The pursuit of microhistory comes with a range of challenges and risks attached. Much of this has to do with balance. Lacunae in the sources both motivate and frustrate scholars as they strive to glean sufficient detail to offer adequate description and convincing interpretation. Comparative analysis can become tricky for the same reason, but particularly so when the appropriateness of the comparators is not obvious or not persuasively argued.
Hugh Gault aspires to rise to these challenges in 1900 Liverpool Lives: The Threads That Bind, setting out to compare and contrast two archetypal streets in northwest England—working-class Blackstock Street in Vauxhall and middle-class Courtenay Road in Crosby—during the latter half of the nineteenth century. He unapologetically dispenses with theory and analysis, offering instead “a narrative and descriptive approach,” on the grounds that readers will draw their own conclusions (vii). The end result falls between the two approaches. In the absence of any methodological or theoretical framework, 1900 Liverpool Lives cannot be classed as an academic history. Yet neither does the book feature the usual narrative hallmarks of a popular history, the best examples of which can be as informative as they are enthralling.
Digging down into the micro-level detail requires tenacity, and to his credit, Gault has drawn upon an impressive range of primary source material (archival documentation and official reports, census and survey returns, contemporary historical newspapers and periodicals, books and journals, ego literature, and correspondence) to unearth a mine of information. This will no doubt prove useful to local and family historians. The book contains a good deal of human interest, as well as helpful leads for those pursuing Liverpool's commercial history. A vignette relating to the earlier life of Robert Tressell of The Ragged Trousered Philanthropist (1914) fame is of wider historical interest. The text is, as Gault intended, accessible. And despite his disclaimers, Gault does offer some analysis, through contextualization and explanation.
Yet it is difficult to ignore some fundamental issues. Those familiar with Liverpool's past and present may struggle to get beyond the basic premise of the book—namely, that it is concerned with two “Liverpool” locales. Beyond its postal code, Crosby is not, was not, and never has been, formally associated with the borough of Liverpool. An independent Lancashire borough since 1937, it was absorbed into the metropolitan borough of Sefton in 1974. Certainly, it became something of a rail commuter town around the mid-nineteenth century, its middle-class residents frequently traveling south into Liverpool for white-collar work or to ply business or financial interests there. Gault's biographical case studies illustrate this. Yet the families featured also illustrate how beyond transactional interdependence, the Crosby community had no personal interest in, and shared very little in common with, those living in Vauxhall. Indeed, contemporary observers made a point of criticizing the willful insularity and ignorance of those living in such middle-class bubbles. Moreover, the Crosby-Liverpool traffic was decidedly one-way. Few of the denizens of a Blackstock Street would have had the means or inclination to venture to Crosby. Certainly, they did not travel there from Liverpool for daily work and Gault offers no examples of any Courtenay Road live-in servants who had migrated from Vauxhall. All of which makes Gault's “threads that bind” leitmotif appear somewhat overstated.
This is not to be pedantic. The historical reality surrounding urban identity and cultural entanglements ought not to be conveniently simplified, particularly given the Crosby community's long-standing resistance to being identified with or subsumed into Liverpool. Gault's previous research interest in his ancestor Charles Ryle Fay no doubt influenced his choice of Crosby generally and Courtney Road in particular (106–7). He might have chosen a far more appropriate and fruitful comparator for Blackstock Street from Liverpool's middle-class suburbs proper—the central “Georgian Quarter” (Rodney Street, Abercromby Square, and Canning Street), Aigburth to the south, or Tuebrook and West Derby to the east, for example. Such affluent districts had similar demographic and built environment profiles to Crosby but were also well established, by the mid-nineteenth century, as natural extensions to Liverpool's urban core.
There are further issues. The book's content weighting is asymmetrical and not always justified. Twice as much of the text is given over to Blackstock Street as to Courtenay Road. This makes eminent sense, given that the former was a mixed-use thoroughfare while the latter was purely residential. There was far more going on there, from a socioeconomic point of view, that is retrievable. But it underscores the lopsidedness of the treatment. A discrete section on prostitution in Blackstock Street (64–66) negates itself through caveats and speculation that suggest the locale was no better or worse than any other when it came to the oldest profession. Snippets of information Gault thinks work sharing—such as the fact that the daughter of one Courtenay Road resident “enjoyed a brief teenage romance” with the son of another Courtenay Road resident (127)—amount to mere trivia. As Gault states in the blurb, “the importance of strong women” emerges as one of the most striking similarities between the two streets. On the basis of the personal biographies recovered by Gault, this idea has some traction, but nowhere does it come through explicitly in the text, until the theme is unexpectedly foregrounded in a short and superficial conclusion. Finally, although the book is indeed a “history of everyday lives,” it is not made at all clear how it is “history that mirrors our times.”
There is undoubtedly a call for greater micro-level study into the urban history-from-below of nineteenth-century England and for the myth, nostalgia, and stereotype surrounding Liverpool's Victorian history to be unpicked. 1900 Liverpool Lives does not, unfortunately, answer that call. What Gault does demonstrate very effectively is that the empirical evidence is there for those determined to root it out.
