financial aid helps defray the costs of tuition, many students work full time, or nearly full time, to support themselves while going to school (Curry 1999). In short, many students can afford neither the time nor the money to participate in such programs. This is especially true at smaller schools, community colleges, or universities whose demographic profile—high percentage of minorities, first-generation students, students primarily from low-income or working-class backgrounds, married “non-traditional” students—does not fit the “typical” study abroad student profile (Bollag 2003). An additional obstacle here is that students with these kinds of backgrounds very often have no, or extremely limited, previous experience traveling outside the U.S. For these students, this limited experience translates into a limited “horizon of expectations” in terms of study abroad: seeing the financial and cultural obstacles to studying abroad, they never consider it a serious option. Consequently, teachers of comparative politics and international relations face a challenging situation. While recognizing the importance of living, traveling, or studying abroad to students' experiential learning and internalizing of the content material of our courses, we also recognize that there are real obstacles to study abroad for many students, and especially “non-traditional” ones.
This article describes a web-based class linking two respective classes in Germany and the U.S. which, in effect, functions as a “virtual” exchange program for students in the two classes. It is not our argument here that a web-based class/virtual exchange such as ours somehow solves the challenges of study abroad discussed above, nor do we suggest that it can replace the study abroad experience. Nevertheless we do contend that our class has helped to further one of the main goals of a traditional study abroad experience—the deepening of cross-cultural knowledge and skills—even without providing a “real” study abroad. Thus our virtual exchange has broadened our students' expectations on study abroad and deepened their knowledge of another country's political system by providing them a direct connection to a foreign culture and people they might otherwise not have had. Furthermore, our experience leads us to believe that a class such as ours can help to stimulate greater interest among students in studying in either short-term study abroad programs or traditional semester- or year-abroad programs.
The international “virtual classroom” or “virtual exchange” can be viewed as a subset of the burgeoning field of online learning and web-based courses that have proliferated in recent years.2
The literature on online learning/e-learning/web-based classrooms is enormous. Overall descriptions of the varieties of online learning courses that are offered can be found in Bates (2001).
Our desire to develop a web-based course or virtual exchange was facilitated by a Fulbright Alumni Initiatives Grant we received in the fall of 2001 and a further grant in 2002 from the German Körber Stiftung. The Alumni Initiatives Grant is designed to sustain relationships Fulbright grantees have made with their host institutions by funding ongoing activities that foster continued relationships between the two.
During the spring and summer of 2002, we set about constructing an online course, “German and American Politics in Comparative Perspective,” which would link students in a political science seminar class taught at the Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster to a political science seminar class taught at UW-Parkside. We first offered it in the fall of 2002 and had four goals for the course. First and most generally, we wanted to increase students' knowledge (and this was especially true for the American students) of the other country's political system and political culture. An appreciation of the latter seemed especially important to us. We believe that direct experience of a culture and country is essential in coming to any specific conclusions about a country's political culture. Although our class could not provide students a direct experience of political culture, it could provide an indirect one through contact and communication with students from the other country. Thus we felt as if our class was unique in trying to understand the concept of political culture through scholarly literature, an examination of Alltagsleben (“daily life”) in the two societies, and directly communicated personal experience. Accordingly then, a second and related goal of the class was to provide opportunities for communication and extended contact between students in our two classes that would allow each group of students to experience a foreign culture through our dialogic exchange of ideas. Beyond these more general “empathetic” goals, our third goal was to have students gain a greater knowledge, in a true comparative fashion, of some of the key similarities and differences shaping politics in two liberal democracies. Here we focused on comparative political institutions and political behavior, with the first third of the course (and some of the other parts of the course as well) dealing with these areas. Fourth, and closely related to the third objective, we wanted the students to sharpen their conceptual and methodological skills in comparative political analysis by applying these skills to two specific cases among liberal democracies, the U.S. and Germany. Thus we hoped that our class would increase our students' skills in comparative politics by providing something like a virtual field-work experience.
We organized our course loosely around three themes that attempt to compare the German/European and American political experience, using scholarly literature in these areas to provoke wide-ranging thought and discussion between the two groups of students.
Our themes—Political Culture and the Impact of the Past in Germany and the U.S., Germany and the U.S. in International Politics, and The Politics of Education in Germany and the U.S.—were chosen both for their wide appeal and timeliness as well as for their ability to highlight political-cultural similarities and differences between the two countries. We purposely selected scholarly literature on these themes that would both be controversial and thought-provoking as well as easily comprehensible for the beginning-to-intermediate political science student. Examples of literature from the first theme included seminal articles on the concept of political culture as well as articles on the legacies of slavery for race relations in the U.S. and on the “usable past” in Germany and its role in shaping German identity and foreign policy; examples of literature from the second theme included major foreign policy speeches on the War on Terror by President George W. Bush and German foreign minister Joschka Fischer as well as Robert Kagan's provocative article “Power and Weakness” (2002); examples of literature from the third theme included discussions of the politics of educational reform in Germany and in the U.S. and readings on career options for recent graduates in Germany and the U.S.
We created a course web site with pictures of the participants from the two classes as well as pictures and brief descriptions of the two communities, Münster (Germany) and Racine/Kenosha. The syllabus was posted on the web site, as well as links to useful sources, such as the web sites of local and national newspapers, the German Embassy in the U.S. and the American Embassy in Germany, and the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies in the U.S. We expected students from both classes to keep current with some of the central political issues in their own local and national communities, as well as in the other group's local and national community. Finally, the web site included a link to the chatroom and discussion board used for our class discussions, which were accessed through the University of Wisconsin online learning system.3
Although the platform, and thus the chatroom and discussion board, of the UW-system has changed since the class was last offered, interested readers can view the course web site at http://uwp.edu/∼olsenj/german/.
During the roughly nine-week part of the course in which the German and American semesters overlap, students in both countries were responsible for analyzing assigned readings, posting evaluations/classroom presentations on the web, and engaging in electronic discussion during class time. Since most German students have some facility in English (with many fluent), and since we could presume no knowledge of German on the part of the American students (although some were, in fact, studying German) the language of instruction was English. Each week two to three American students and two to three German students were chosen to post their brief summary, analysis, and reaction to the electronic discussion board. Other students in the class were then expected to post their thoughts on the readings and on the posted papers by classroom presenters. Thus this part of the seminar was conducted in “non-real” (asynchronous) time on an electronic discussion board. This had the advantage of allowing students some reflection time before class discussion. Meanwhile, regular meetings of the class were conducted “face-to-face” in our respective departmental computer labs in “real” or synchronous time—German students in class in the afternoon, Americans in the morning—using the analyses and reactions posted on the discussion board as a jumping-off point for our discussions in the classroom. The instructors provided the general structure and organization of each class period but during real-time class discussions attempted to act more as discussion leaders for the students' online exchange by posing questions and themes from the readings and discussion board we thought pertinent. At the conclusion of each class, we worked with the students to identify the common ideas or thematic patterns which had emerged from our real-time discussion. We also appointed several students to reflect upon and summarize our real-time discussion and to post these thoughts to the discussion board so that the entire class could reflect upon the previous real-time class meeting.
Two other features of the class should be noted. First, as should be clear from our brief exposition above, our class was not a “pure” but rather a “hybrid” online course in two senses—through its mix of physical class meetings and online discussion and through its decentralized nature. Although both classes read from the same literature and did the same kind of online assignments, our classes were autonomous, i.e., each instructor developed their own classroom assessment tools consistent with the somewhat different higher education culture of our two countries. Thus, for example, although research papers were assigned to each of our classes, each instructor independently discussed paper topics, set paper requirements, and assessed their own group of students. Nevertheless, both groups of students were instructed to choose a topic that would be comparative in nature, focusing on either institutions, political culture, or political behavior in the two countries. Consistent with our goal to facilitate greater interaction and understanding among the two groups of students, we encouraged the creation of an “expertise and interest board,” where students from each class would discuss their particular interest and expertise in their own country that students from the other group could then draw on in writing the research paper. Thus, for example, two students who were interested in looking at comparative legal systems in the U.S. and Germany developed contacts outside of class (through both email and the discussion board) where they exchanged expertise on their respective legal systems, and advised each other on aspects of their research papers. Indeed, beyond expertise per se, we encouraged the students to exchange their personal email addresses and/or use the discussion board outside of class to either continue discussions begun during our real-time chats or simply to exchange ideas and get to know each other better. Consistent with this idea, the second additional feature we should mention here—and one we hope to develop further—was a video/webcam hook-up for some class meetings. Although the technology here remains daunting and often frustratingly primitive (see our discussion of this below), we felt it was important that the students put a face to the disembodied voice/print of the students with whom they were engaged in discussion.
Although we would like to report that our class was an unqualified success without any significant problems, we did encounter some challenges—some relatively trivial, others more substantial. To begin with, the U.S. and German university academic semesters do not match up. Only the fall semester could really work for this project, and even then the American and German semesters could not be completely coordinated. However, we quickly turned a necessity into a virtue, realizing that American students in particular, with a much smaller knowledge base about Germany than German students have about the U.S., could use the time in September before German university began to review (or introduce, as the case might be) aspects of German political history, political culture, and political institutions before both classes would meet online in October.
When we began our real-time online discussions more serious challenges emerged, many of which were connected to the link between the technology used for the course and the expectations and learning goals we had set. There were considerable difficulties in constructing and maintaining a course web site and becoming familiar with the technology involved in the real-time chats, discussion board, and video conference. For example, although the development of Internet technology has made remarkable progress in recent years, we faced daunting challenges when implementing a web-based video conference during the semester. It must be emphasized that video conferences can (and, we think, should) become an additional component of teaching and learning. But to date, video conference technology remains limited. The data traffic of a video conference is extremely high compared with chatting via the Internet or using a discussion board. Due to limited and varying Internet bandwidth, the quality of sound and video during Internet conferences is lower than we would have hoped. Consequently, we used a video conference only in our last class session. On the basis of our experience with the chat and discussion board (see extended discussion below) we separated the class into different teams and gave them the chance to discuss selected topics with a student group abroad. At the beginning, the students were very shy and felt awkward communicating in front of a camera but warmed up considerably during the video conference. Unfortunately, the discussion was interrupted several times because of reduced sound quality and the discussion never quite reached the substantial level for which we had hoped. Yet despite the technical problems, the students were very enthusiastic about the opportunity to communicate with their peers in this much more personal and interactive way. They appreciated having the opportunity to finally “meet” their counterparts, and some even made plans for an actual visit, which we know in one case occurred several months after the conclusion of the class.
More pedagogically challenging was a problem (or more correctly, a series of problems) between the “form” used for real-time class discussions (the chat room) and the “content” of these discussions that emerged soon after our first class meeting. Chat rooms, by their very nature, privilege brief comments and brief exchanges of ideas over longer ones. This fact meant that our chats would often move quite quickly, posing real difficulties for the German students who, although comfortable in English, nevertheless showed more limitations with these quick exchanges than did the native English-speaking American students. This also meant that a certain disjointedness crept into our real-time chats, something noted by many students in post-class evaluations. Indeed, contrary to our expectations (and fears) that online discussion would be halting, slow, and uncomfortably quiet—a problem all of us occasionally face in a traditional classroom—our electronic discussions tended to move much too quickly. Moreover, and perhaps because these exchanges were fast-paced and brief, discussions could become quite superficial. At best, this meant a regrettable loss of substance in the chats; at worst, it meant that certain student exchanges had a “political talk-show” character (in the worst sense) with talkative or (most especially) politically opinionated students dominating. In short, real-time chats often exacerbated problems all too often found in the classroom—the dominating, politically opinionated student, the lack of real reflection by some students, the tendency in open discussion to get off track from the main arguments, etc.
Our attempts to ameliorate these problems have evolved. First of all, just as there is a certain art to guiding discussion in the real classroom, so too, we realized, there is an art to guiding an electronic one. Above all, the key to guiding discussions lies in moving deftly between two goals in tension with each other: providing students a great deal of freedom to develop their ideas and arguments, and keeping students focused on what the instructor believes are the central issues and ideas at stake. Tension between these two goals is magnified, as it were, through the medium of the chat room. During class sessions we frequently have to steer discussion back to the main points, and in certain cases have addressed our respective classes directly to get them back on track. We also try to pose questions that would require more substantive and sustained answers, and asked particular students in the class to respond to a specific question before any other student can continue with the chat. Moreover, we often have been forced to limit discussion to small sub-groups within each larger group of students, asking the other students in the classroom to refrain from the chat for a brief time period. It is clear to us now that in the future we will need to further sub-divide the two groups, for just as small groups can be more effective in promoting learning and intelligent discussion in the real classroom, so also we believe that having “sub-chatrooms” may be a more effective way of achieving the learning goals of our electronic classroom. Finally, we believe that in future iterations of the class a better ratio of the discussion-board-to-chatroom mix will be essential. Our experience has been that, despite challenges here, discussion boards provide more sustained and substantial student reflection and discussion. A drawback of the discussion board, however, is a loss of spontaneity and of a sense of a real exchange of views characteristic of conversations. Thus, we believe, any electronic classroom needs to include both, with the important caveat that the mix of these two forms of electronic exchange must be carefully evaluated in consideration of the learning objectives of each class meeting.
Despite these hurdles, student response to the class has been overwhelmingly positive. Based on both teaching evaluations as well as videotaped focus groups, we can say that students have found this to be a very enriching experience. Our class received very high aggregate evaluation scores from students and, indeed, several noted that this was one of the best classes they had ever taken. In addition, we noticed that students who normally did not take part in discussions during the first, non-online part of the course became very active during our virtual exchanges, using the chats and discussion boards for substantive discussion and active learning. Thus, in at least a few cases the nature of our class helped to ameliorate the problem of the “shy learner.” Furthermore, the majority of our students also demonstrated a great increase in their knowledge of the other country. After our virtual exchanges and related discussions about political culture in our respective countries, quite a few students suggested that they had acquired a better understanding of political opinions found among the other group of students. Despite a few students' continued resistance, our strong sense is that students generally developed a more empathetic understanding of the dominant views of the other group of students. Thus, for the large majority of students, cross-cultural knowledge and skills as well as cross-cultural understanding and empathy increased markedly as a result of the course.
The importance of the study abroad experience for political science students should not be underestimated. Study abroad helps bring the world into the classroom by making real the content material of an international relations or comparative politics course. Nevertheless, political science instructors should be realistic in recognizing that, despite increased numbers of students participating in some kind of study abroad program, there will always be many more who do not participate because of a lack of time, money, or a limited sense of what is possible. We believe our class offers something of a gateway to the study abroad experience, as well as a way in which to foster some of the goals of study abroad. This is not to say that a class such as ours can replace the study abroad experience, nor that it is without its own problems or challenges. Nevertheless, our experience with designing and implementing our virtual classroom has been very positive, and we believe it may be helpful for other instructors of comparative politics and international relations who struggle with similar issues in the classroom.
Jonathan Olsen is associate professor of political science at the University of Wisconsin-Parkside. His teaching and research focuses on European politics. He is the author of Nature and Nationalism (St. Martin's/Palgrave Press, 1999) as well as a number of articles on German political parties for a variety of professional journals.
Annette Zimmer is professor of political science at the Institut für Politikwissenschaft at the Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität-Münster. Her research is in the area of NGOs, the non-profit sector, and civil society. She is the author or editor of several books and numerous articles in this area.
Markus Behr is a graduate assistant at the Institut für Politikwissenschaft at the Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität-Münster