Secretary Hillary Clinton made these remarks with Foreign Minister Dipu Moni in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, I am very pleased to be welcoming the foreign minister of Bangladesh. Minister Moni has been here in Washington meeting with officials and civil society and discussing the program and agenda that Bangladesh is following.

We have certainly watched with great interest as Bangladesh has tackled poverty. We appreciate the close cooperation on counterterrorism, an issue that is very important to both of our countries. We want to work with Bangladesh and other countries in the area to promote regional integration so that there are greater economic opportunities, that many of the problems that prevent the free flow of commerce can be overcome so that the people of the entire region can prosper.

We know that governments alone cannot make change, that it has to come from the people. And we urge the Government of Bangladesh to ensure that media outlets are able to exercise freedom of the press and that NGOs have the opportunity to be a vibrant contributor to the future of Bangladesh. And of course, we have expressed directly to the government our concern and hope that the Grameen Bank, which was well recognized by the world, particularly with a Nobel Peace Prize for what it's done to help alleviate poverty, is able to continue to function productively on behalf of the Bangladeshi people.

So I'm looking forward to a robust and comprehensive meeting.

Foreign Minister Moni. Thank you. I'm very happy to be here. I have had a very fruitful day yesterday and today. I'm meeting with Secretary Clinton and we have very effective cooperation and partnership with the U.S. on so many very important issues that are important globally now. And we are working closely on all the issues that Secretary Clinton has just mentioned and also on climate change and poverty alleviation and women's empowerment.

And Bangladesh, as a secular democratic country, having a very free and robust media, the very vibrant civil society, looks forward to more effective cooperation with countries like the U.S., which is a good friend and partner. And I can assure Secretary Clinton and everyone, friends all over the world, that Bangladesh Government will do and is doing everything in its capacity to uphold all the values that we all cherish of freedom, of liberty, of cooperation, of rights for everyone.

And with regard to Grameen, as a statutory body enjoying all the rights and privileges that it does, Bangladesh Government is also proud, as a country we are proud, that we have a Nobel-winning institution. And we believe firmly, firmly believe, that it will continue to do the job that it is supposed to do with a lot of success. And we will see cooperation in every sector, including trade and investment, from the U.S. Thank you so much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton made these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Hillary Clinton and President Hamid Karzai gave these remarks in Kabul, Afghanistan

President Karzai. (Inaudible) and she has very good intentions towards Afghanistan and towards (inaudible). She has been working for the security and stability in Afghanistan, and we are pleased to see her here in the capital, Kabul.

Madam Clinton, the United States Secretary of State, we both enjoy a very long friendship, and we both enjoy personal relationships (inaudible). And we remain grateful for her work in—on everything for security and stability and the rebuilding of Afghanistan. (Inaudible) once again (inaudible).

Madam Clinton and I spoke on a wide range of issues, including the situation in Afghanistan and in the region. (Inaudible) where the U.S. reaffirmed its support (inaudible) and we also spoke and discussed the strategic partnership agreement which is still underway. And we also spoke on the security situation in the region.

The other subject of our discussion was the coming conferences on Afghanistan and the Bonn conference on Afghanistan and the Istanbul conference which is expected to be held soon, and on the items of agenda for the conference, including the enhancement of the regional cooperation in the countries.

We also discussed a number of other issues of importance for the region, including the extremism issue in Pakistan and in Afghanistan—a phenomenon, a scourge that threatens the youth in both the countries, the people in both the countries and the measures that are necessary to fight this scourge and that has continued to harm our people and has wounded and killed a lot of people.

We also talked on the assassination of Professor Rabbani and on all related issues to the assassination. We also discussed a number of other issues that would help the country and the region and issues that could help in the stability of the region. And we hope that we, and with Pakistan, could enter into discussions where we could clearly express our views on the common threats that we all have faced and are facing.

And I once again welcome Madam Secretary to Kabul and Afghanistan, and I once again express the gratitude of the people of Afghanistan for everything they have (inaudible) to Afghanistan, for all the contributions and assistance to the improvement of lives in our country. And I wish you all the best, and most welcome, Madam Secretary.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, President Karzai, for welcoming me back to Afghanistan on such a beautiful day here in Kabul. I have very much appreciated our long and friendly relationship and the opportunity to work with you first as a senator and now as Secretary of State on behalf of a future of peace, prosperity, and stability for the people of Afghanistan. No people in the world deserve it more, and our efforts will continue. And I thank you for your leadership.

Today, President Karzai and I discussed the challenges that we face, but also the opportunities that we have in the partnership between the United States and Afghanistan. Let me emphasize four points.

First, we are focused on the shared goal of a stable, sovereign, independent, and prosperous Afghanistan and a region free of al-Qaida and extremists who would try to undermine the progress that the people of Afghanistan have made.

Together, we are increasing the pressure on the Taliban to sharpen the choices that they face. They can either be part of Afghanistan's peaceful future and end 30 years of war, or face continuing assault.

The despicable murder of Professor Rabbani was another reminder of the suffering that so many Afghan families have endured. They deserve a different future.

And this brings me to the second point. The United States remains committed to an inclusive Afghan peace process that ends the conflict, protects the gains the Afghan people have achieved in the last 10 years, and helps bring greater stability and prosperity to the wider region.

President Karzai and I have been clear about the outcomes of any negotiation. Insurgents must renounce violence, abandon al-Qaida, and abide by the laws and constitution of Afghanistan, including its protections for women and minorities. The hard-won rights of Afghans, including women and minorities, must not be rolled back, and the growth of civil society must not be quashed, and the rule of law must not be threatened.

Reconciliation is possible. Indeed, it represents the best hope for Afghanistan and the region. But success will take an inclusive national dialogue and sustained political effort not only from Afghans but from Afghanistan's neighbors.

And that is the third point. Afghanistan's future is tied to the future of the entire region both politically and economically. That is why the United States is working with Afghanistan to secure commitments from all of its neighbors to respect Afghan sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to support peace in Afghanistan.

And it is why we have embraced the vision of Afghanistan at the heart of a New Silk Road, which will increase cross-border trade, investment that creates jobs and opportunities, and leads to broad-based prosperity.

So let me say a word about Pakistan. We agree with President Karzai that Pakistan's cooperation is critical. Violent extremism has also taken the lives of thousands of Pakistanis as well as Afghans. And if you look beyond the history of distrust, it is clear that all countries in the region will have to work together for all the people in the region.

So I urge the leaders of Afghanistan and Pakistan to resume their dialogue. We must focus on concrete measures to support peace and reconciliation in Afghanistan, and to deny extremists safe havens in Pakistan.

And the final point is that all of this work advances the plan for transition that Afghanistan and NATO agreed on at the summit in Lisbon. The transition to Afghan-led security has already begun, and we are identifying the next group of districts that will be ready to be handed over to the Afghans. This process will conclude by 2014, when Afghans will have full responsibility.

But I want to be clear: The United States is making an enduring commitment to the people of Afghanistan that will not end in 2014. We will not abandon Afghanistan. We continue to make progress toward a new Strategic Partnership Declaration that will provide a framework for long-term cooperation between the United States and Afghanistan. We hope that this agreement and the clarity it brings will bolster Afghan and regional confidence that this country will not again become a safe haven for terrorists or an area for competing regional interests. Our work depends on an ethic of shared responsibility. The United States will do our part.

Now, over the years ahead, our role and our military presence will change significantly, but we will remain committed and engaged. And we will look to work with our Afghan partners. We know that ultimately all of this depends upon the people and leadership of Afghanistan. And so let me just end by saying a word directly to the people of Afghanistan—men and women from every ethnic group, every geographic area, every part of the political spectrum: The time has come for you to choose what kind of country you want. America cannot make that choice for you. Even your president cannot make that choice for you. It must be a choice by the people of Afghanistan with the leadership of Afghanistan working to make it a reality.

I am confident, given the strength and resilience of the Afghan people, that you will make a choice for a future of peace, prosperity, and stability, where every Afghan boy and girl has a chance to live up to his or her own God-given potential. Thank you, Mr. President.

President Karzai. Thank you very much. Thank you. Would you like to—

Q. Thank you. First, President Karzai, in the days after former President Rabbanis assassination, you said you had given up hope in reconciliation talks with the Taliban and that you should have peace talks with Pakistan instead, implying that Pakistan controlled or at least gave safe haven to militants who attack Afghanistan. Has Secretary Clinton said anything to you today that changes your mind and restores your faith in peace talks?

And for you, Secretary Clinton, in light of Rabbani's killing and the attacks on the U.S. Embassy in Kabul and the U.S. post in Wardak that authorities have blamed on insurgents linked to Pakistan, what gives you any hope that Pakistan will cooperate with the U.S. and Afghanistan to crack down on terrorist safe havens and attacks?

President Karzai. Ma'am, Afghanistan engaged in a very sincere, a very direct, very (inaudible) peace efforts with our brothers in Pakistan and also with the Taliban. Since the creation of Pakistan over 60 years ago, no Afghan government has had such a dedicated effort with Pakistan. The number of visits that I've had personally, the number of exchanges, and the proposals that we have had, from the meeting that President Musharraf and myself and President Bush had in 2006, from which the proposal of the Afghanistan-Pakistan peace (inaudible) came, to the creation of the peace council in—led by President Rabbani, to the sad assassination of President Rabbani by someone who came in the name of a messenger for peace, Afghanistan has been engaged both with Pakistan and with the Taliban, as we consider them Afghans.

Unfortunately, the assassination of President Rabbani brought us to the point where we felt that those who come to talk to us on behalf of the Taliban actually represent assassinations and killings and not a peace process. And therefore, the focus of the peace process, we felt, would serve a better purpose taken to Pakistan. We believe that the Taliban, to a very, very great extent, to a very, very great extent, are controlled by establishments in Pakistan, stay in Pakistan, have their headquarters in Pakistan, launch operations from Pakistan.

Therefore, it is not in the manner of pointing a finger or in manner of reprimand that we seek to talk to Pakistan, but a manner of trying to find the proper venue for talks and the proper authority for talks. And the proper authority, we firmly believe, is Pakistan and the venue therefore should also be Pakistan.

Secretary Clinton. Well, first let me underscore what President Karzai just said. He has been engaged in a sincere effort on behalf of peace and reconciliation. The creation of the High Peace Council, many efforts at outreach, were tragically and despicably answered with the assassination of Professor Rabbani.

We discussed at some length how we can pursue three mutually reinforcing objectives: We're going to continue fighting, we're going to be talking, and we're going to continue building.

Now, some might say, “How do you do all three of those at the same time?” And my answer is, under the circumstances we must do all three at the same time. So we want a very clear message to the insurgents on both sides of the border that we are going to fight you and we are going to seek you in your safe havens, whether you're on the Afghan side or the Pakistani side. They must be dealt with.

At the same time, we know that on this side of the border Afghan operations, in partnership with the United States and ISAF, have been making significant progress, most recently against operatives of the Haqqani Network who had crossed from their safe haven into Afghanistan.

And we will be in Pakistan this evening to begin discussions with the Pakistani Government about how we intend to cooperate to increase pressure on the safe havens there. We're already working with the Pakistanis to target those who are behind a lot of the attacks that have killed Afghans, Americans, and others.

At the same time, we're going to be expecting the Pakistanis to support the efforts at talking. We believe they can play either a constructive or a destructive role in helping to bring into talks those with whom the Afghans themselves must sit across the table and hammer out a negotiated settlement to end the years of fighting.

We will be looking to the Pakistanis to take the lead, because the terrorists operating outside of Pakistan pose a threat to Pakistanis, as well as to Afghans and others. And we will have ideas to share with the Pakistanis. We will certainly listen carefully to the ideas that they have. But our message is very clear: We're going to be fighting, we're going to talking, and we're going to be building. And they can either be helping or hindering, but we are not going to stop our efforts to create a strong foundation for an Afghanistan that is free from interference, violence, conflict, and has a chance to chart its own future.

So this is a time for clarity. It is a time for people to declare themselves as to how we intend to work together to reach goals that we happen to believe are in the mutual interests of Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the region.

Q. Thank you, Madam Secretary. Thank you for the very promising message with regard to Afghanistan. Are you also hearing the voices of the mothers in Afghanistan who lose their sons in the country? Unfortunately, the identity of Afghanistan seems like everything is here (inaudible) we have evidence, the government and the people of Afghanistan have got evidence that behind every violence, it is (inaudible) Pakistan, Pakistan's intelligence authority. So if this (inaudible) is pursued in a way (inaudible) president of Afghanistan (inaudible) for the first 10 years and (inaudible), how assured are you that Pakistan this time comes and acts on all these (inaudible)?

Secretary Clinton. First let me thank you for mentioning the mothers of Afghanistan, because I think your question implies the fact there has been so much suffering and so much loss for so long—an entire generation. And I think it is time for all of us to accelerate and strengthen our efforts to reach a settlement, because one thing we have learned is that there is no military solution; there must be an agreed-upon path forward.

And what I hope is that Afghans who have differences with their own country will be part of the solution, not part of the problem. If they are living in Pakistan, it is time for them to pay more attention to what the future in Afghanistan holds than what the present in Pakistan offers. And so we will be delivering a very clear message to the Government of Pakistan and to the people of Pakistan, because they, too, have suffered. They have suffered at the hands of the same kind of terrorists, so there should be no support and no safe haven anywhere for people who kill innocent men, women, and children.

So my message will be as it just was to you: We have to deal with the safe havens on both sides of the border. It is not enough to point fingers across the border; we must work together to end the safe havens. We must send a clear, unequivocal message to the government and the people of Pakistan that they must be part of the solution, and that means ridding their own country of terrorists who kill their own people and who cross the border to kill in Afghanistan.

I think that how we increase that pressure, how we make that commitment, is the subject of the conversations that President Karzai and I have had, and that I will have in Pakistan. But we're looking to the Pakistanis to lead on this, because there's no place to go any longer. The terrorists are on both sides. They are killing both people. No one should be in any way mistaken about allowing this to continue without paying a very big price. So I will deliver the message on behalf of the mothers of Afghanistan and on behalf of my own country.

Q. Thank you very much. Madam Secretary, every time when I come to a press conference with foreign visitor, I doubt my own understanding of current situation in Afghanistan, because they always say everything is better, the momentum is now, not anymore with Taliban. But the reality is something different.

My question will be specific on Haqqani. Why Haqqani should talk with Afghan Government? Because in the past, someone else, Mullah (inaudible), a very senior Taliban leader, talked with the, there were (inaudible) negotiation with Afghan Government, and then he got captured by Pakistani Government, and he's still serving his time in jail. So, if Haqqani come, what is the guarantee that he's going to be safe and (inaudible) arrested him?

And why American are keeping quiet? Even the attack to their own embassy (inaudible) give them a lesson that we have to put a serious pressure— not only a pressure, a serious pressure—on Pakistan to do something about Haqqani.

Mr. President, my question will be about that long-term strategy, because Afghanistan is carrying the suffering from neighbor countries. Pakistan, Iran, and China, India, they are all involved, a long-term strategy. Have you talked with them? Have you shared what you're going to do with America in this region? Because there is no guarantee that this long-term strategy will not commit another problem for Afghanistan, another war.

Secretary Clinton.Well, first, I believe that there are so many indicators of progress from 10 years ago that I regret that you either do not see them, or don't believe them. But I think your job makes you focus on what is wrong. I mean that's what the media does. The media has to focus on where the conflict is, the media has to focus on where the problems are. That's your job.

But I have met with many Afghans over the course of more than a decade, and I just don't see how you can conclude what you concluded. You are welcome to your opinion, but I think the international community, whether it's a significant drop in infant mortality and a very large increase in women's education, or economic activity, or whatever the indicator might be, is pointing in the right direction. Now, that doesn't mean that there aren't still major problems. And the security issues, the efforts to assassinate leaders, is a huge problem. It would be a huge problem in any country. So, clearly, we are in no way denying that there are problems, but it's a more complex reality than just either all good or all bad would suggest.

Secondly, with respect to the Haqqanis, we are taking action against the Haqqanis. There was a major military operation inside Afghanistan in recent days that has been rounding up and eliminating Haqqani operatives on this side of the border. We are taking action to target Haqqani leadership on both sides of the border. We are moving toward a very international effort to squeeze the Haqqanis with the funding and other aspects of the operations. So, I think there is a lot going on that will be more apparent in days and weeks ahead.

But it is a fact that we know they operate out of a safe haven in Pakistan. And I think that it took—I would put this slightly differently—that it took time to get us in a position where we could turn with real intensity toward the safe havens in Pakistan. And now it's a question as to how much cooperation Pakistan will provide in going after those safe havens. But it took some time to get to this point. We are here now, and we intend to push the Pakistanis very hard as to what they are willing and able to do with us in the international community to remove the safe havens and the continuing threats across the border to Afghanistan.

President Karzai. On strategic partnership, there's negotiations going on between us and the United States. Afghanistan has some conditions. These are internal to Afghanistan, with regard to Afghan sovereignty, prisons, and issues like that. But as far as the strategic partnership itself, and the importance of it for Afghanistan is concerned, this is something that the Afghan people realize, in terms of its importance, very significantly.

It will bring to Afghanistan much-needed resources, the continued support of the United States for military and the civilian efforts, the buildup of our economy, the buildup of our security forces, and it will in no way be—we have discussed that, it will in no way be directed against any of our neighbors. It will rather be a guarantor of our continued effort against radicalization and radicalism in this region, which, unfortunately, is aplenty and continuing. So the partnership that Afghanistan and the United States will have, one that will be approved by the Afghan people (inaudible), will be between the two countries for the stability of Afghanistan, for the well-being of Afghanistan, for the continued buildup of the Afghan state institutions, and for strengthening relations between Afghanistan and the United States, and will contribute to the region by we are providing better security and better economic activity, where Afghanistan will serve as an important element in connecting the region together. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar gave these remarks in Islamabad, Pakistan

Foreign Minister Khar. It is—let's make no mistake, Pakistan and U.S have gone through a challenging phase in the last few months. Before I go into the details of the constructive interaction that we had, let me clarify, let me use this opportunity to clarify certain misperceptions that might be there.

First of all, let me say to our own people, to the people of Pakistan, that all relationships between two sovereign countries are based on national interest, and this relationship, that between Pakistan and U.S., is by no means an exception to that. I have said this many times, and I would like to repeat that we do believe that Pakistan and U.S. have a convergence on what are our stated objectives for the region. I don't think there's anybody in this room, or in the two countries, which can counter the fact that both Pakistan and U.S. strive to achieve stability and peace and security for the region.

Let me also state at the very outset that Pakistan—it is in Pakistan's national interest to have a strong and prosperous Afghanistan. I believe there is no country in the world which has more to gain from stability in Afghanistan, and there's no country in the world which has more to lose from instability in Afghanistan than Pakistan. So I want to clarify that Pakistan's interest in Afghanistan are limited to a strong, stable Afghanistan.

National interest of any country, as I have said before, are—have people at its heart, have people at its center, and nothing represents the will of the people better in the democratic setting than the parliament of that country, and when the parliament of Pakistan, in its resolutions, asks us to revisit and review our terms of engagement with the U.S., let me assure you that that is what our engagement in the last six months has been about, in a constructive, meaningful fashion.

Let me thank you, Madam Secretary, on a personal note for you to take this initiative to engage with Pakistan at the highest policy level. I think Madam Secretary's repeat visits to Pakistan is a testimony to her effort to engage with Pakistan at a policy level, at a high policy level, so the strategic convergence that we already enjoy is translated into an operational convergence or an operational work plan. And this relationship, like any other relationship between two sovereign countries, is not based on a to-do list, and I think we all agree on that.

Now coming back or coming to the talks that we just held, I would call them to be certainly useful and substantive talks. Madam Secretary has had extensive consultations last night, also. We discussed during this hour bilateral relations, counterterrorism cooperation, peace and reconciliation in Afghanistan, and regional and international issues of mutual interest.

Let me say that the Pakistan-U.S. Strategic Dialogue is an important element of this relationship. We will endeavor together to be able to restructure it in a way that we can both benefit more from it. I think it's an important message to our people, it's an important message of collaboration to your people. And we would hope that we can agree on six tracks in which to be concentrated so we can show results of our engagement and be emboldened by it and be—and get some confidence on the usefulness of this engagement.

We have also exchanged views on issues which are of mutual importance and certainly of importance to Pakistan. Pakistan Government has clearly defined its interaction with the world community, firstly in the realm of economic cooperation, and asks the world to be able to recognize Pakistan's unique position in the efforts that we are making and the unique challenges that we face and the unique sacrifices and losses that we've had to make.

And in recognition of that, I think what Pakistan asks of the world is more trade access. I know that the U.S. has had a long-term commitment on that. We appreciate your personal leadership within that, and we hope that in the months and years to come Pakistan will see itself to enjoy preferential market access from the U.S. Let me also say that this is a relationship which must—which has been for far too long defined by forced dependency or by assistance, and we hope that this relationship will now be marked by trade and market access in terms of economic cooperation.

Let me reiterate over here, Madam Secretary, in your presence, Pakistan's commitment to fight the menace of terrorism. As I said before, we do it in our own interests. We do it in the interest of our people. We do it most for the interest of upcoming generations. And at the same time, let me also say that the people of Pakistan have suffered at the hands of this struggle for far too long. And let me state clearly that in evolving any future strategy, the government will be guided by the principles or the resolution of the All Parties Conference, which calls upon the government to give peace a chance. And I think we can together—Madam Secretary, you will agree—work towards peace to bring prosperity to this region.

At the end, let me say that we continue to look at the Istanbul Conference with positivity, and we hope to be able to play a constructive role, not only in Istanbul Conference, but also in the Bonn Conference. Pakistan takes its role within the region, the responsibility which it imposes on us very, very seriously, and we hope that we will be a constructive player in all of this, and we will be seen to be a constructive player.

And Madam Secretary, let me end by saying that we—that I hope that I can speak on behalf of both of us when I say that the reinvigorated U.S.-Pakistan relationship ought to bode well for peace and security within the region, which is the goal of both these countries.

Over to you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Foreign Minister Khar, for not only welcoming us today but for your leadership and efforts on behalf of our relationship. I greatly appreciate it. I was also pleased to see Prime Minister Gilani last night and a high-level delegation on both sides that reflects the urgency and the importance, as well as the respect, that is necessary between our two countries to work through the many challenges that we both face.

Before I begin, I just want to say a few words about Libya. The death of Colonel Qadhafi has brought to a close a very unfortunate chapter in Libya's history. But it also marks the start of a new era for the Libyan people. And it is our hope that what I saw in Tripoli on Tuesday firsthand—the eagerness of Libyans to begin building a new democracy—can now begin in earnest. And I want to underscore the commitment of the United States to supporting the Libyan people as a friend and partner as they embark on this new democratic path.

It is, for me, once again a great privilege to be representing my country here in Pakistan. As the foreign minister said, I have been here four times as Secretary of State previously as a senator and as the first lady of my country. The United States is committed to the people of Pakistan and to your future. We do believe, however, that our relationship must work to deliver results for both of our people— the Pakistani people and the American people. And as the foreign minister said to me last night, generations of Americans and Pakistanis have worked well together.

We want the next generation of young people in both of our countries to understand the importance and value of this relationship.

Now, it is no secret that the United States and Pakistan do not always see eye-to-eye, and we will not resolve the differences in our views in any single visit. But it is true that beyond the disagreements that drive the headlines, a number of our most important issues overlap. For example, the stability of Pakistan and the region directly impacts the security of the United States. Therefore, it is in both Pakistan's and the United States interest to help the Afghan people build a stable, sovereign, and independent nation that is not a source of terrorism or a threat to its neighbors. And I was pleased to hear the prime minister emphasize that in our discussion last night.

We recognize and we sympathize with the fact that violent extremism has taken the lives of thousands of Pakistanis, also thousands of Americans and thousands of Afghans. So stopping terrorism is an urgent interest that we share.

It is also important to us that you understand our commitment to a stable, secure, sovereign, prosperous Pakistan. I know some here in this country have doubts about America's goals and motives, so let me be clear: The United States sees a strong, stable, secure, prosperous Pakistan as critical to the stability, security, and prosperity of the entire region. Again, Prime Minister Gilani made this same point last night.

That's why we consider working with Pakistan to be not just the right thing to do, but also very much in our mutual interests. Today, the foreign minister and I discussed concrete steps that each country can take to advance our shared interests.

First, on regional stability. As I said in Kabul yesterday, Pakistan has a critical role to play in supporting Afghan reconciliation and ending the conflict. The trilateral meetings held earlier this year between Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the United States were a good start, but we need to keep the momentum going and make it clear that an inclusive peace process is in everyone's interests.

Coalition and Afghan forces are increasing the pressure on the Taliban in Afghanistan, and across the border we look to Pakistan to take strong steps to deny Afghan insurgents safe havens and to encourage the Taliban to enter negotiations in good faith.

Now, we are not, by any means, asking Pakistan to sacrifice its own security. Quite the contrary, we respect Pakistan's sovereignty and its own security concerns. We believe we are pursuing a vision of shared security that benefits us all.

The foreign minister and I also discussed the other elements of security. Ending terrorism is the most urgent task before us, but it is by no means the only task. We want to advance together the vision of a New Silk Road, which would increase regional economic integration and boost cross-border trade and investments between Pakistan and all of her neighbors. That will translate into more jobs and economic opportunities for Pakistanis and for their neighbors, and thereby increase political stability.

Toward this end, the United States welcomes the progress that Pakistan and India are making toward normalizing their trade relations, as well as the implementation of the Transit Trade Agreement between Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Now, I have from podiums like this many times, in Pakistan, in Afghanistan, in the United States, expressed our sympathies to the people of Pakistan for the grievous toll that terrorism has taken on the Pakistani people. We recognize and respect the sacrifice of 30,000 killed by terrorists in the last 10 years. We respect the challenges that Pakistan faces and we respect the work we are doing together, including our cooperation against al-Qaida.

So terrorism is a challenge we share, and we want to work together to root out all of the extremists who threaten us, including the Taliban and the Haqqani Network. We should be able to agree that for too long extremists have been able to operate here in Pakistan and from Pakistani soil. No one who targets innocent civilians, whether they be Pakistanis, Afghans, Americans, or anyone else, should be tolerated or protected.

And finally, the foreign minister and I discussed our work together to foster sustainable development here in Pakistan.

The United States has invested billions of dollars over the last years to help Pakistan meet its growing energy needs, respond to the terrible natural disasters that have afflicted you, to grow your economy, strengthen your democracy. Why? Because we believe that a thriving Pakistan is good for Pakistan and good for the region and good for the world. And we will continue to support Pakistan's elected government and its people.

Now, I understand the impulse that is common in any nation that we look for someone else to blame or someone to think that there's no responsibility that can be taken, or for outsiders to act as though they have all the answers. Well, we reject all of that. We want a relationship based on mutual respect and mutual responsibility. And therefore, it is up to the leaders of Pakistan to follow through on their commitments to reduce corruption, implement reforms, and deliver real results for the Pakistani people. And it is up to the citizens of Pakistan to demand those results and to take the steps necessary to assist your country in fulfilling its enormous potential.

As the people and the Government of Pakistan chart your future, you can be sure that the United States will be there to stand with you. We offer our suggestions and recommendations in the spirit of the friendship that has survived all of the decades of ups and downs between our two nations, because at root there is so much between the Pakistani people and the American people that we value and believe in.

So I wish to thank the foreign minister for her candor and her commitment to this relationship, and I look forward to continuing this conversation with President Zardari, other Pakistani officials, citizens and members of the press, later today. Thank you very much.

Q. For Secretary Clinton, I would like your comments on a statement made by General Kayani about three or four days ago. This was in response to threats coming in from Washington, and he said very clearly that Pakistan was not a Afghanistan or Iraq. We are a nuclear power. Your comments on that?

And for Minister Khar, have these negotiations since last night helped you understand better what the U.S. now wants from us? Would you now help bring the Haqqani Network for talks with the U.S., or would you allow them to take them out themselves since you say you won't take them out? So what is the understanding that you get now about the U.S. policy in Afghanistan vis-a-vis the Haqqani Network? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, let me begin by saying that I agree with General Kayani. Pakistan is not Afghanistan, and Pakistan is not Iraq. Pakistan is a sovereign nation that has a very full and comprehensive agenda of issues to address both domestically and internationally. And the United States will continue to work with the Pakistani Government and reach out to the Pakistani people on that agenda.

But if I could, let me just respond on behalf of the United States to your question about the discussions that we had, because I think it's important to recognize we had serious, in-depth discussions that reflected the urgency of the issues before us. And these are issues that we feel are important for us to address together. The Afghan peace process, reconciliation— how do we do it? How do we make it work? The Haqqani Network—how do we prevent them from wreaking havoc across the border and, in the words of both Pakistanis and Americans, squeeze them to prevent them from planning and executing attacks. How do we tackle the problem of improvised explosive devices that kill Pakistanis, Afghans, Americans?

So we had a very in-depth conversation with specifics, and we are looking forward to taking that conversation and operationalizing it over the next days and weeks—not months and years, but days and weeks—because we have a lot of work to do to realize our shared goals.

Foreign Minister Khar. Thank you. To respond to your question directly, I don't look at it in the framework of what the U.S. now wants from Pakistan. I look at it in the framework of partnership and with working together for what are clearly stipulated as common goals and objectives.

I don't think there is anyone in the Pakistani Government, in the Pakistani institutions, who denies that Pakistan needs to work for security and peace in this region, including Pakistan itself and Pakistan first from within its borders. And you see an effort in Pakistan which is unparalleled, which has taken a toll on the people of Pakistan, which has taken a toll on our economic prosperity, on our projected potential—many, many other things—on our people, on life.

So let me just say that yes, the Secretary is absolutely right; we have held in-depth discussion on all issues of mutual interest. This includes the issue of reconciliation. Pakistan has said this before and Pakistan will say it again, that we are committed to an Afghan-led, Afghan-owned process of reconciliation.

Now, it is quite another thing to say that we are all committed to the process of reconciliation, but then you have to operationalize that process of reconciliation. Pakistan did make some efforts in trying to operationalize together with our Afghan brothers at possible reconciliation. The joint commission shared by the two heads of government, respectively President Karzai, Prime Minister Gilani, was an important effort within that direction. The working group working under that joint commission was another important effort within that direction. The Core Group that exists between Afghanistan, Pakistan, and [the United States] is an important effort in that direction.

So as I said, the challenge now is to be able to really go down to the operational level and agree on the operational details. I don't think what we seek out to achieve is any different than each other's objectives. I think we have the same objectives. But it is really having the intensive discussions that the Secretary referred to. That's why I say that I am really very pleased to have her here, and the fact that she has played a leadership role within the U.S. system to engage at the policy level, which is required. Because if we have ownership of what we seek out together, we are much more likely to agree on the operational details than the other way around.

So let me just say that yes, we have had intensive dialogue, but it is really—I would resist from this relationship to be seen by—within Pakistan or in Washington by what they want from us or what we want from them. I think really let's give partnership a chance and—and as far as what inhibits us or what directs us. As I said before, it is the parliament of Pakistan. It is the APC's resolutions. We will all be guided by national interests which are represented by state institutions, and to Pakistan there is no state institution bigger than that of a sovereign parliament.

Moderator. The next question, Elise Labott from CNN.

Q. Thank you very much. Madam Secretary, I wanted to ask you, the Pakistanis—you had some very tough words, not just today but even tougher yesterday, for Pakistan and the idea of safe havens and what you're looking for the Pakistanis to do. When you talk to Pakistanis, they say that you don't— you're using them as a scapegoat. And even while you say you're not looking for Pakistanis to risk or sacrifice their own security by asking them to take these steps, that's exactly what you're doing, because to go after extremists in Afghanistan will invite more terrorism on Pakistan. How do you reconcile these two disparate views?

And Foreign Minister Khar, if I could pick up on my Pakistani colleague's question, I do think that the U.S. has been clear that they're asking the Pakistanis to take the lead on reconciliation. Yesterday, President Karzai said that it's no use negotiating with the Taliban when the Pakistanis are the ones that are really running the show here. And so the Pakistanis—and the Secretary said she is looking for you to take the lead.

Is Pakistan willing to do so? Is Pakistan willing to take an active part in the reconciliation, and are you willing to take specific steps? Did you make that pledge that Secretary Clinton asked for to go after safe havens of the Haqqani Network? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, Elise, let me provide a few more details about our discussions, because I have said the same thing everywhere, that I view this as a joint responsibility that among the Afghans, Pakistanis, Americans, and others in the international community who want to see the conflict come to an end and wish to see a peaceful, stable, secure Afghanistan, which is very much in the interest of Pakistan.

We have to translate our good wishes and our hopes into specific actions. And so we've discussed peace process at some length, and both of us have agreed and are committed to constructively support it. We did encourage that Pakistan and Afghanistan get back to working together as they have been, as the foreign minister just referenced, through direct dialogue. We need to restart the Core Group, which is Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the United States that had been functioning. We need a work plan to actually sequence out what we're going to do and how we're going to do it together.

The process needs to be transparent and open so that there are not the constant questions and even suspicions that arise. We heard last night from all members of the Pakistani delegation, and certainly on our side of the table, that a secure, stable Afghanistan is very much in the interest— in fact essential—to a secure, stable Pakistan. We could not agree more. That has been our position. That is what we have been advocating. And we agreed that the All Parties Conference, which I saw as a very significant statement, again, just referenced by the foreign minister, that all parties, all parties in Pakistan, officially support the peace process. I think that's a very important public commitment that we welcome and that they, in the phrase used, want to give peace a chance. Well, in order to give peace a chance, we have some work to do. And that's what we have been discussing in detail.

Secondly, with respect to the Haqqanis, we both agreed that terrorism coming from any source is a threat to all of us. We expressed very clearly our concerns about safe havens on both sides of the border. We reasserted our commitment to doing more on the Afghan side of the border to try to eliminate safe havens that fuel insurgency and attacks inside Pakistan. And we asked very specifically for greater cooperation from the Pakistani side to squeeze the Haqqani Network and other terrorists, because we know that trying to eliminate terrorists and safe havens on one side of the border is not going to work. It's like that old story; you can't keep snakes in your backyard and expect them only to bite your neighbors. Eventually, those snakes are going to turn on whoever has them in the backyard. We know that— on both sides of the border. So we are working to establish concrete steps to address the planning and execution of attacks inside Pakistan and inside Afghanistan that cross the border.

And finally, we had an important discussion about an issue that doesn't get enough attention but is a very important one in terms of the danger and the death that it creates. And that's these improvised explosive devices, the so-called IEDs, where people pack explosives into cars and trucks and kill hundreds of people, and maim and injure hundreds more. We support the swift implementation of the Pakistani national counter IED strategy, so we had very in-depth discussions about the steps we will take individually and together to try to get to our common objective.

Foreign Minister Khar. Thank you, Madam Secretary. Let me just respond to the question. On reconciliation, let me be unequivocal about it and that we be as clear as words can—as I can be in words that Pakistan and U.S. together—and I think in the presence of Madam Secretary I can say—support an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace process, reconciliation process. Pakistan has conveyed this. Pakistan, as I have expressed to you before, worked on it. And we are willing to support to any extent a reconciliation process which is led by the Afghan people, because it is in Afghanistan that this process must be led. It is towards Afghanistan that this process must see its eventual solution.

So we are committed to this process. We would be willing to do whatever is within our—whatever we can to be able to make this a success.

Now, specifically, I agree with Madam Secretary absolutely; the All Parties Conference, as I said before, is going to be the guiding principle for Pakistan on all of the questions that you have raised. Give peace a chance on both sides of the border, so we must explore and give peace a chance on both sides of the border, and as and when that doesn't work, we can look at whatever options exist. But as guided by the All Parties Conference to give peace a chance on both sides of the border. Both sides of the border, people living on both sides of the border have seen too many years of conflict, have seen too many years of strife, have seen too many years of instability. And it is in our interest that we are able to work towards peace on both sides of the border.

Q. This is Mateem Heder (ph) representing Dawn News Television. You talked about Haqqani Network in North Waziristan and urged the Pakistani authorities that the Haqqani Network should be squeezed; there must be an operation. But what about remaining Haqqani Network inside in Afghanistan, so why U.S. is not squeezing that network which is operating in Afghanistan?

Second, militants are crossing over from Afghanistan to Pakistan and attacking not only the security posts but also attacking the civilians as well. So U.S. has huge presence in Afghanistan, so how militants are roaming around freely? So why U.S. is not taking any action inside in Afghanistan against Haqqani Network and against the militants who are operating freely? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Let me underscore what I had said: I believe strongly that we must take action on both sides of the border. And in recent days, the United States and Afghans have led a very successful operation inside Afghanistan against Haqqani operatives. Many dozens, if not into the hundreds, have been captured or killed on the Afghan side of the border. So we are trying, in response to the legitimate concerns that we have heard from our Pakistani partners, we are trying to squeeze and prevent terrorists on the Afghan side of the border from attacking Pakistan.

Now, similarly, we need greater cooperation on the Pakistani side of the border. In effect, we want to squeeze these terrorists so that they cannot attack and kill any Pakistani, any Afghan, any American, or anyone. So that's exactly what we're doing, sir; we're trying to increase our efforts on the Afghan side of the border, and we're working with our Pakistani partners to explore the ways that we can squeeze them.

But it's not just military action. There is greater sharing of intelligence so that we can prevent and intersect the efforts by the Haqqanis or the Taliban to try to cross the border or to plan an attack. And this includes the Pakistani Taliban. When I talk about terrorists, I'm talking about all of them, the entire network of terrorists who threaten Pakistanis, Afghans, Americans, and everyone. We think that we can do more to appeal to the Pakistani people to report suspicious activity, to work with their law enforcement personnel, so that we can begin to deny safe haven on both sides of the border. That is our mutual goal.

Q. Hello. This is Andy Quinn from Reuters.

Madam Secretary, if we could just go back to the question of the militants and the safe havens. There's been another threat this morning from the Pakistani Taliban that they're going to launch a new war in Pakistan, and I'm wondering what your advice is to the Pakistan Government in light of threats like these which seem to reemerge as quickly as they can be faced down. What practical steps are you proposing that the Pakistanis take on the ground to make good your request to crack down on the safe havens? And how can you ask more of the Pakistani military when you're holding back hundreds of millions of dollars in U.S. military assistance and have not yourselves declared the Haqqani Network a foreign terrorist organization?

And Foreign Minister Khar, sort of the same question but directed at you: There seems to be some question about whether the Pakistani military could actually crack down on the Haqqani Network even if it wanted to. Do you think that the U.S. is asking the impossible of Pakistan with this request? And is your emphasis on peace talks on both sides of the border a reflection of an understanding that you cannot conquer this militarily? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, Andy, first, let me say that as I mentioned earlier, the Pakistani Taliban are a terrible threat to Pakistan, and we want to do everything we can to help Pakistan deal with that threat. We think that the threat, the scourge of terrorism is indiscriminate, and therefore, we have to increase our intelligence-sharing, our planning, our military cooperation, economic assistance in areas to peel people away from the intimidation and efforts of the extremists to enlist them. We—it's a big agenda to deal with this threat of terrorism.

But the bottom line is we have no choice. There is an urgency to this because it is interrupting the daily lives of innocent people. Women going to the market, children going to school, police officers patrolling streets—I mean, innocent people who wake up in the morning in Pakistan or Afghanistan just trying to go about their lives and are brutally murdered by terrorists whose disregard for human life seems to be endless.

So yes, we take seriously the threats internal to Pakistan as well as cross-border threats, and that is why we have to do the three things simultaneously that I talked about yesterday in Kabul: We have to continue fighting this threat, we have to talk with those who are willing to talk to try to be part of a peace process to end the threat, and we have to try to build a better future in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and the region. So we are not just a one-note song here. We are trying to put together a broad basis for our cooperation. And I want very much for the people of Pakistan to understand that we believe we're in this fight with you, and we want to do whatever we can to try to end the violence and eliminate the threat that stalks innocent people's lives.

And I guess finally, I would say that we've had great cooperation in the past. The efforts we've undertaken with the support of the Pakistani Government to go after al-Qaida has proven to be quite effective. Now we have to turn our attention to the Pakistani Taliban, the Afghan Taliban, Haqqani, and other terrorist groups, and try to get them into a peace process, but if that fails, prevent them from committing more violence and murdering more innocent people.

Foreign Minister Khar. Thank you. Okay. First of all, let me just say that I would want to emphasize that Pakistan by no means takes this threat of terrorism unseriously. I want to emphasize that because in many of these questions that have come from the floor, there seems to be an impression that Pakistan wants to fight—or not look at this—or Pakistan does not look at this threat seriously and does not respond to this threat seriously.

Let me say that if the last five years, seven years, eight years are anything to go by, we have taken this threat seriously. We have acted against this threat. We have acted against this threat inside our borders. We have acted against this threat by cooperating with the U.S. and 48 other countries. We have acted against this threat by cooperating with Afghanistan. So we do take this threat very, very seriously.

Now, as to what is the modus operandi—and let me also say—let me reconfirm that there is no question of any support by any Pakistani institutions or any—Pakistani institutions to safe havens in Pakistan. Let me be unequivocal, completely clear on that. And that is something that came up during the long interactions that we had with you, Madam Secretary, and also during the long interactions that the Pakistanis internally had through the leadership represented by all the Pakistani political leaders in the All (inaudible) Conference.

So let me be clear on those two counts: One, that we do take the threat very, very seriously because we live through the threat on a daily basis. We live through the threat on an hourly basis. And secondly, that there is no question of any support to any safe havens inside Pakistan. Do safe havens exist on both sides of the border? Yes, the Secretary is right; safe havens do exist on both sides of the border. Do we need to cooperate? Terrorists exist on both sides of the border. Do we need to cooperate together to be able to achieve the results? Yes, we can cooperate more and achieve better results than doing (inaudible).

So let—after being clear on those two counts, let me also be clear that we are keen to cooperate with you and other countries more closely to be able to evolve a common strategy to be able to fight against terrorism. We are keen to be able to share, to be able to increase our cooperation in the intelligence field and other fields. Let all that be clear.

But let me also be clear that like any other nation, Pakistan is going—Pakistan's future strategy is going to be determined by the institutions that are Pakistan-based that are in Pakistan. Let me also be clear that it is the parliament of Pakistan which gives authority to the executive of Pakistan to give authority for any military action. So let all those things be clear. And within that paradigm, I don't see ourselves to hopefully be working toward—at counter purposes to each other. I don't think that's for the betterment of the people of this region as a whole. The United Nations—the United States has great interest in this region. The United States has a huge presence just across the border.

So these are all realities, and we live and work within these realities. So we from Pakistan react, therefore, very strongly, with all due respect to everybody who is (inaudible). Therefore, we react rather strongly when Pakistan is deemed to be working at counter purposes to the international effort, because we feel that, if anything in the last 10 years as a country which has worked for that international effort at the forefront of that international effort, has paid in blood, in economic terms, and many other terms, it is Pakistan. So Pakistan, in this overall effort, is part of the international effort, and we must be seen to be that.

And yet, as I said before, as the prime minister also said as was reflected in the statement that came from the meeting that Madam Secretary had over there, we have to give peace a chance. And as Madam Secretary also said, I think that's really the effort on both sides of the border. The operational details of what you try, how you try, when you give up on one and start working on the other, are all operational details. So let's agree on the principles and let us say that I believe that we have a broad convergence on the principles. We have to now work on the operational details. And hopefully, as we go forward with greater interaction both at the policy level and at other levels, we will be able to get that operational convergence which has (inaudible).

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave these remarks in an interview with Pakistan TV in Islamabad

Mr. Pirzada. As salaam alaikum. On your behalf, all of you the civil society members who are in this hall, and on behalf of the countless millions of Pakistanis who are watching this on live television, I extend a warm welcome to United States Secretary of State, Mrs. Hillary Rodham Clinton. Secretary Clinton, without exaggeration, is a household name and face in Pakistan. And why not? She has invested significant tremendous political capital. She has been the principal architect of renewed U.S.-Pakistan relationship in the Obama Administration.

This is Secretary's fourth visit to Pakistan after assuming office. During her second visit in July 2010, 15 months ago, I had the privilege, the opportunity to moderate a similar interaction with civil society and media. And the relationship between Pakistan and U.S. looked so good, it looked so smooth, so comfortable at that time that I was finding it difficult to coin a sentence to describe it. So while introducing her, I said, “Secretary, I'm sorry, I'm afraid you're coming to a very boring Pakistan. There are no rumors, there are no conspiracy theories, there are no fears, no suspicions.” And she laughed wholeheartedly and she said, “Moeed, boring is good.”

But, Secretary, I am afraid this is not true anymore. In the last nine months, the U.S. and Pakistan relationship has seen many difficult and tense moments. There has been a barrage of accusations, fears, suspicions, doubts. But fortunately, we have seen and the whole world has seen that in the last few weeks, the United States and Pakistan have reemerged from the difficult spot, from the difficult corner. It may not be completely, but it will not be unfair to characterize that the worst is over.

This is precisely how the Secretary Clinton is here today to reconcile (inaudible) relationship, and let me say a few words. The whole world has seen that the United States and Pakistan's relationship may be complex, may be very difficult, may be very tiresome. But this is an enduring relationship that is based on mutual interest, mutual interdependence, and shared goals in the region. And this is precisely why today Secretary Clinton is standing here next to me.

Her biographer, Carl Bernstein, which I liked tremendous when I read her biography, had described her as mind-conservative and heart-liberal. Mind-conservative and heart-liberal. But I see her as an American politician, a reality politician, a realistic American politician who believes in the school of realism in American foreign policy, American diplomacy. Many people afraid when she talks tough. But I must tell you, that if she can talk tough in Islamabad, in Pakistan; she also has the ability to talk tough on behalf of Pakistan in Washington.

With these words, I invite the Secretary to speak.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much. Well, I am absolutely delighted to be here with all of you, and I thank you so much, Moeed, for your introduction and for once again taking on the responsibility of helping to moderate this interaction.

I think this is my eighth visit to Pakistan in 15 years. One very long and memorable visit in 1996, where I remember so clearly how easy it was to travel around Islamabad and Lahore. The memories of that visit, which I took with my daughter, are incredibly poignant and vivid in my memory. Three short visits as a senator and now my fourth visit as Secretary of State. And I am here because I believe the relationship between our two countries is so important, it is worth getting right. And I am certain it is possible, although it will take a great deal of work to do so.

It is easy to forget amidst all the noise that our goals overlap in critical ways. We share a vision of a sovereign, self-sufficient, and democratic Pakistan; a Pakistan at peace and trading with its neighbors and full of opportunities for both men and women. That is a vision that I carry with me as I do the work I currently do now as Secretary of State. We also share a threat that has claimed the lives of thousands of our citizens. And we believe strongly that is a challenge neither of us can walk away from.

So the question before us is not whether we should work together; the question is how. And as you just heard, it is no secret that our relationship of late has not been an easy one. We have seen distrust harden into resentment and public recrimination. We have seen common interest give way to mutual suspicion. Americans, who believe they have done a great deal over the last years, and in fact $2 billion in civilian aid has been delivered from American taxpayers to the people of Pakistan in the last year, are understandably frustrated when they see what comes across as anti-American sentiments. And many in our Congress ask whether this relationship is still worth investing in. And I know that many Pakistanis have questions of their own.

Like any successful partnership, this one needs to be a two-way street where each of us acts to secure our shared interests in an atmosphere of mutual respect and mutual understanding. I'd like to touch briefly on three issues in particular: our joint efforts to create opportunities for the people of Pakistan; Pakistan's role today and tomorrow in the region; and our shared fight against violent extremism.

First, I want to be clear that the United States is committed to helping Pakistan meet the economic needs, the social development needs, of the Pakistani people. Now, we are not doing this out of some definition of charity, and we are not trying to purchase friendship. We actually believe that a prosperous, peaceful Pakistan is more likely to be a stable, secure Pakistan, and we think that is good for everyone, first and foremost Pakistanis, the region, and the world, including Americans.

And we have heard the desire from government officials and private business leaders and citizens alike to move from aid to trade, and we share that goal. So we are working with Congress to create an enterprise fund designed to jumpstart Pakistani businesses and a bilateral investment treaty designed to attract trade, investment, and create jobs. Our programs have been focused on building Pakistan's capacity: helping you grow and make more reliable your electric grid; to build roads; to irrigate hundreds of thousands of acres of farmland; and fund scholarships. And when the flood waters rose, America rushed in to save lives, help communities recover, at the cost of about $900 million.

But that said, we understand completely that it is the Pakistani people yourselves who hold the key to your own prosperity. Only Pakistanis can remove barriers that stifle entrepreneurship. Only Pakistanis can take the tough political decisions to bring your energy crisis to heel. And only Pakistanis can make clear that when just 2 million people out of 190 million pay income taxes, that is just not a broad enough base to sustain serious investments in Pakistan's needs. Pakistan's economic and political success also depends on closer links with your neighbors. And that is my second point: Pakistan's critical role in this region. We believe that over time, Pakistan could and should become a hub that connects South and Central Asia on what we are calling a New Silk Road that binds together a region held back by rivalry and war.

Over time, India could become the largest market for Pakistan. Closer economic ties with Afghanistan could contribute to growth and stability on both sides of the border. We recognize that Pakistan has legitimate interests in Afghanistan, and Pakistan has the opportunity to show regional leadership by helping to end the insurgency on both sides of the border, and help bring about peace and reconciliation.

My third point is one we ignore only at our peril. For too long, violent extremists have been able to operate too freely here in Pakistan, and Pakistanis have paid a terrible price in the fight against terrorism. Nearly 30,000 Pakistanis have been killed or injured over the past 10 years—worshippers at mosques, shoppers at markets, soldiers, police, even children in their classrooms. And we recognize, too, that Pakistan's military has been bravely fighting pockets of terror throughout your country.

But no policy that draws distinctions between so-called good terrorists and bad terrorists can provide long-term security. This year alone, more than 500 Pakistanis have been killed by improvised explosive devices made right here inside Pakistan. I believe the United States and Pakistan can work together to root out all of the extremists who threaten both of us, including the Haqqani Network.

Now, I was introduced by saying that I am a realist, and I know that every country decides for itself what is in that country's own interests. Pakistan does. So does America. We could not, should not, expect any different. And it is no secret that our relationship today has challenges. But for all the reasons I have briefly mentioned, I would argue that our two nations have far more powerful common interests in improving our cooperation. And now we have to chart that pathway forward together.

And much like our relationship, I hope this town hall is a two-way street as well. I look forward to a good give-and-take, and to your questions, in the time we have together. And I thank you very much for the interest you are showing in our relationship by your presence here today. Thank you.

Mr. Pirzada. Since you mentioned Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani, since Professor

Burhanuddin Rabbani's assassination, President Hamid Karzai has been saying Pakistan needs to bring the Taliban around for negotiation. What is your view? You expect Pakistan to militarily tackle the Haqqani Network? Will you expect Pakistan to force them to come to the negotiation table?

Secretary Clinton. It's more the latter. I'm well aware of the military challenges that the Pakistani military has faced and the great sacrifice, as I referenced, of soldiers and civilians. But we do believe, as does our Afghan partners, that this must be a tripartite process, that Pakistan has to be a full partner in this effort, because we think that Pakistan, for a variety of reasons, has the capacity to encourage, to push, to squeeze—in General Kayani's term—terrorists, including the Haqqanis and the Afghan Taliban, to be willing to engage on the peace process. So that is what we're looking for.

Q. I have some interactions with your Embassy's public affairs office, especially with the community engagement component of that office. And I must say it was great to work with them or understand their things.

I would like to ask one thing. What is the U.S. Government doing to help organic voices inside Pakistani society and community against violent extremism, to protect Pakistani citizens, army, and law enforcement personnel?

Secretary Clinton. That's an excellent question, and I thank you for your kind words about our Embassy and about our interactions with you. And I think your question leads to really a reference I want to make to civil society here in Pakistan and to our Embassy and our efforts out of the State Department.

We have, for many years, worked to support civil society in Pakistan. But I have reached the conclusion we must do even more, and we need guidance and direction and suggestions from civil society itself. If you look at the vibrancy of the Pakistani culture, there is so much interaction, and this is certainly not a shy society, as I have learned over the years. You have a very dynamic free press. You have a lot of people who are speaking out on all kinds of issues.

But I worry about the intimidation factor from the extremists. People should be able to express, in a democracy, competing views. And you may disagree and take that person to task, but it should not be the reason for murder. It should not be, as I tragically saw, the death of Governor Taseer and Minister Bhatti and others who have a right, as Pakistani citizens, to express their views. So if civil society gets intimidated and your space shrinks, the society suffers, not just the individuals.

So our ambassador, Ambassador Munter, and I were actually talking about this just yesterday, and we are going to be seeking advice from you about what more we can do to support civil society and differing points of view within your country.

Q. Hello. I'm Tara Uzra Dawood. I'm a JD from Harvard Law School as well as president of the Dawood Global Foundation and LadiesFund.

The question I have is: Because we have awards for women entrepreneurs, networking opportunities and training for women entrepreneurs, we've indentified incredible talent in Pakistan, and those are the headlines I would like to see and we'd like to see internationally. Furthermore, with virtual businesses and technology, could you perhaps share your opinions and guide us how we can get Pakistani women or Pakistani entrepreneurs and American entrepreneurs working hand in hand in entrepreneurship rather than in isolation? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, that is music to my ears, because one of our principal programs in the State Department the last two-plus years has been to promote global entrepreneurship around the world, with an emphasis on women and with an emphasis on Muslim majority countries, because we think entrepreneurship, small business, medium-sized business development is key to economic growth and prosperity, and that parts of the world that have not been growing and providing inclusive prosperity over the last decade are now poised in part because of technology to do so.

Therefore, we have held entrepreneurship summits in Egypt, in Indonesia, in Washington. The next one is in Turkey. And we want to be sure—we've had Pakistani participants, and we want to be sure that the two messages of what it takes to promote entrepreneurship, because there are still legal and regulatory barriers. There are difficulties in many countries in starting businesses and growing businesses. We want to identify those, work with governments, work with business to try to eliminate them, and we also want to mentor. So we have websites, we have programs where we're bringing entrepreneurs—in particular, women entrepreneurs—to work with counterparts.

So we want to do all of that, and we view Pakistan as a place with such potential. Pakistan is a country of small businesses, and there's so much more that could be done and that can be linked to the global economy. And so therefore, we will redouble our efforts to reach out to Pakistani entrepreneurs and make sure that as many as possible are connected into what we're doing globally.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave this testimony before the House Foreign Affairs Committee in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Madam Chairwoman, and to Ranking Member Berman and to the members of the committee, I appreciate this opportunity once again to appear before you.

I want to start by recognizing the concerns that many of you have about Afghanistan and Pakistan policy. You and the American people are right to ask questions, but I think it's also important, as the Chairwoman alluded to in her opening statement, to recognize the significant results that our policy has already produced.

Usama bin Ladin and many of his top lieutenants are dead. The threat remains real and urgent, especially from al-Qaida's affiliates. But the group's senior leadership has been devastated and its ability to conduct operations greatly diminished. Many of our successes against al-Qaida would not have been possible without our presence in Afghanistan and close cooperation with Pakistan.

Now in Afghanistan, we still face a difficult fight, but coalition and Afghan forces have reversed the Taliban momentum in key areas. Afghan security forces have a long way to go, but they are taking more responsibility every day. And while the country still faces enormous challenges from poverty and corruption, our development efforts have bolstered the economy and improved lives.

You know the statistics. Ten years ago, fewer than a million students enrolled in Afghan schools, all of them boys; now more than 7 million, nearly 40 percent of them are girls. Afghans are better positioned to chart their own future.

I offer these very brief examples as a reminder that, as President Obama has said, we are meeting our commitments and we are making progress toward our goals. And we cannot let up. We should build on our momentum, not undercut our progress. Now I will be the first to admit that working with our Afghan and Pakistani partners is not always easy. But these relationships are advancing America's national security interests, and walking away from them would undermine those interests.

With that as context, let me report I have just completed a productive visit to both countries. In Kabul and Islamabad, I emphasized our three-track strategy of fight, talk, and build, pursuing all three tracks at once, as they are mutually reinforcing. And the chance of success for all three are greatly increased by strong cooperation from the Afghan and Pakistani governments. Let me briefly discuss each track.

First, the fight. Coalition and Afghan forces have increased pressure on the Taliban, the Haqqani Network, and other insurgents, including with a new operation in eastern Afghanistan launched in recent days. But our commanders on the ground are increasingly concerned, as they have been for some time, that we have to go after the safe havens across the border in Pakistan. Now, I will be quick to add that the Pakistanis also have reason to be concerned about attacks coming at them from across the border in Afghanistan.

So in Islamabad last week, General Dempsey, Director Petraeus and I delivered a single, unified message—Pakistan's civilian and military leadership must join us in squeezing the Haqqani Network from both sides of the border and in closing safe havens. We underscored to our Pakistani counterparts the urgency of the task at hand, and we had detailed and frank conversations about the concrete steps both sides need to take. I explained that trying to distinguish between so-called good terrorists and bad terrorists is ultimately self-defeating and dangerous. No one who targets innocent civilians of any nationality should be tolerated or protected.

Now, we are not suggesting that Pakistan sacrifice its own security; quite the opposite. We respect the sacrifices that Pakistan has already made. And it's important for Americans to be reminded, over the past decade, more than 5,000 Pakistani soldiers have been lost, and tens of thousands Pakistani citizens have been killed or injured. That's why we are pursuing a vision of shared security that benefits us all.

The second track is talking, and here too we are taking concrete steps with our partners. So in both Kabul and Islamabad, I reaffirmed America's strong support for an inclusive Afghan-led peace process. And we have been very clear about the necessary outcomes of any negotiation. Insurgents must renounce violence, abandon al-Qaida, and abide by the laws and constitution of Afghanistan, including its protections for women and minorities. If insurgents cannot or will not meet those redlines, they will face continued and unrelenting assault. And I want to stress, as I did in Kabul, that the hard-won rights of women and all Afghans cannot be rolled back, and the growth of civil society must be not be quashed.

Now, there is no doubt that the murder of former President Rabbani was a setback, but the Afghans strongly believe reconciliation is still possible and we support that as the best hope for peace and stability in the region. Pakistan has a critical role to play and a big stake in the outcome, so we look to Pakistan to encourage the Taliban and other insurgents to participate in an Afghan peace process in good faith, both through unequivocal public statements and by closing off the safe havens.

We are working with the Afghan Government to help them secure commitments from all of their neighbors to respect Afghan sovereignty and territorial integrity and to support Afghan reconciliation. This will be a key focus when I go to Istanbul next week to meet with regional foreign ministers. For our part, the United States is working with the Afghan Government to conclude a new strategic partnership.

And let me add, in response to the Chairwoman's question, in 2011 we had three Washington-led rounds of discussions, with the State Department leading an interagency team, including DOD, USAID, and the NSC. These discussions resulted in a text that is about 90 percent agreed to, including strong commitments on economic/social development, democratic institution-building, human rights, anti-corruption, and other important long-term reforms.

Among other things, we envision establishing an Afghanistan-United States bilateral commission and associated implementation mechanisms to help our focus remain on what needs to be done during the transition process. Ambassador Crocker and General Allen are still working through some of the security cooperation issues with President Karzai. The negotiation is ongoing, but I want to assure the Congress that although we do not expect this to take the form of a treaty or to require advice and consent of the Senate, we will consult with you on where we are in this process, and I will ensure that anyone who wishes to get a full briefing will get one, and we will very much welcome your views.

And in response to Congressman Chabot's point, we anticipate having a transition that does include security components, not only from the United States, but also from NATO, commitments that were made at the Lisbon Summit. And again, we look forward to consulting with you on that.

And finally, the third track is building. Building what? Building capacity and opportunity in Afghanistan, Pakistan and across the region. Now, this is part of a clear-eyed strategy rooted in a lesson we have learned over and over again around the world—lasting stability and security go hand in hand with greater economic opportunity. People need a realistic hope for a better life, for a job, for a chance to provide for their families. So it is critical to our broader effort that civilian assistance continue in both Afghanistan and Pakistan, and I thank Congressman Berman for raising that. Yet, I will also be very clear that we have had to move rapidly and deeply to strengthen oversight and improve effectiveness, and I'll be happy to answer questions about that.

Early next week, I will be sending you a comprehensive status update on our civilian assistance detailing our plans to shift from short-term stabilization to long-term development.

Now as the transition proceeds and coalition combat forces leave Afghanistan, there need to be realistic hopes for development. So we are working to achieve greater agricultural productivity, greater exploitation in a way that benefits the Afghanistan people of natural resources, increasing exports, and strengthening the financial sector. I really want to underscore the point that Congressmen Berman made, which is really that we want to move from aid to trade. We cannot do that if we don't get Reconstruction Opportunity Zone legislation, which will lower tariffs on Pakistani and Afghan products, and the Enterprise Fund, which will not require taxpayer dollars. This is what we did in Central and Eastern Europe, and it was a big help in convincing people that the free market was the way to go.

And finally, we are pursuing a broader, long-term vision for regional economic integration that we call the New Silk Road. It's not just an economic plan. It talks about how we can get these countries that have so many problems with each other to begin cooperating. And to that end, I'm very pleased by the progress that both India and Pakistan are making on the commercial front and the progress in implementing the transit trade agreement between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

So those are our three tracks—fight, talk, and build—and we're on all of them simultaneously. We believe this is the best place that we can be in moving forward, and I look forward to answering your questions.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Bonn, Germany

Secretary Clinton. Okay. Well, good afternoon, everyone. We have some more seats. This has been a very full and productive day here in Bonn, and I want to touch on a few key points.

First, I want to express our appreciation to the German Government, particularly Chancellor Merkel and Foreign Minister Westerwelle for hosting this conference, and to the Afghans—particularly President Karzai and Foreign Minister Rassoul for chairing it. I think we took some important steps forward.

Second, I want to recognize a number of the women leaders who are here from Afghanistan. I met with them and with representatives of Afghan civil society this morning and just now because I am convinced that they have a crucial role to play in the future of Afghanistan, and in particular the peace and reconciliation process. Women and civil society have achieved considerable progress over the last 10 years, and we don't want anything that we agree to or do to undermine that progress or to turn the clock back on human rights for women and men.

I also want to say a word about a particular area of progress, and I'm delighted that the Minister of Health from Afghanistan, Minister Dalil, is here, because a new Afghan mortality survey shows that the Afghanistan healthcare system has made a huge leap forward for women. Ten years ago, the maternal mortality rate in Afghanistan was estimated to be the highest in the world. Today, women's life expectancy has increased by between 15 and 20 years, because women are finally getting access to healthcare, including prenatal care, and far fewer are dying in childbirth.

This is the kind of progress we cannot allow to be undermined and turned back. Now, we have no illusions about the enormous obstacles that remain ahead in Afghanistan. The insurgency by the Taliban remains active. There is a lot of work to be done both by the government and civil society to strengthen and build democratic institutions and to assure the rule of law, and also a free media and an independent judiciary among other things. And the World Bank recently projected that Afghanistan will face continuing hardships and budget deficits that will require new resources and revenue. And at the same time, as everyone is aware, the international community faces fiscal constraints. So these challenges are in very much the minds of all of us as we discuss the way forward.

At the NATO Summit in Lisbon, we agreed to a plan for our security transition that will be completed in 2014. Today in Bonn, we took the next step by setting out a blueprint for a post-transition Afghanistan, a roadmap for what we are calling a decade of transformation. In our session today, I emphasized how critical it is that we avoid repeating the mistakes of the 1990s and how important it is, as President Karzai said, that we all embrace mutual accountability.

So the United States is prepared to stand with the Afghan people, but Afghans themselves must also meet the commitments they have made, and we look forward to working with them to embrace reform, lead their own defense, and strengthen their democracy. I think it's going to be very critical that the United States continue what we call our “fight, talk, build” approach, going after al-Qaida and their networks and allies, increasing the pressure on insurgents while supporting inclusive reconciliation and sustainable development. So we welcomed the economic, political, and security plans that President Karzai announced today which largely align with this strategy.

On security, they committed to expand the capacity of the Afghan security forces, and the United States and our partners will be committed to training, advising, and assisting. On the economy, the Afghans committed to set priorities, use international aid effectively, and enact a series of economic reforms to crack down on corruption, spur private sector growth, and attract new investment. And we have to come with concrete steps. So for example, I announced that the United States and other partners will now resume financial disbursements to the Afghan Reconstruction Trust Fund.

On the political front, the Afghans committed to proceed with inclusive, fair, and credible presidential elections and a peaceful, democratic transfer of power in 2014. And we will continue to provide support to Afghanistan's democracy, including civil society.

And finally, the Afghans also committed to accelerate the process begun in Istanbul last month of building stronger economic, political, and security ties in the region. Every neighbor has a stake in the future of Afghanistan. Every neighbor loses if the country again becomes a source of terrorism and instability. So in addition to supporting increased regional economic integration, pursuit of the New Silk Road vision, we also look to Afghanistan's neighbors to actively support an inclusive Afghan-led, Afghan-owned reconciliation process.

I know how much of a setback it was when President Rabbani was assassinated, so it was especially significant when the traditional Loya Jirga reaffirmed Afghanistan's commitment to pursue this effort.

We want to send a very clear message to the people of Afghanistan that as they continue to make tough decisions we will stand with them and do so in that spirit of mutual accountability. Today we join nearly 100 nations in agreeing to renew and focus our shared commitment to continue investing and engaging in Afghanistan for the long term. We look forward to the NATO summit in Chicago in May and other upcoming meetings, such as the Tokyo Donors’ Conference to formalize this commitment.

Now, I can say that this has been a long and difficult decade, but the people who really understand what those words mean are sitting here with us. The people of Afghanistan have endured so much, and over and over again they ask me, they ask others, to ensure that they don't lose the gains that they have made in this last difficult decade. I think we have a strategy that gives us the best chance to achieve a stable, prosperous, and peaceful future. That's what this conference was all about, but of course, we know a lot of work lies ahead. I'm committed to that work, and I know we have many partners in Afghanistan who are as well.

So with that, I'd be happy to take some questions.

Ms. Nuland. And we have time for four today. Let's start with Anne Gearan of AP.

Q. Madam Secretary, what does it say about the viability of the goals that you outlined and endorsed here, if Pakistan, the neighboring country with probably the greatest influence, at least on the internal goals in Afghanistan, didn't show up? Do you feel a little jerked around by them, and do you think that everything said and done here now comes with an asterisk because they did not participate?

Secretary Clinton. Anne, I think it was unfortunate that they did not participate, and I said in my prepared remarks that it would have been better if they had come. So we regretted the choice that they made, because today's conference was an important milestone toward the kind of security and stability that is important for Pakistan as well as for Afghanistan. We continue to believe that Pakistan has a crucial role to play.

I was encouraged by what Prime Minister Gilani said today while the conference was going on, that he expected that the United States and Pakistan would continue our cooperation in a number of areas that are of mutual interest and concern, first and foremost our joint fight against terrorism. So I expect that Pakistan will be involved going forward, and we expect them to play a constructive role.

Ms. Nuland. Next question, Abdul Kalel, Bakhtar News Agency, Afghanistan.

Q. Your Excellency, the international community has (inaudible) we must protect human rights, civil societies, and the right of communities in Afghanistan. On other end, you are supporting peace with Taliban, with their particular lifestyles. What is the guarantee that the value will not be sacrificed in this process? Thanks.

Secretary Clinton. I think that's such an important question. And ultimately, the decision about peace and reconciliation is up to the Afghan people. It is not for the United States or anyone else in the international community to decide. Back earlier this year, on February 18^th, I gave a speech which outlined our strategy moving forward. We said we needed to have a regional approach, and we've been pursuing that; this conference, the conference in Istanbul, demonstrate that. It also clearly laid out what we expect out of any peace and reconciliation process.

There are necessary outcomes, and those are the same today as they were when I discussed them at the Asia Society in New York. The Taliban must renounce violence; they must abandon their alliance with al-Qaida; they must agree to abide by the laws and constitution of Afghanistan, including the protection of human rights and the rights of women and ethnic minorities. So we have a set of very firm guidelines for any process we're involved in, but really it is our role to support an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned process, which is why I think it's so important that civil society be involved in the peace and reconciliation process, because there have to be a wide variety of Afghan voices if the process is going to be inclusive and will protect the rights of all Afghan people.

We are still at the very beginning of this process. And the fact is, in conflicts, you don't make peace with your friends. If you want to resolve a conflict, then you have to sit across a table and talk with people whose views are often very different from yours. But I believe that Afghan society and the work that has been done over the last 10 years puts Afghanistan in a strong position to determine what is and is not acceptable. And it would certainly be unacceptable to me, not just as an American, but if I myself were an Afghan woman, it would be unacceptable to me if any negotiation sacrificed my human rights, and I personally would oppose that.

Ms Nuland. Next question, Steve Myers, New York Times.

Q. Thank you, Madam Secretary. If I could ask you two questions. President

Karzai, in your meeting just before lunch, made reference to the speech of Iran being a positive one. Do you share that view?

And on Russia, the OSCE and local election observers noted widespread abuses in yesterday's parliamentary elections. And even so, the ruling party of President Putin barely met or reached the 50 percent level. What does that mean, in your view, with regard to the political system there and next year's reelection of President Putin? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, with respect to the comments that President Karzai made, I did not hear the speech. I wasn't in the room. I was meeting Secretary General Ban Ki-moon. The way it was described to me by President Karzai, he believed that compared to prior speeches that had been given by representatives of Iran at international conferences, this was a positive recognition of the sovereignty and legitimacy of Afghanistan and the Afghan Government. So I really should let him speak for himself, but that is his— that was his assessment.

Concerning Russia, we're watching the election results with great interest. Clearly, the Duma is going to have a different makeup than it did before this election. And we do have serious concerns about the conduct of the elections. We think that the preliminary report just issued by the OSCE international mission raise a number of questions about the conduct of the elections. The OSCE, for example, cites election day attempts to stuff ballot boxes, manipulate voter lists, and other troubling practices. And as you know, I'll be going to Vilnius from here for the OSCE meeting, and I expect to get briefed further.

We're also concerned by reports that independent Russian election observers, including the nationwide Golos network, were harassed, had cyber attacks on their websites, totally contrary to what should be the protected rights of people to observe elections and participate in them and disseminate information. And we're very proud of those Russian citizens who participated constructively in the electoral process in order to assure that it was strong and fair and free and credible.

I think that it's not so much what I think or even what the OSCE thinks, as what Russian voters think. Russian voters deserve a full investigation of all credible reports of electoral fraud and manipulation, and we hope in particular that the Russian authorities will take action on the recommendations that come forward from observer missions like the OSCE in its final report and their own electoral observers, who are making recommendations about how to improve the process.

The Russian people, like people everywhere, deserve the right to have their voices heard and their votes counted. And that means they deserve free, fair, transparent elections and leaders who are accountable to them. And we believe that that's in the best interests of Russia and we're going to continue to speak out about it.

Ms Nuland. Last question, Christian (inaudible) from Germany.

Q. Madam Secretary, we were talking about the 2014 date when Afghan National Security Forces should take full responsibility. How can you be sure that they will be capable of doing that, because of the fact that they don't have air force to speak of or tanks or artillery or whatever? And if you allow a second short question, President Karzai said that he might use or need 5 billion Euros a year to support the process after the international forces, the common forces, have left. Do you think his expectations will be met?

Secretary Clinton. Well, first with regard to the Afghan National Security Forces, we have seen marked improvement in their performance, their professionalism. They are in the fight in many parts of Afghanistan now and performing well. We know there is a lot of work still to be done, that different units are uneven throughout the country, but we think with a continuing concerted training mission, we will see the force improve. And as the transition to Afghan security lead continues, there will be greater experience, which can then build upon itself.

So we think we're on the right track for the transition to security lead by the end of December 2014. Now, as I said in my remarks, 2014 doesn't mean that the Afghan Security Forces are totally on their own. The United States and other partners will be providing training and assisting and advising. We're in the process of discussing all of that. We think the commitment made at the Lisbon summit will be carried out. We'll be discussing it at the NATO Ministerial I'll be attending in Brussels the day after tomorrow. And we will also be finalizing some arrangements by the Chicago summit.

I think that you're right that we're still talking about largely a ground force, we're not talking about F-16s. But I believe that there is an assessment that, given the threats that exist as of now, the Afghan Security Forces are being trained to meet those threats. Now, as they become a more professional, sustainable force, there will certainly be an opportunity for them to seek additional capabilities. And we'll have that discussion when the time arises.

Thank you.

Q. The financial aspect? Sorry.

Secretary Clinton. The what?

Q. The financial—sorry.

Secretary Clinton. Oh yes. I think that there is a transition dividend that has been discussed, because certainly as we draw down our troops, there will be an enormous savings because the most expensive part of our mission is not the civilian but the military. And that's going to be true for a lot of our partners. And I think you heard Cathy Ashton say today on behalf of the European Union that they are beginning to negotiate in long-term assistance agreements.

So what the exact amount is, how much the Afghans are able to contribute over what period of time, that is all to be decided. But there will be continuing assistance.

Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave these remarks in Bonn, Germany

Secretary Clinton. We've had an excellent series of presentations already this morning, so I will not, in the interests of time, go over the points that were made by Your Excellency. But I think it is important to recognize the critical nature of the next two periods: first between now and the end of 2014, the transition; and then the decade of transformation that follows.

As the World Bank has recently projected, Afghanistan will face continuing budget deficits and economic hardships that will require new sources of growth and revenue to overcome. And yet, at the same time, many countries represented here in this hall understand that the international community also faces fiscal constraints.

So it is essential that we put together a comprehensive and effective strategy that maximizes the resources and their use. And that is why we are here in Bonn, because each of us has responsibilities we must meet if we are going to be successful.

I very much appreciate the call by the Afghan Government for mutual accountability between Afghanistan and the international community. We very much agree, President Karzai, those must be our watchwords. And the United States is prepared to stand with the Afghan people for the long haul to support this transition to sustainable stability and growth, and we recognize that the Afghans themselves, as the president has said, have commitments that they must meet, taking difficult decisions to embrace reform, lead in their own defense, and strengthen an inclusive democracy rooted in the rule of law. So mutual accountability will be at the heart of the commitments that we make to one another.

First, on security, that transition is already underway, and Afghan forces will soon be responsible for protecting fully half the population. For our part, as coalition combat forces draw down, the United States and our international partners must remain committed to training, advising, and assisting Afghan forces, even as together we continue to go after those who are unwilling to end the conflict or who are engaging in acts of terrorism. So let there be no doubt that the transition signals the beginning of a new phase of international support.

Second, with respect to the economy, the reforms that the president has outlined are heartening, as was the IMF's approval of a new three-year program for Afghanistan in November.

Third, on the political track, we commend President Karzai for his commitment to proceed with inclusive and fair presidential elections in 2014. And I think the international community must continue to provide robust support to strengthen democratic institutions, including a free press and a strong electoral process.

The United States is pleased to announce we will be joining other partners in resuming financial disbursements to the Afghan Reconstruction Trust Fund so that those resources can be put to work.

And finally, this process that we are engaged in, which builds on 10 years of efforts, requires not only all in the region, all of the neighbors, but the rest of the international community that has been committed. The entire region has a stake in Afghanistan's future and much to lose if the country again becomes a source of terrorism and instability. And that is why we would, of course, have benefited from Pakistan's contribution to this conference. And to that end, nobody in this hall is more concerned than the United States is about getting an accurate picture of what occurred in the recent border incident.

And it's imperative that we all support an Afghan-led reconciliation process. It was encouraging that after the assassination of President Rabbani, the Loya Jirga in Kabul reaffirmed Afghanistan's commitment to this.

So the agenda is ambitious but essential, but we are clearly committed. The United States intends to stay the course with our friends in Afghanistan. We will be there with you as you make the hard decisions that are necessary for your future.

And so, Mr. President, thank you for convening this conference. It gives us all a chance to take stock of where we are and determine how we can best go forward in order to support the peace, prosperity, and democracy of a secure and stable Afghanistan. Thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave these remarks in Bonn, Germany

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Ambassador Grossman, and let me also thank Lady Ashton and the European Union for the excellent work that they are doing and, as you just said, they will continue to do in Afghanistan. And let me thank Foreign Minister Baird from Canada, which has been a stalwart supporter for the development of your country. I also want to thank everyone from the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission and the Afghan Women's Network. I think the Bonn Civil Society Forum was a successful effort, for which you deserve the credit. There are some important recommendations coming out of it that we will pay close attention to.

I want to make five quick points, starting with the importance of what you do as representatives of civil society in Afghanistan and a request that you find ways to unify around specific priorities. There are many interests around the table, from agriculture to economic development to the protection of women, the importance of good governance, ending corruption, a reconciliation process that is inclusive and respects the rights of the people of Afghanistan under your constitution and your laws.

So there are a number of critical priorities, and I would hope that out of your working through this Civil Society Forum and the work that you do back home, you will set some priorities that you will focus on to be sure that attention is paid both by your government and by the international community.

Secondly, I think we've learned a lot in the last 10 years, and I want to be sure that we apply those lessons. So one of my hopes is that working with you and others who are actually on the ground throughout the country, we can review what works and what doesn't work. The question about agriculture: We have made some real progress together; let's look at what we should do to strengthen that and what we can do to change what is not working. When it comes to health or education, fighting corruption, there are, within your priorities, areas where we've had some success together and areas where have not. So I would like to be sure we know how we can work effectively together. Because it is not only the international community that must pledge our continuing assistance after 2014, we have to strengthen civil society to be a strong partner with us in making sure that money is spent well, that the kinds of political changes you want to see are underway.

So we have a lot of work ahead of us. And I am certainly, on behalf of the United States, committed with my colleagues around this table to working with you, but I ask that you help us by being organized and as unified as possible, because we will do better together if we are working on specific outcomes in these areas that will make a difference.

Third, there is always a tension in this kind of work for a government like mine or the EU or Canada or the World Bank or any other institution who wishes to support your development politically and economically: Do we focus on building the capacity of the government, or do we focus on building the capacity of civil society? We are trying to do both. And I think your sitting around this table is evidence that, with support, civil society is flourishing against some quite difficult challenges throughout the country.

We also see progress in certain capacities of the government, but we need to see more. And we need your best advice about how we can help the government, which ultimately does have responsibility for the country, develop the kind of professionalism and abilities that you would like to see it have. You have to help us with that. And it's not only the government of ministries, it's also the parliament, it's also the judiciary. Each has a very important role to play. And we will stand ready to help build the capacity of these institutions, but we have a duty to our taxpayers to make sure that money is spent well, and I very much appreciate that point that you raised.

And the corruption problem is a real one. You know that as well as anyone. What can we do to try to tackle it together? Because we want to make changes that will be lasting and will benefit the people of Afghanistan. We have ideas, you have ideas; let's be sure we're coordinating on that.

Next, the reconciliation process is one that we believe, if pursued properly, holds promise for the kind of political settlement that would resolve much of the ongoing conflict. But we are also very conscious that any such reconciliation cannot be at the cost of the gains which you have suffered for—not just the last 10 years but the last 30-plus years, which is why I think it's so important that your voices be heard in that area as well. You don't make peace with your friends, but you also cannot make peace with those who refuse to rejoin society and behave in a peaceful manner. So how we test that and how we proceed is something we're going to need your support for and your understanding of.

Finally, we have to do a better job on behalf of the international community of making clear that we are looking to support Afghanistan not for any of our own agendas but because, number one, we want to see Afghanistan secure and peaceful and, number two, we want to avoid another conflict in the future which could come if the state is not strong enough and if the people do not support it.

So we know we have a lot of work ahead of us, but I don't think that we can be successful in doing that work if we are not having conversations like this. And therefore, I am very grateful that all of you came for this Civil Society Forum. I appreciate the work that you have put into making your presentations. But this is just the beginning of the hard work, and what I'm hoping is that through our coordinated efforts we can make specific progress on all of these points.

And I think we should get a document that comes out of this, building on the recommendations of the forum, and we should be very clear about what we can do and what we cannot do together, what is possible and what is something that we can't achieve, so that we then know what are the specific steps we should take in order to assist you in your development and your support for a peaceful and secure Afghanistan.

So let me thank you all, and I think we have some concluding remarks.