Introductory Remarks Omitted

Secretary Clinton. I've been looking forward to this trip for some time. From Hawaii it will be onto Guam and then Vietnam and Cambodia, then Malaysia and Papua New Guinea, New Zealand, Australia, and American Samoa. It is an itinerary that reflects Asia's diversity and dynamism. And it complements the route that President Obama will take in just a few weeks when he visits India, Indonesia, Japan, and South Korea. Together, the President and I will cover a significant portion of this vital region at a pivotal moment, after nearly two years of intensive engagement. And everywhere we go, we will advance one overarching set of goals: to sustain and strengthen America's leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and to improve security, heighten prosperity, and promote our values.

Through these trips, and in many other ways, we are practicing what you might call “forward-deployed” diplomacy. And by that we mean we've adopted a very proactive footing; we've sent the full range of our diplomatic assets—including our highest-ranking officials, our development experts, our teams on a wide range of pressing issues—into every corner and every capital of the Asia-Pacific region. We have quickened the pace and widened the scope of our engagement with regional institutions, with our partners and allies, and with people themselves in an active effort to advance shared objectives.

This has been our priority since Day One of the Obama Administration, because we know that much of the history of the 21^st century will be written in Asia. This region will see the most transformative economic growth on the planet. Most of its cities will become global centers of commerce and culture. And as more people across the region gain access to education and opportunity, we will see the rise of the next generation of regional and global leaders in business and science, technology, politics, and the arts.

And yet, deep-seated challenges lurk in Asia. The ongoing human rights abuses inflicted by the military junta in Burma remind us there are places where progress is absent. North Korea's provocative acts and history of proliferation activities requires a watchful vigilance. And military buildups matched with ongoing territorial disputes create anxieties that reverberate. Solutions to urgent global problems, like climate change, will succeed or fail based on what happens in Asia. This is the future taking shape today—full of fast-paced change, and marked by challenges. And it is a future in which the United States must lead.

Because the progress we see today is the result not only of the hard work of leaders and citizens across the region, but the American soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines who protect borders and patrol the region's waters; the American diplomats who have settled conflicts and brought nations together in common cause; the American business leaders and entrepreneurs who invested in new markets and formed trans-Pacific partnerships; the American aid workers who helped countries rebuild in the wake of disasters; and the American educators and students who have shared ideas and experiences with their counterparts across the ocean.

Now, there are some who say that this long legacy of American leadership in the Asia-Pacific is coming to a close. That we are not here to stay. And I say, look at our record. It tells a very different story.

For the past 21 months, the Obama Administration has been intent on strengthening our leadership, increasing our engagement, and putting into practice new ways of projecting our ideas and influence throughout this changing region. We've done all this with a great deal of support from leaders on both sides of the political aisle who share our vision for America's role in Asia. Together, we are focused on a distant time horizon, one that stretches out for decades to come. And I know how hard it is in today's political climate to think beyond tomorrow. But one of my hopes is that in Asia and elsewhere we can begin doing that again. Because it took decades for us to build our infrastructure of leadership in the world, and it will take decades for us to continue and implement the policies going forward.

So now, at the start of my sixth trip to Asia as Secretary of State, I am optimistic and confident about Asia's future. And I am optimistic and confident about America's future. And I am optimistic and confident about what all of these countries can do together with American leadership in the years ahead.

So today, I'd like briefly to discuss the steps that the Obama Administration has taken to strengthen the main tools of American engagement in Asia: our alliances, our emerging partnerships, and our work with regional institutions. And I will describe how we are using these tools to pursue this forward-deployed diplomacy along three key tracks: first, shaping the future Asia-Pacific economy; second, underwriting regional security; and third, supporting stronger democratic institutions and the spread of universal human values.

Let me begin where our approach to Asia begins—with our allies. In a vast and diverse region, our bonds with our allies—Japan, Korea, Australia, Thailand, and the Philippines—remain the foundation for our strategic engagement. These alliances have safeguarded regional peace and security for the past half century and supported the region's remarkable economic growth. Today we are working not just to sustain them but to update them, so they remain effective in a changing world.

That starts with our alliance with Japan, the cornerstone of our engagement in the Asia-Pacific. This year, our countries celebrated the 50th anniversary of our Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security. But our partnership extends far beyond security. We are two of the world's three biggest economies, the top two contributors to reconstruction in Afghanistan, and we share a commitment to leading on major global issues from nonproliferation to climate change. To ensure that the next fifty years of our alliance are as effective as the last, we are broadening our cooperation to reflect the changing strategic environment. I covered the full range of issues that we face together in my two-hour discussion and then my remarks with the foreign minister from Japan yesterday.

This year also marked a milestone with another ally: the 60th anniversary of the start of the Korean War, which Secretary Gates and I commemorated in Seoul this past summer. And in two weeks, our presidents will meet in Seoul when President Obama travels there for the G-20 summit.

Our two countries have stood together in the face of threats and provocative acts from North Korea, including the tragic sinking of the Cheonan by a North Korean torpedo. We will continue to coordinate closely with both Seoul and Tokyo in our efforts to make clear to North Korea there is only one path that promises the full benefits of engagement with the outside world—a full, verifiable, and irreversible denuclearization.

The alliance between South Korea and the United States is a lynchpin of stability and security in the region and now even far beyond. We are working together in Afghanistan, where a South Korean reconstruction team is at work in Parwan Province; in the Gulf of Aden, where Korean and U.S. forces are coordinating anti-piracy missions. And of course, beyond our military cooperation, our countries enjoy a vibrant economic relationship, which is why our two Presidents have called for resolving the outstanding issues related to the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement by the time of the G-20 meeting in Seoul.

Next year marks another celebration—the 60th anniversary of the alliance between Australia and the United States. In two weeks, I will finish my tour of this region with a visit to Australia for the 25th anniversary of the Australia-U.S. ministerial; it's called AUSMIN. And Secretary Gates and I will meet with our counterparts, Foreign Minister Rudd and Defense Minister Smith. And I—we'll also meet with Julia Gillard, Australia's first woman prime minister, and have a chance not only to consult with the leaders, but also to give a policy address about the future of the alliance between Australia and the U.S.

With our Southeast Asian allies, Thailand and the Philippines, the United States is working closely on an expanding range of political, economic, environmental, and security-related issues. This summer, we launched our Creative Partnership Agreement with Thailand, which brings together Thai and American universities and businesses to help develop the innovative sectors of the Thai economy. With the Philippines, we will hold our first ever 2+2 Strategic Dialogue this coming January. And last month, I had the pleasure of joining President Aquino in signing a Millennium Challenge Compact to accelerate economic development and decrease poverty in the Philippines.

With each of our five allies in the region, what began as security alliances have broadened over time and now encompass shared actions on many fronts. And we will continue to ask ourselves the hard questions about how to strengthen the alliances further, tailoring them for each relationship to deliver more benefits to more of our people.

Beyond our alliances, the United States is strengthening relationships with new partners. Indonesia is playing a leading role in the region and especially in regional institutions. As chair of ASEAN next year, Indonesia will host the 2011 East Asia Summit. And as the creator of the Bali Democracy Forum, it is a leading advocate for democratic reforms throughout Asia. Our two presidents will formally launch our new Comprehensive Partnership Agreement during President Obama's visit to Indonesia next month.

In Vietnam, we are cultivating a level of cooperation that would have been unimaginable just 10 years ago. Our diplomatic and economic ties are more productive than ever, and we've recently expanded our discussion on maritime security and other defense-related issues. Vietnam also invited us to participate as a guest at the East Asia Summit for the first time this year. That opens up a critical new avenue for cooperation. And though we still have our differences, we are committed to moving beyond our painful past toward a more prosperous and successful relationship.

Few countries punch as far above their weight as Singapore, and we're working together to promote economic growth and integration, leveraging Singapore's leadership in ASEAN and the role it has played in negotiating the Trans-Pacific Partnership. And in Malaysia and New Zealand, our diplomats and development experts are bringing their talents to bear and building stronger ties on every level, including increased trade, people-to-people exchanges, and efforts to strengthen the nuclear nonproliferation regime.

In a crowded field of highly dynamic, increasingly influential emerging nations, two, of course, stand out—India and China. Their simultaneous rise is reshaping the world and our ability to cooperate effectively with these two countries will be a critical test of our leadership. With growing ties between our governments, our economies, and our peoples, India and the United States have never mattered more to each other. As the world's two largest democracies, we are united by common interests and common values.

Earlier this year, we launched the U.S.- India Strategic Dialogue. And one of the core issues we addressed is India's growing engagement and integration into East Asia, because we believe that India is a key player in this region and on the global stage. That's why President Obama is also beginning his own major trip to Asia next week with a stop in India. His trip will bring together two of our top priorities—renewed American leadership in Asia and a U.S.-India partnership that is elevated to an entirely new level.

Now, the relationship between China and the United States is complex and of enormous consequence, and we are committed to getting it right. Now, there are some in both countries who believe that China's interests and ours are fundamentally at odds. They apply a zero-sum calculation to our relationship. So whenever one of us succeeds, the other must fail. But that is not our view. In the 21^st century, it is not in anyone's interest for the United States and China to see each other as adversaries. So we are working together to chart a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship for this new century.

There are also many in China who believe that the United States is bent on containing China, and I would simply point out that since the beginning of our diplomatic relations, China has experienced breathtaking growth and development. And this is primarily due, of course, to the hard work of the Chinese people. But U.S. policy has consistently, through Republican and Democratic administrations and congresses supported this goal since the 1970s. And we do look forward to working closely with China, both bilaterally and through key institutions as it takes on a greater role, and at the same time, takes on more responsibility in regional and global affairs. In the immediate future, we need to work together on a more effective approach to deal with North Korea's provocations to press them to rebuild ties with the South and to return to the Six-Party Talks.

On Iran, we look to China to help ensure the effective implementation of global sanctions aimed at preventing Iran from pursuing its nuclear ambitions. On military matters, we seek a deeper dialogue in an effort to build trust and establish rules of the road as our militaries operate in greater proximity. On climate change, as the world's two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, w have a shared responsibility to produce tangible strategies that improve energy efficiency and advance global climate diplomacy.

On currency and trade, the United States seeks responsible policy adjustments that have been clearly articulated by Secretary Geithner and a better climate for American businesses, products, and intellectual property in China. Looking beyond our governments, our two countries must work together to increase the number of students studying in each country. And we have an initiative called 100000 Strong to promote that goal. And on human rights, we seek a far-reaching dialogue that advances the protection of the universal rights of all people. We will welcome President Hu Jintao to Washington in early 2011 for a state visit. The United States is committed to making this visit a historic success. And I look forward to meeting with my counterpart, State Councilor Dai Bingguo later this week to help prepare for that trip.

Now, our relationship with our allies and our partners are two of the three key elements of our engagement in the Asia Pacific region. The third is our participation in the region's multilateral institutions. When I was here in Hawaii 10 months ago, I spoke about the importance of strong institutions for Asia's future. And let me simply state the principle that will guide America's role in Asian institutions. If consequential security, political, and economic issues are being discussed, and if they involve our interests, then we will seek a seat at the table. That's why we view ASEAN as a fulcrum for the region's emerging regional architecture. And we see it as indispensible on a host of political, economic, and strategic matters.

The United States has taken a series of steps to build stronger ties with ASEAN, including acceding to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, and opening a U.S. mission to ASEAN. Secretary Gates recently returned from Hanoi where he participated in the ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting. President Obama has personally engaged with ASEAN leaders twice to signal how seriously the United States takes our engagement. And we've taken a leading role in the ASEAN Regional Forum, where we have discussed ongoing security issues such as North Korea and the South China Sea. On the latter issue, we are encouraged by China's recent steps to enter discussions with ASEAN about a more formal, binding code of conduct.

With regard to APEC, we see this as a pivotal moment in which APEC can revitalize its mission and embrace a 21^st century economic agenda. And we admire Japan's forward-leaning leadership at this year's APEC. They have defined a new path forward for APEC on trade liberalization and promoted specific efforts to increase business investment in small and medium enterprises.

We have been closely collaborating with Japan to prepare the way for our own leadership of APEC next year, and that will build on the leaders meeting here in Honolulu. And I appreciate the Host Committee members who are here for your support of this important meeting. Our aim is to help APEC evolve into an important, results-oriented forum for driving shared and inclusive, sustainable economic progress.

The United States is also leading through what we call “mini-laterals,” as opposed to multilaterals, like the Lower Mekong Initiative we launched last year to support education, health, and environmental programs in Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam. And we are working through the Pacific Island Forum to support the Pacific Island nations as they strive to really confront and solve the challenges they face, from climate change to freedom of navigation. And to that end, I am pleased to announce that USAID will return to the Pacific next year, opening an office in Fiji, with a fund of $21 million to support climate change mitigation.

Now, immediately following this speech, I will leave for Hanoi, where I will represent our country at the East Asia Summit. This will be the first time that the United States is participating and we are grateful for the opportunity. I will introduce the two core principles that the Obama Administration will take in its approach to the EAS—first, ASEAN's central role, and second, our desire to see EAS emerge as a forum for substantive engagement on pressing strategic and political issues, including nuclear nonproliferation, maritime security, and climate change.

So these are the primary tools of our engagement—our alliances, our partnerships, and multilateral institutions.

And as we put these relationships to work, we do so in recognition that the United States is uniquely positioned to play a leading role in the Asia Pacific—because of our history, our capabilities, and our credibility. People look to us, as they have for decades. The most common thing that Asian leaders have said to me in my travels over this last 20 months is thank you, we're so glad that you're playing an active role in Asia again. Because they look to us to help create the conditions for broad, sustained economic growth and to ensure security by effectively deploying our own military and to defend human rights and dignity by supporting strong democratic institutions.

So we intend to project American leadership in these three areas—economic growth, regional security, and enduring values. These arenas formed the foundation of American leadership in the 20^th century, and they are just as relevant in the 21^st century. But the way we operate in these arenas has to change—because the world has changed and it will keep changing.

The first is economic growth. One theme consistently stands out: Asia still wants America to be an optimistic, engaged, open, and creative partner in the region's flourishing trade and financial interactions. And as I talk with business leaders across our own nation, I hear how important it is for the United States to expand our exports and our investment opportunities in the dynamic markets of Asia. These are essential features of the rebalancing agenda of our administration.

Now, for our part, we are getting our house in order—increasing our savings, reforming our financial systems, relying less on borrowing. And President Obama has set a goal of doubling our exports, in order to create jobs and bring much-needed balance to our trade relationships.

But achieving balance in those relationships requires a two-way commitment. That's the nature of balance—it can't be unilaterally imposed. So we are working through APEC, the G-20, and our bilateral relationships to advocate for more open markets, fewer restrictions on exports, more transparency, and an overall commitment to fairness. American businesses and workers need to have confidence that they are operating on a level playing field, with predictable rules on everything from intellectual property to indigenous innovation.

When free trade is done right, it creates jobs, lowers prices, fuels growth, and lifts people's standards of living. I mentioned our earlier—I mentioned earlier our hope to complete discussions on the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement to permit its submission to Congress. We are also pressing ahead with negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership, an innovative, ambitious multilateral free trade agreement that would bring together nine Pacific Rim countries, including four new free trade partners for the United States, and potentially others in the future.

2011 will be a pivotal year for this agenda. Starting with the Korea Free Trade Agreement, continuing with the negotiation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, working together for financial rebalancing at the G-20, and culminating at the APEC Leaders Summit in Hawaii, we have a historic chance to create broad, sustained, and balanced growth across the Asia Pacific and we intend to seize that.

Sustained economic progress relies on durable investments in stability and security—investments the United States will continue to make. Our military presence in Asia has deterred conflict and provided security for 60 years, and will continue to support economic growth and political integration.

But our military presence must evolve to reflect an evolving world. The Pentagon is now engaged in a comprehensive Global Posture Review, which will lay out a plan for the continued forward presence of U.S. forces in the region. That plan will reflect three principles: Our defense posture will become more politically sustainable, operationally resilient, and geographically dispersed.

With these principles in mind, we are enhancing our presence in Northeast Asia. The buildup on Guam reflects these ideas, as does the agreement on basing that we have reached with Japan—an agreement that comes during the 50th anniversary of our mutual security alliance. We have also adopted new defense guidelines with South Korea.

In Southeast Asia and the Pacific, we are shifting our presence to reflect these principles. For example, we have increased our naval presence in Singapore. We are engaging more with the Philippines and Thailand to enhance their capacity to counter terrorists and respond to humanitarian disasters. We have created new parameters for military cooperation with New Zealand and we continue to modernize our defense ties with Australia to respond to a more complex maritime environment. And we are expanding our work with the Indian navy in the Pacific, because we understand how important the Indo-Pacific basin is to global trade and commerce.

Now, some might ask: Why is a Secretary of State is talking about defense posture? But this is where the three D's of our foreign policy—defense, diplomacy, and development—come together. Our military activities in Asia are a key part of our comprehensive engagement. By balancing and integrating them with a forward-deployed approach to diplomacy and development, we put ourselves in the best position to secure our own interests and to promote the common interest.

This is true for our forces on the Korean Peninsula maintaining peace and security, our naval forces confronting piracy, promoting free navigation, and providing humanitarian relief for millions of people, and our soldiers and civilians working closely with friends and partners in Southeast Asia to train, equip, and develop capacity for countries to respond swiftly to terrorist threats.

More than our military might, and more than the size of our economy, our most precious asset as a nation is the persuasive power of our values—in particular, our steadfast belief in democracy and human rights.

Our commitment to uphold and project these values is an indispensable aspect of our national character. And it is one of the best and most important contributions we offer the world. So of course, it is an essential element of everything we do in U.S. foreign policy.

Like many nations, we are troubled by the abuses we see in some places in the region. We join billions of people worldwide in calling for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi; her imprisonment must come to an end. And we are saddened that Asia remains the only place in the world where three iconic Nobel laureates—Aung San Suu Kyi, the Dalai Lama, and Liu Xiaobo—are either under house arrest, in prison, or in exile.

As we deepen our engagement with partners with whom we disagree on these issues, we will continue to urge them to embrace reforms that would improve governance, protect human rights, and advance political freedoms.

And I would like to underscore the American commitment to seek accountability for the human rights violations that have occurred in Burma by working to establish an international Commission of Inquiry through close consultations with our friends, allies, and other partners at the United Nations. Burma will soon hold a deeply flawed election, and one thing we have learned over the last few years is that democracy is more than elections. And we will make clear to Burma's new leaders, old and new alike, that they must break from the policies of the past.

Now, we know we cannot impose our values on other countries, but we do believe that certain values are universal—that they are cherished by people in every nation in the world, including in Asia—and that they are intrinsic to stable, peaceful, and prosperous countries. In short, human rights are in everyone's interest. This is a message that the United States delivers every day, in every region.

Now, we also know that we have to work with these countries on many issues simultaneously, so we never quit from promoting all of our concerns. We may make progress on the economy or on security or on human rights and not on the other one or two, but we have to have a comprehensive approach. And what I have described today is a mix of old commitments and new steps that we are taking. And through these steps, we will listen, we will cooperate, and we will lead.

Of course, it is the people of Asia who must make the tough choices and it is their leaders who must make an absolutely fundamental choice to improve not just the standard of living of their people but their political freedom and their human rights as well. Asia can count on us to stand with leaders and people who take actions that will build that better future, that will improve the lives of everyday citizens, and by doing so not just grow an economy but transform a country. We make this commitment not just because of what's at stake in Asia, we make this commitment because of what is at stake for the United States. This is about our future. This is about the opportunities our children and grandchildren will have. And we look to the Asia Pacific region as we have for many decades as an area where the United States is uniquely positioned to play a major role in helping to shape that future.

I know how much Hawaii serves as that bridge to the Asia Pacific region, and I know how the very diversity and dynamism of Hawaii says so much about what is possible not only in our own country but in countries throughout the Pacific. So we will continue to stand for what we believe is in America's interest and what we are absolutely convinced is also in the interests of the people of Asia as well. And I look forward to returning to Hawaii for the APEC Leaders Summit when we will take stock of what we have accomplished and how far we have come, and to look to the leaders and people of Hawaii to continue to show us the way.

Thank you all very much.

Introductory Remarks Omitted

Secretary Clinton. Our two countries recently marked the 60th anniversary of our diplomatic ties, so even as we celebrate old milestones we are firmly fixed on the future to broaden and deepen our partnership. And we had very productive talks this afternoon and I look forward to meeting with the prime minister shortly, and I greatly appreciated the honor of meeting with His Majesty the King earlier today. And then finally, I will meet with leaders of the political opposition.

My discussions have left me convinced that we can work even more closely together to help meet the challenges facing Cambodia and all of Southeast Asia. With help from the United States Government, Cambodia is doing more than ever before to improve its health systems. And in—particularly, we applaud the Government of Cambodia for its commitment to prevent the spread of HIV and deliver life-saving treatment to people living with AIDS.

Our Peace Corps volunteers are now teaching English. And from what I saw earlier in my town hall with these very impressive young people, they are certainly connected to the global economy, and English is one of the keys for doing that.

Through our whole-of-government Feed the Future Initiative, we will be helping the people of Cambodia mount a comprehensive fight against hunger by raising agricultural productivity and making nutritious foods more widely available.

I especially appreciate the commitment of the Cambodian Government to the Lower Mekong Initiative. The deputy prime minister and foreign minister have been deeply involved in this work. It's a promising new mechanism for the United States, Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand to address the challenges in education, health, and the environment that affects all of the people of the Lower Mekong Basin, most especially to address the impact of climate change.

We had our third ministerial in Hanoi two days ago and we look forward to following up on the excellent ideas that Cambodia presented. I also want to acknowledge, as His Excellency did, that Cambodia is making progress in countering corruption. With strong implementation, the new anticorruption law can be a powerful tool to prevent, detect, and punish corruption. This will reassure foreign investors. But more importantly, it will serve the needs of the Cambodian people. It is inspiring to see this country creating such a promising future after a generation of conflict and suffering.

I had a very emotional tour of the Tuol Sleng Museum and I looked at the faces of the young Cambodians, both those who were killed at that terrible place of suffering and those who did the killing. And what is most important is that Cambodians themselves are educating the young generation about a painful chapter in this country's past and honoring the memory of those who died by working hard to bring accountability and justice while seeking to stabilize and reconcile as well.

Today Cambodia is not only preserving its own peace, it is sending Cambodians overseas to serve as UN peacekeepers in Chad and the Central African Republic and assisting in demining missions in Lebanon and Sudan. So Cambodia is actually using the lessons of its own painful past to help save lives and help other countries who are grappling with conflict and war.

We recently contributed $5 million to Cambodia's Khmer Rouge Tribunal. And as I told His Excellency, we are committed to helping Cambodia hold accountable those senior Khmer Rouge leaders most responsible for atrocities. I salute the tribunal's ongoing efforts to bring justice to the victims that promote the rule of law. And I will do what I can to work with the Cambodian Government, with the United Nations, and the international community to ensure that we have the resources needed to proceed with Case 002.

I am very optimistic about Cambodia's future. The last years have been transformative for this country. And I hope that the United States can be a good partner and a friend as the Government and people of Cambodia make the necessary steps to improve your democratic institutions, to improve the economy, to provide the kind of opportunities that the young people I met with earlier today deserve to have. This visit, Your Excellency, has left me encouraged that our partnership can deepen and grow to serve both our peoples in the years to come. Thank you.

Q. Hello. This is a question for both Madam Secretary and the foreign minister. Madam Secretary, you said that the U.S., of course, (inaudible) tribunal. Are you looking to see the Cambodian Government do what the foreign minister said that they did not want to do, which is to expand the scope of the trials? Is there enough support? Is the government giving the tribunal enough support? And then secondly on human rights, last week and again today, the foreign minister seemed to indicate that there were already too many groups here promoting human rights. Last week, there was a suggestion that the UN human rights office here should be closed down. I'm wondering what you think about that idea.

And Mr. Minister, I'm wondering if that is indeed what the government's position is, is that there are already enough human rights groups here that you don't need the UN office. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Matt, as to your first question, we are in full agreement with the Government of Cambodia that Case 002 should be brought to trial as soon as possible. That is our first and most pressing piece of business. There is not yet the funding available to do that trial. The estimate is somewhere between $46 and $50 million that will be needed to conduct that trial, funding that would go to the United Nations for the international aspects of the trial and funding that would go to the Cambodian Government. So my highest priority right now is to make sure that we have that money in place so that trial can begin. It is scheduled to begin in the first half of 2011; the sooner the better is my view.

Now there is, as I think you heard His Excellency, concern on the part of the Cambodian Government about going beyond that. That is something that we in the international community should consult closely with the Cambodian Government on. But the first piece of business is getting 002 to trial, and I want to see that happen as soon as possible. So I will be personally reaching out to help raise the money that is needed to get that done.

Secondly, I did not hear the deputy prime minister and the foreign minister say that there were too many NGOs. I think he was making the point, as he did with me in my private meeting with him that there are more than a thousand NGOs in Cambodia, more than a hundred that are committed to human rights. I personally believe that the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights is a valuable resource. It provides technical assistance to the government. It also works with these NGOs that are in Cambodia—both Cambodian NGOs and international NGOs on a variety of concerns, including human rights, trafficking in persons, and the rule of law. So the High Commissioner's Office is active in ways that we think are very complementary to what the Cambodian Government is committed to doing, and we think the work is important and we would like to see it continue.

Q. Thanks for question. I'm (inaudible) from Cambodia Daily Newspaper. Madam Secretary (inaudible). I would like to hear about the U.S. position on the Cambodian Government, which has announced (inaudible) want to close the UN Human Rights Office in Cambodia and (inaudible) be chief of the human rights office in government. And also the second question, if I may—

Secretary Clinton. Well, I believe that the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights is a valuable resource and I would hope that it would continue its work, which is important. It works with NGOs; it works with the Government of Cambodia. I think the Government of Cambodia is making significant progress on human rights, and I would like to see that progress continue. I would like to see the cooperation between the United Nations and the Cambodian Government be such that it assists in promoting human rights, ending the trafficking in persons and upholding the rule of law. So from our perspective, we would like to see the work by the UN here on human rights continue.

Q. Hi, Madam Secretary. I wanted to pick up with a question about what you said earlier, that you'd be willing to send a team of experts to explore new approaches. Can you give us a little detail about what those approaches might entail?

Secretary Clinton. We are very, very interested in pursuing a settlement on the debt that was incurred by Cambodia during the Lon Nol regime. There have been no discussions since 2006 at all, and we think it's time for our experts to meet and explore a broad range of potential areas for settling of this debt.

At this point, I don't have any preconceived notion of how that will happen because there are a number of different approaches that can be pursued. And we have learned a lot about how to do this during the last decade, so I think the first thing we should start with is a very open discussion between our respective expert teams about options that would be available. But it is my intention to move this up the ladder of priorities, because I think it is something that needs to be given immediate attention. It is a concern that it has not been even addressed, and I would like to see us make it a priority. And His Excellency has agreed, so we will begin to work on that together.

Introductory Remarks Omitted

Secretary Clinton. I am very pleased that we have a chance now in 2010 to talk in a very open way about not only Cambodia's future and especially for the young people like yourselves, but the partnership between Cambodia and the United States. We are very committed in my country to working with you to provide more young people with opportunities like student exchanges or Fulbright scholarships or other fellowships, a chance to study and learn in the United States, and we want to encourage more Americans to come to Cambodia to see for themselves and to experience the warmth and graciousness of the Cambodian people.

I also hope that we can have some ideas from you about what you would like to see the partnership between the United States and Cambodia to be like in the years ahead. As I look at this audience, I realize that many of you were not born when I was in school, and you were not born when your country was locked in a civil war. You have an opportunity to rewrite the future, and that's what I think is so important about what is happening in Cambodia today. The great history, the culture, the arts, the legendary generosity of the Cambodian people is something that will always be with you. But it will be up to the young people to decide how to chart that new future.

Today, Cambodia is in the process of transformation. Peace reigns, the economy has grown fast for a decade, trade and foreign investment are increasing, tens of thousands of new jobs have been created, roads that were once impassable have been de-mined and rebuilt. The tribunal that was set up by Cambodia, the United Nations, and the international community is bringing some of the people who caused so much suffering to justice. That is very important work, although I'm well aware that the work of the tribunal is painful, but it is necessary to ensure a lasting peace. And I thank everyone who has supported that.

This progress is testament to the hard work and determination of the Cambodian people—you, your parents and grandparents, neighbors and friends—and the United States wants to help you keep that progress going. We think Cambodia has a very bright future, not only on your own but as part of a growing and thriving region. Right outside this building is the great Mekong River, one of the great rivers in the world. And yet climate change, dam building, is beginning to impede the flow and the predictability of that great river. This is just one of the challenges that will have to be addressed by you and your generation.

We want to help Cambodia establish a new era of opportunity so that you do not fear for the future, but you look forward to it; you find good jobs, you develop your talents, and you make your contribution. The United States Government has invested more than $70 million just this year for Cambodia's economic development. We are also working in other areas. Our health experts are working (inaudible) experts to expand access to critical services for people, including prevention, treatment, and care for those living with HIV and AIDS. Our law enforcement experts are working together to crack down on human trafficking and child sex tourism. Yesterday, I visited a shelter in Siem Reap run by a friend of mine, a heroic Cambodian woman named Somaly Mam who herself was enslaved and escaped from that and now devotes her life to helping other women and girls escape as well.

The United States is also proud that we have worked to restore so many of your cultural and archeological treasures, because they say a lot about the great history of your people. And they also bring tourists, which is a great source of income for the country.

So I am here today because I don't want to just read about Cambodia. I don't want to just have someone else tell me what young people are thinking and doing. I want to hear that firsthand from you. And I hope that after this town hall is over that you will continue to engage with our American Embassy, with American businesses, NGOs, universities that have a presence in this country, because we want to not only have a partnership between our governments but a partnership between our people.

Earlier today, my staff and I toured the Genocide Museum in the old Tuol Sleng school. It's a very disturbing experience. And the pictures—both the pictures of the young Cambodians who were killed and the young Cambodians who were doing the killing were so painful. But I also came away very impressed, because a country that is able to confront its past, (inaudible) a country that can overcome it. I travel all over the world. I like to go into settings like this that are unscripted and unprepared, as well as meeting with officials. I just met with His Majesty the King and I'll meet with the prime minister, the deputy prime minister, and the foreign minister so that I can hear firsthand. So I have listened to what people in other countries tell me and I watch what they are doing. Countries that are held prisoners to their past can never break those chains and build the kind of future that their children deserve. So I was very proud to see firsthand the willingness of your country to face that past bravely and honestly.

And now I am here with you—young people, whose lives have been lived in peace, blessed with talents and energy, freedom to pursue your own dreams. You are the best evidence for Cambodia's present and future potential. You really do represent the best hope, as young people in every country do. And I look forward to learning how the United States, both our government and our people, can be partners with you to help you realize your own dreams, but just as importantly to help your country have a future of peace, democracy, stability, and prosperity for all. Thank you very much.

Now what we're going to do is to have you raise your hands, and I will call on people. I will try to cover the whole room. Then a microphone will be handed to you, and if you would stand up and identify yourself and ask your question. And I have earphones so that if you're not speaking in English I will get a translation and be able to respond to you.

So who wishes to start? Where should we start? Oh my goodness, this is great. All right, I saw a very eager hand, this young—right there. No, the one—you're turning around. Right there, that young lady right there. Yes, yes, yes. I'll take you and then I'll take the other young lady, and then I'll move to this other side. Okay.

Q. My question for you is, as you know, China is (inaudible) and influence in Cambodia and what is the implication of this influence on the partnership between Cambodia and the United States and (inaudible) democracy and (inaudible) Cambodia itself?

Secretary Clinton. Thank you, thank you. Well, it is certainly up to Cambodia—your government and your people—to determine your own relationships with other countries. But I think it is smart for Cambodia to be friends with many countries and to look for opportunities to cooperate with many countries. I think that many countries want to support Cambodia and your future. Many countries are already contributing to Cambodia in arts, in culture, in health, education and so many other ways.

So it's like our relationship with other countries. You look for balance. You don't want to get too dependent on any one country. You want to be able to have partnerships that cut across regional geographic lines. China is a great country and China has a very, very exciting future. And there is certainly many reasons for Cambodia to have good relationships with China. I think there are also important issues that Cambodia must raise with China. For example, I mentioned the Mekong River. One of the initiatives that the United States is working on is to bring Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and Thailand together to work to protect the Lower Mekong. And one of the challenges are dams on the Upper Mekong, so there has to be negotiations and discussions even among friends about how to protect a great resource like the Mekong River for everyone.

So I think that it is not for the United States to tell Cambodia how to manage Cambodia's relationships, but as a historical observation, having good relations with as many countries as you can, looking for ways to work with those countries, and to have very open dialogues so that you can solve problems, you don't just have relationships but you raise issues with each other, I think is the best way to go. And so I would hope that that's what Cambodia chooses to do in the future.

Q. Madam Secretary, thank you for being here today. I actually just read the essay that you wrote in Foreign Affairs the other day, and one of the things I found very insightful (inaudible) that the material conditions of people in other countries have a direct impact on security interests and the U.S. stability and prosperity.

Now, you may be aware that before your visit here, conversations in Cambodia often turn to the U.S. demand that Cambodia repay more than $400 million in debt that was incurred primarily in the early ‘70s. We, as a country, I think just cannot afford to repay that more than $400 million, is roughly 5 percent of our annual GDP. We cannot afford to repay unless we do it at the expense of the well-being and development of millions of Cambodians.

So my question is: Do you agree that the most (inaudible) solution to this problem is to probably start negotiating debt cancellation immediately? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. First let me thank you for reading the Foreign Affairs article. I appreciate that very much. Actually, I'm going to raise with both the deputy prime minister, foreign minister, and with the prime minister my hope that we can resume discussions about how to handle this very old debt. When you have a debt like this one that does go back to the 1970s, to the Lon Nol government, then you know that it is something that carries not only financial implications but political and strategic implications as well.

And I want to—I will send a—if the Government of Cambodia is willing, I will send a team of experts and we will explore different ways to try to approach this—some combination of one of many different approaches. You could have some repayment, you could have debt for nature, you could have debt for education. There are things that the Government of Cambodia could do that would satisfy the need to demonstrate some level of accountability, but more importantly to invest those funds in the needs of the people of Cambodia. So I think there are ways we can explore this. There are international rules, as you know, about how to proceed. Something called the Club of Paris sets certain expectations. But I would very much like to address this. I don't—I share your concern that it is hanging out there and it needs to be addressed, and I would like to begin that as soon as possible. So thank you for asking. That's an excellent question.

Yes, this young lady right there.

Q. First of all, I would like to say hello, madam. (Inaudible) come from (inaudible). I would like to ask you about the question that what is your opinion that (inaudible) Cambodia request USA to cancel the debt, and how about your opinion involved why not and why you should.

Secretary Clinton. I'm not sure I understood your question.

Q. I mean that I need your opinion about Cambodia request U.S. to cancel the debt. The debt, yes.

Secretary Clinton. The old debt? The old debt. Well, I am going to see if we can start a process with the government to try to figure out how to deal with that. So I'm well aware that this is a concern. It's a concern of mine. So when I meet with the prime minister and the deputy prime minister and foreign minister, I will ask that we begin the discussions again. We haven't talked about this since 2006, so I want to talk about it and see if we can figure out a way to move forward on it, because I would like to see Cambodia be able to invest its government funding in improving services for the people of Cambodia.

Q. My name is (inaudible) student of economic (inaudible) institute. I think I ask you your question that our priority need is economic development, so I want to ask you that does USA have any future plans to support the development of Cambodia, especially in investment?

Secretary Clinton. Investment for—foreign investment?

Q. Yeah, foreign. Thank you. I admire you so much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you, thank you. The United States will provide government assistance to assist with infrastructure development and economic development projects, but the best way to develop is attracting foreign investment. And in order for foreign investors to come to Cambodia, they have to feel as though the legal system protects their investments, protects their contracts. They have to believe that corruption will not interfere with the ability to make an investment and get a good return on that investment. And improving the business climate in Cambodia, which has been happening, is key to whether or not you will attract a lot of foreign investment.

Now, I think that tourism is a great opportunity for foreign investment. Oil and gas which may be more available off the coastline is something that needs to be explored and there needs to be a lot of competition so that Cambodia gets the best deal that you can get. There are agricultural opportunities for working with small and medium sized farms. There's a lot of textile companies. The United States is a big textile customer for Cambodia. And if you go back and study this from the 1980s and the 1990s, the United States and Cambodia made a partnership to improve the working conditions of people in the textile factories so that textiles made in Cambodia would be exported into our market and our people would think that it was a good deal to buy the shirt or the pants because the people working in the garment factories were being treated better than they were treated in other countries. So Cambodia does a lot of exporting to the United States because United States customers like the idea of this partnership.

So we will work and our private sector will work to try to figure out new ways to promote foreign investment. And I think it's—I think Cambodia is just opening up as a market that will track foreign investment. We've been going through the global downturn so it hasn't been the best year, but we'll get back on our feet and then in the next few years I think you'll see more foreign investment, assuming that everything in Cambodia continues to develop along the track it's on now.

Let's see. My goodness, there's so many hands, I don't want to leave anybody out. Okay, there was a—that young man way over there standing against the wall. I can't even see you barely, but you're having to stand (inaudible).

Q. I would like to express my deep respect to (inaudible) Secretary of the United States. My name is (inaudible) student in the major of international relations at (inaudible) university. I want to know that in the previous president Bush, he never took care about the Asian region, he never—he always think to take care about Iraq and Afghanistan.

Secretary Clinton. That's a very interesting question.

Q. But now (inaudible) strong president to take care about Asia region. So what is the main reason that has turned this strong president to think about this area?

Secretary Clinton. Well, let me answer it this way. When I became Secretary of State, I worried that people in the Asian region, as you say, did not believe that the United States was as interested as we had been. So my very first trip was to Asia. This is my sixth trip in 20 months to Asia. And on my first trip, I went to Indonesia and I went to Jakarta to the headquarters of ASEAN, and I said that the United States wanted to become more active in ASEAN and the United States under President Obama had signed the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation. I was just in Hanoi, where for the first time the United States attended the East Asia Summit, because we want to be present and working with our Asian friends on these issues.

So if there were any concerns or perceptions about the past, I hope that we have eliminated those. Because both President Obama and I are very committed to America's role in Asia. In fact, next—at the end of this week, President Obama will go to India, South Korea, Japan, and Indonesia. I will continue from Cambodia to Malaysia and then to Papua New Guinea, then New Zealand and Australia. So we are burning a lot of jet fuel to cover a lot of ground in Asia to very clearly demonstrate that the United States is committed to working with our friends in Asia, we're committed to helping the people of Asia realize their potential, and we're going to be a very strong presence in the region for many, many years to come. Thank you.

Oh my goodness, my goodness. Yes, this young lady right there. Yes.

Q. Good afternoon, Secretary Clinton. I am very excited that you allow me to ask you a question. And now I have two questions, but first I introduce myself to you. I am from (inaudible) foundation and (inaudible) and I have two questions to ask you. The first one is what do you think about Cambodia-Thai border issue, and the second one is what challenges did you face along the way to becoming Secretary of State? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. What was your first question again?

Q. The first question is what do you think about Cambodia-Thai border issue?

Secretary Clinton. Oh, Cambodia-Thai border.

Q. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. I think this is an issue that Cambodia and Thailand need to resolve. I think that resolving border problems is in both countries’ interests, and so I hope that there will be renewed efforts to try to do that. And I would urge both countries to work to overcome any concerns along the border.

And to go back to the question about negotiations, look for some ways to break the mold, to find some win-win solutions that can make sure the border is peaceful and that there is trade and commerce and tourism going back and forth, which will help both countries. That's always to the good because when I was, just yesterday, looking at the magnificent temples in Siem Reap, I was told by several people, including some of the guides that we were with, that nobody now goes to the temple that's disputed because it's disputed, whereas money could be earned on both sides of the border if that dispute could be resolved. So I hope it can be.

And with respect to Secretary of State, it's the most fascinating job. It's an absolutely wonderful job, because I get to work on very important, difficult problems; I get to represent our country; I get to come to places like Cambodia and talk with all of you. So for me, it has been a very rewarding job. It's hard. It's extremely demanding. I probably don't get enough sleep, and I know that. But it is something that I am very proud to be doing at this point, working with President Obama. So thank you.

Yes, the gentleman right there at the aisle. Right there. Yes.

Q. Good afternoon, Madam Secretary. I am (inaudible) a student in the (inaudible) in (inaudible) province. Today I am proud that I came up here to ask you a question. I know that America helped Cambodia a lot on education, so my question is that what are your policies to help Cambodia more, a lot more related to education. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Help Cambodia—

Q. I mean that I know that America helped Cambodia a lot on education.

Secretary Clinton. Yes.

Q. (Inaudible) scholarship to Cambodian students. So my question is that what your—what are your policies to help Cambodians to learn more? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, here are some of our ideas, and I hope that you will let me or our Embassy or some other American institution help. I mean, one thing is we would like to have more student exchanges so that more Cambodian students could come to the United States. We would like more international visitors so that Cambodians who are working in certain areas like in health or education could come to the United States and spend time in our institutions. We would like more fellowship programs so that if you are working, for example, in the Government of Cambodia you could come to the United States and work in our Congress or work in our government. We would like to expand greatly all kinds of exchanges.

We would also like more American universities to be operating programs inside Cambodia so that students who cannot go to the United States could have access to such programs. And we want to do more to help Cambodians, especially young people, learn English. I've been very impressed with every question you've asked me in English, and I would like to help even more young Cambodians learn English. So we're looking at ways that we can increase the number of English teachers and opportunities.

So those are some of the ways. And investing in the colleges and universities in Cambodia to help you improve curriculum, improve facilities, improve technology, I think those are also very important and we would like to do that.

But one of the great changes which every one of you knows about is with technology, with your cell phone or with your iPhone or with your iPad or with your computer. You can be connected to the entire world. And the United States wants to put more programs online that would help young people in Cambodia. So we're looking at all kinds of ideas. If you have ideas, let us know. For example, we just finished working with entrepreneurs in Africa. We sponsored a contest about how to use cell phones to improve agricultural productivity. If you use cell phones, you can get better weather forecasts, you can get better information about the cost of seeds or fertilizer, you can even communicate with veterinarians about—even though you're in a rural area, what might be wrong with your cattle. There's so many ways of improving what we do through using technology, and we would like to work with institutions in Cambodia to help do that as well.

So there are lots of ideas about education, not just formal education in classrooms but all kinds of definitions of education that we would be open to exploring to work with you.

Introductory Remarks Omitted

Foreign Minister Anifah. The Secretary of State and I, with our respective delegation, had a very productive bilateral meeting this afternoon and which provided us the opportunity to discuss bilateral, regional, and also international issues of mutual interest. We recognize the warming of relations between our two countries under the present leadership of Dato’ Sri Najib Tun Razak and Excellency President of America President Barack Obama. We acknowledge the excellent bilateral cooperation that exists in a range of fields, including defense, education, security, and counterterrorism. The signing of the Memorandum of Understanding on Science and Technology Cooperation which will be held later this afternoon augurs well for our relationship.

We discussed the upward trend in the bilateral trade between our two nations and I stressed to Secretary Clinton that Malaysia views the U.S. as a very valuable and important partner to Malaysia, and in 2009 U.S. is Malaysia's third largest trading partner, and for the period of 2004 to 2009 the U.S. was ranked as the second largest foreign investor in Malaysia so far as the manufacturing sector is concerned. And as of 31^st of December 2009, 663 manufacturing projects totaling U.S. dollar 13.5 billion were implemented. These projects provided job opportunities for 160,000 people in Malaysia.

In addition to the very strong trade and investment relationship, we have very significant people-to-people links. We have nearly 5,000 students in the U.S. and a high number of American tourists visiting Malaysia each year. The total number of tourist arrivals from United States to Malaysia in 2009 was recorded at 228,000 as compared to 223,000 in the year 2008, so there's an increase of Americans coming to Malaysia.

Malaysia also thanked the U.S. for its support in our participation in the Trans Pacific Strategic Partnership, TPP negotiations, and both sides expressed hope that our efforts to deepen the bilateral and multilateral economic relationship continue to bear fruit.

We discussed the issue on the cooperation in education with both sides committing to enhance educational cooperation, focusing on the teaching of English by facilitating and encouraging more people-to-people exchanges. I commended the U.S. Government on the various educational programs currently carried out by its Embassy in Malaysia. I believe that Malaysia stands to benefit greatly from the American expertise in teaching English, which is why we would like to work with the U.S. in bringing more of its teachers to Malaysia in the future and to assist in our efforts to improve the command of English, but also more importantly for those young Americans to come to Malaysia and especially to get to know the Malaysian people closer.

On the multilateral front, I took the opportunity to brief the Secretary of State on the Honorable (inaudible) Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib's proposal on the 65th United Nations General Assembly to establish a global movement of moderates to combat the process of extremism irrespective of religion or creed which breed intolerance and distrust. I am heartened, too, by the U.S. support for the idea, and we both agreed all countries should encourage and support this initiative that promotes mutual respect, peaceful coexistence, and rejects extremists who undermine the universal values of religion.

I also stressed that Malaysia is supporting the U.S. increasing engagement in Southeast Asia region, particularly in ASEAN. We commended on the fruitful discussions held between ASEAN leaders and President Obama at the second ASEAN-U.S. leaders meeting in New York recently and the commitment expressed by all parties to strengthen ASEAN-UN cooperation. Malaysia is also happy to welcome U.S. as a member of the East Asia Summit and believe that U.S. participation in East Asia Summit along with Russian further—Russia further harness the full potential of the EAS so that it remains relevant and effective in addressing current as well as future challenges.

On the Middle East process, I reiterated Malaysia's support for all the efforts of the international community to find just, lasting, and comprehensive and peaceful settlement to the Palestinian-Israel conflict, including recent U.S. initiative in hosting direct peace talks in September 2010. Malaysia regards the U.S. as crucial player in attaining a durable solution in the Middle East conflict and hope U.S. continues to play a vital role and exercise impartiality in the Middle East peace process.

We also discussed Afghanistan, and Malaysia is proud to stand with the international community in support of a stable and peaceful Afghanistan. I informed the Secretary that on the request of the Afghanistan Government, Malaysia has dispatched Malaysian armed forces medical contingent comprising of 40 officers and men, and have been deployed in Afghanistan central province of Bamiyan to undertake the humanitarian mission of providing medical and healthcare services to local population.

And I also took the stress to Secretary of State that Malaysia is unique in the sense that of those medical volunteers that went there, there are a couple of women doctors and nurses that will assist greatly in the need for the medical services in Afghanistan.

To conclude, I am very pleased with the productive discussion held today and I sincerely thank Secretary Clinton for the commitment expressed to elevate our ties, and I candidly believe that Malaysia-U.S. bilateral relations will continue to grow (inaudible) for the mutual benefit of our two countries. Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Foreign Minister, and it is a great pleasure for me to be here with you for this very productive bilateral consultation. I want to begin by wishing Prime Minister Najib a speedy recovery. I'm sorry we were not able to meet in person, but I did have a phone call with him earlier today and hope that he is back to full speed soon. And I look forward to seeing the deputy prime minister later this afternoon and signing some very important memoranda.

Since day one of the administration, President Obama and I have made it a priority to reengage with the Asia Pacific. We know that much of the history of the 21^st century will be written in this region, because it is the center of so many of the world's greatest opportunities and biggest challenges. So the United States is committed to strengthening our ties and we are particularly enthusiastic about deepening, broadening, and strengthening our relationship with Malaysia.

We already have a strong partnership based on common values like respect for cultural diversity, pluralism, religious tolerance, along with our very important trade, business, and investment ties. We know that Malaysia is a leader in this region, and as I said earlier in the event at ISTAC, increasingly being looked to as both a thought leader and a model globally.

So the foreign minister and I had much to talk about, and let me just briefly mention some of the issues we discussed. The United States wholeheartedly endorses Prime Minister Najib's call to promote religious moderation. We know that extremists exist in every religion. History has proven that, unfortunately, time and time again. But extremism is not a path to building sustainable prosperity, peace, stability, or democracy. It only promotes conflict and hardens hearts. So we very much welcome the prime minister's call for a global movement of moderates and we are eager to support him and other leaders who take up this call to promote interfaith dialogue.

If we're going to increase understanding among people, then we need to expand the ties that connect us. And we are exploring that around the world, but in particular we are very committed to expanding people-to-people engagement between the United States and Malaysia.

Later today, I will participate in the acknowledging and signing of three major agreements that will deepen our work together: first, a Memorandum of Understanding between our two governments designed to expand our collaboration on research and development of new technologies; second, a partnership between the Government of Malaysia and Johns Hopkins University to build a new medical school and teaching hospital here in Malaysia; and finally, the sale of 50 Pratt & Whitney airplane engines to Malaysia Airlines which will create new jobs in both countries.

We can also increase our people-to-people ties through education and student exchanges. President Obama and I admire the prime minister's vision for dramatically improving English language instruction through a new partnership between the United States and ASEAN. Speaking a common language, the language of computers, of technology, of business and investment, does create a powerful bond. And as I spoke with the foreign minister, we're getting to work immediately on how to implement that.

We've already begun delivering on the prime minister's vision by doubling our program that helps young Malaysians get access to high-quality after-school English programs. And as the foreign minister and I agreed, our teams will begin discussing how to further expand English language learning.

Opening our minds to new ideas is an important part of building long-term security and stability, but we also have to confront hard realities, including the spread of nuclear weapons. With the passage of the Strategic Trade Act, Malaysia now has powerful new tools for preventing proliferation by making it easier to stop shipments of nuclear fuel, weapons parts, and other equipment especially to states that are flouting their international obligations such as Iran and North Korea. Implementing the act quickly and effectively will deny nuclear proliferators the opportunity to use Malaysian territory to further their goals. I am very grateful for the help that Malaysia is giving to the leaders and people of Afghanistan. The military medical mission that Malaysia has deployed, including physicians and nurses and, in particular, much-needed women doctors, are making a significant contribution in helping Afghans rebuild after 30 years of conflict.

Finally, we are pleased that Malaysia joined last month's negotiations for the Trans Pacific Partnership. That is a pact that would expand markets and create a level playing field for people in every country that does participate. I know there are tough issues to work out, as there always are with these agreements, but Malaysia's leadership in this region for greater economic growth is absolutely essential.

Our countries have a lot in common, and I am very excited by what I've already heard here in Malaysia. I told someone earlier that this short visit, my first, is but the appetizer. So I intend to return in the future for the full banquet—(laughter)—and spend more time getting to hear firsthand from the people of Malaysia and working to strengthen the friendship between our two countries.

Thank you again, Minister.

Q. Secretary Clinton, as you know, the State Department's Annual Report on Human Rights in Malaysia specifically states that the United States regards the prosecution of opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim as politically motivated. Did you raise that issue with the foreign minister or do you plan to raise it with the deputy prime minister this afternoon?

Second, the Chinese foreign ministry has issued a statement describing the U.S. position that the Senkakus fall under the security treaty with Japan as both totally wrong and essentially rejecting the idea of three-way talks that would cover that particular issue. Have you given up the idea of three-way talks (inaudible), or are you still going to try to move ahead with that despite the Chinese rejection?

Secretary Clinton. Well, Arshad, as to the first question, it's well known that the United States believes it is important for all aspects of the case to be conducted fairly and transparently and in a way that increases confidence in the rule of law in Malaysia. Our Embassy maintains good relations with both the ruling coalition and the opposition as important participants in the democratic process here in Malaysia, and we will continue to support Malaysia's progress in strengthening democratic institutions and the rule of law.

With respect to your second question, the recommendation that I made to both Japan and China to have more frequent discussions between the two of them, and the offer that I made that the United States would be willing to host a trilateral with both Japan and China if that would facilitate dialogue stands. And it is not only about one issue. There are many issues that need to be discussed that I hope Japan and China will find an appropriate format in which to do so.

But we will continue to maintain our position that we take no approach toward the sovereignty over the islands. But our interpretation of our security alliance with Japan has been consistent over many decades now, and we do hope that Japan and China will find more opportunities to discuss whatever differences they have between them.

Q. Did you raise the Anwar case or do you plan to?

Secretary Clinton. Our teams raise it on a consistent basis.

Q. But not you?

Secretary Clinton. I have raised it and we have continued to raise it and it is part of our ongoing dialogue.

Foreign Minister Anifah. And now if I can just add, Secretary Clinton, I have had the opportunity to explain some to foreign ministers, my counterpart, regarding the so-called political prosecution about Anwar. Now, what surprises me is that if there is a political prosecution, I think you have to give credit to (inaudible) national government is much smarter. We may as well stop Anwar before he becomes a member of parliament, rather than bring it to the open trial in a court. And I do not wish to comment much because it is before the court and (inaudible), but what I can assure you as a member of parliament and also as a member of the cabinet, that it is my interest and our interest to make sure Anwar get a fair trial. Because if there is such thing as political prosecution, if it can happen to Anwar, so it can happen to the rest of us.

So being an open trial, I think the world will be able to judge what will be the outcome. Now, again, I'd like to stress that it is actually a complaint by his employee and it is a private complaint. And I think it will be great injustice if you were to deny that individual his fair share of justice in this country. And I have also had people, leaders of some countries, asking us for the government to intervene, not to prosecute Anwar. I think it would be also a gross misconduct on our part if we do not allow the independence—or if we interfere the independence of judiciary. So we have faith—I have faith in the independence of the judiciary and we will (inaudible) it doesn't bother us one bit whether Anwar will be getting a favorable judgment otherwise, but what bothers us is that there will be a fair and open trial. Thank you.

Q. (Inaudible.)

Foreign Minister Anifah. Would you like to answer?

Secretary Clinton. I was unable to meet with the prime minister today because of his illness. And that had an impact on my schedule here in Kuala Lumpur. Officials from the United States and the State Department have been in regular contact with Anwar Ibrahim, will continue to be in touch with him, and we're watching his case very closely. And I think that what the foreign minister said about a free and open trial is exactly what we would expect.

Foreign Minister Anifah. Yeah, and so far as we're concerned, I have no objections at all if Secretary Clinton wants to see Anwar Ibrahim. I think it's customary for leaders when they come to any country just instead of her just seeing the government leaders, but also the opposition leaders. But in this instance, if I can just add on the precautions, because it is—the case is before the court. So we do not want to give the wrong signals to the people. And secondly, as a member of the (inaudible) national government, now we have (inaudible) elections in both Galas and also in parliamentary in Sabah.

So we do not want individuals or parties to be construed as if America or Secretary Clinton is assisting these people. So we fully appreciate the gestures that Secretary Clinton has given. And also as I said, this is a continuous engagement. I think we did mention that in my last visit to America. But nevertheless, (inaudible) we welcome any clarifications that America needs or any—for that matter, any country that needs from us. Thank you.

Q. Yes, hello. Could you both discuss a financial contribution that Malaysia could make to Palestinian state building? The Secretary mentioned it during her town hall meeting.

And two, Secretary Clinton, when you return to the United States, will you see Prime Minister Netanyahu? And given the fact that (inaudible) represents the one month—the end of the one-month period that the Arabs gave you to get Netanyahu to stop settlement building, does it represent a last-ditch effort to save the peace talks that were launched in Washington on September 2nd?

Secretary Clinton. Do you mind starting?

Foreign Minister Anifah. Okay, I'll start on the first part first. Yes, Secretary Clinton did mention about Malaysia's possible contribution to Palestine. And I fully support that. And I fully support that Malaysia and Malaysian companies should actually look into the possibilities of investing, especially Secretary Clinton was mentioning in the West Bank, which of course is very attractive for any investor to come in. And we will certainly look into that and we will do everything possible and especially one of the—I think one of my trip—my visit to that part of the world, I will try to bring some business people so that they can see for themselves and how Malaysia can participate in the reconstructions or rehabilitations of part of that Gaza and West Bank. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. And I thank the foreign minister for that commitment. It is very important for friends of the Palestinian people to support the state-building efforts that are ongoing. They are reflective of the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people to have their own state, and under the leadership of President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad, the Palestinian Authority has made significant progress as recently analyzed by the World Bank in building the institutions for a state. So it is part of our efforts in the United States to bring about a two-state solution that will provide the environment in which Israel has security and in which the Palestinian people have a sovereign, viable state. And you can't do that just by signing an agreement, although we are working very hard to achieve that. You do that by helping the Palestinian people be ready for successful statehood.

We are working every single day in working to achieve a return to negotiations. And I will be talking with and meeting with anyone anywhere that could possibly contribute to that. I don't yet have any specific schedule, but that may be scheduled later. But the bottom line for the United States, we are the single biggest supporter of the Palestinian people. We give more money than anyone else in the world to the Palestinian Authority. And we think it is important for other countries to also be contributing to assist the Palestinian people. I was very pleased that just recently Saudi Arabia, which has been a consistent supporter, announced an additional $100 million contribution. And we are very encouraged that many of our Asian friends who support a Palestinian state will be helping to provide government support and, as the foreign minister said, bringing private sector representatives to make investments.

This is one of the highest priorities of President Obama and myself. So it is something that we are working very hard on and it's complex. It's something that we came—we have come close to. When my husband was President, we came close. There was a very generous offer at that time coming from the Israelis that did not result in a negotiation. There were negotiations then between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert before he left office. So we are well aware that this is not only a high priority for the United States, but it's a high priority for the world. And that's why we must be united in trying to bring about a peaceful resolution of all of the outstanding issues in the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians and that results in a state for the Palestinian people.

Thank you.

Foreign Minister Anifah. Thank you very much.

Introductory Remarks Omitted

Ambassador Bogari. This is a very historical and momentous occasion for us, with this visit of yours, Madam Secretary. The women of PNG who are gathered here are only a sample of all the wonderful women, heroic and wonderful women out there, who are doing what they can to make a contribution to make this country a better place.

The women of Papua New Guinea are the backbone of this country. You can see all these wonderful things here. If I may say, Madam Secretary, Dame Carol Kidu personally supervised all these, the array of displays that you can see here. She personally was able to put this together with her personal involvement. The preparation that has gone into this has followed the theme of—the three themes of women empowerment. And until her departure yesterday, she has expressed a hope that you will have enjoyed this event, what the women have been able to put together, and in your interaction you would have got at least a glimpse of what the women are doing in this country.

As you would have realized, the displays in tonight's event capture the women's empowerment policy dialogue and themes for future bilateral exchange which Minister Kidu and, indeed, the government of Papua New Guinea is pleased to note, that both the United States of America and Papua New Guinea have—appear to be thinking in the same direction. This, of course—and the government, of course, looks forward to progressing this dialogue in a spirit of mutual partnership, Madam Secretary.

It now only leaves me, and with great pleasure, to now invite you to address the women of our nation. And on behalf of them, all these women here, I also take this opportunity to wish you a safe journey back to the United States. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. I want to thank Ambassador Bogari for her remarks, and for guiding me to see these wonderful displays. And, of course, I want to also, in her absence, thank Dame Kidu for the work that she did in helping to prepare this. It's unfortunate she cannot be here this evening. But I hope each and every one of you will express to her when you see her my deep gratitude for her leadership. She has been an outspoken advocate for women's rights and political participation. But she is the only woman member of parliament. And one of the very first displays that I saw said it all, I think. “One Woman is Not Enough.” And so, I hope that there will be more women in parliament in the years ahead.

I want to thank each and every one of you who were standing by the displays which, as the ambassador said, very well describe the depth and the breadth of women's involvement in leadership in your country. The women who I briefly met—and it was much too brief—but I could tell from the descriptions that the women I was meeting are women who are making a difference here in Papua New Guinea.

And I want to thank you all, judges and magistrates, medical professionals, HIV/AIDS activists, farmers, artists, police officers and army officers, the women who are working to advance the rights of people with disabilities, the women who are working with (inaudible), the women who are making such a difference. And I know how you each, in your own way, have helped to pave the way for girls and women to go even farther in the future. And you are helping women be able to make the most of their own lives, and live up to their own God-given potential. So I would like to take a moment for all of us to recognize you, and to thank you for everything you do.

But what you are doing is essential, because no country in the 21st century can advance if half the population is left behind. The talents of everyone must be used, because the challenges we face require all of us. From climate change to child mortality, everything we face is too complex not to get the most out of every single person. And when we invest in women, we're not just investing in individuals. We are investing in families, and we are investing in the next generation, and we are investing in communities and countries.

Giving women access to education, health services, economic opportunities, and the structures of power is critical to alleviating poverty and disease in every part of the world. The United States is committed to working with you. That is why, next year, the United States, along with the Government of Papua New Guinea and the World Bank Group will bring together senior government officials and business leaders from across the Pacific to discuss how, together, we can expand vital opportunities for women.

Now, that is going to be an important occasion, and I know many of you will be participating. And we want to do more than that. We want to give Dame (inaudible) in the parliament. So the State Department is working with local organizations to help prepare women voters for the upcoming national elections in 2012. And let's get some more women to run for office in 2012.

Now, we are not only going to be training candidates for office, but we are going to be working very hard to combat violence against women and girls. If a woman or a girl cannot be safe in her own home, or safe in her own family, or safe in her own community, then that woman or girl will not have the chance to make the most out of her life. So we will be working with Exxon Mobil and local organizations on a mentoring program aimed at ending the culture of violence against women and girls in Papua New Guinea.

We will also be stepping up the fight against HIV by doubling our contribution to fight HIV/AIDS here next year. Papua New Guinea's HIV rates are some of the highest in Asia. And women are particularly vulnerable. And, as I was looking at the displays, I saw the display and saw the mention of the Clinton Foundation. And my husband is very proud of the work that his foundation is doing here. And we want to really make it a public campaign to try to prevent HIV/AIDS, and to treat and help those who have the disease. We are also ready to work with your government to pass and enforce tough laws against the trafficking of human beings, particularly young girls and young women.

Now, everything I have heard from our ambassador and from others who are much more familiar with your country than I am have told me about how strong and courageous the women of this country are. And, of course, we have a woman of valor, a courage award-winner here, as well, this evening. And I want to assure you that, as Secretary of State for the United States, empowering women, enabling more women to have access to their rights, to take their position in society, to choose what is best for themselves and their families, is one of my highest priorities. And I will do everything I can to assist you.

And I look forward to working with you. And I think it's next year that one of my top officials, the global ambassador for women, Ambassador Melanne Verveer, will come to Papua New Guinea to follow up on my visit to work with the women here to figure out what else the United States can do, so that we have even more women playing leadership roles in every aspect of your society.

Thank you all very, very much.

Introductory Remarks Omitted

President Obama. Over the past three days, my wife Michelle and I have experienced the—and dynamism of India and its people—from the majesty of Humayun's Tomb to the advanced technologies that are empowering farmers and women who are the backbone of Indian society; from the Diwali celebrations with schoolchildren to the innovators who are fueling India's economic rise; from the university students who will chart India's future, to you—leaders who helped to bring India to this moment of extraordinary promise.

At every stop, we have been welcomed with the hospitality for which Indians have always been known. So, to you and the people of India, on behalf of me, Michelle and the American people, please accept my deepest thanks. Bahoot dhanyavad.

Now, I am not the first American President to visit India. Nor will I be the last. But I am proud to visit India so early in my presidency. It's no coincidence that India is my first stop on a visit to Asia, or that this has been my longest visit to another country since becoming President. For in Asia and around the world, India is not simply emerging; India has emerged.

And it is my firm belief that the relationship between the United States and India—bound by our shared interests and our shared values—will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century. This is the partnership I've come here to build. This is the vision that our nations can realize together.

Now, India is not the only emerging power in the world. But the relationship between our countries is unique. For we are two strong democracies whose constitutions begin with the same revolutionary words—the same revolutionary words—“We the people.” We are two great republics dedicated to the liberty and justice and equality of all people. And we are two free market economies where people have the freedom to pursue ideas and innovation that can change the world. And that's why I believe that India and America are indispensable partners in meeting the challenges of our time.

Since taking office, I've, therefore, made our relationship a priority. I was proud to welcome Prime Minister Singh for the first official state visit of my presidency. For the first time ever, our governments are working together across the whole range of common challenges that we face. Now, let me say it as clearly as I can: The United States not only welcomes India as a rising global power, we fervently support it, and we have worked to help make it a reality.

Together with our partners, we have made the G20 the premier forum for international economic cooperation, bringing more voices to the table of global economic decision-making, and that has included India. We've increased the role of emerging economies like India at international financial institutions. We valued India's important role at Copenhagen, where, for the first time, all major economies committed to take action to confront climate change—and to stand by those actions. We salute India's long history as a leading contributor to United Nations peacekeeping missions. And we welcome India as it prepares to take its seat on the United Nations Security Council.

In short, with India assuming its rightful place in the world, we have an historic opportunity to make the relationship between our two countries a defining partnership of the century ahead. And I believe we can do so by working together in three important areas.

First, as global partners we can promote prosperity in both our countries. Together, we can create the high-tech, high-wage jobs of the future. With my visit, we are now ready to begin implementing our civil nuclear agreement. This will help meet India's growing energy needs and create thousands of jobs in both of our countries.

We need to forge partnerships in high-tech sectors like defense and civil space. So we've removed Indian organizations from our so-called “entity list.” And we'll work to remove—and reform our controls on exports. Both of these steps will ensure that Indian companies seeking high-tech trade and technologies from America are treated the same as our very closest allies and partners.

We can pursue joint research and development to create green jobs; give India more access to cleaner, affordable energy; meet the commitments we made at Copenhagen; and show the possibilities of low-carbon growth.

And together, we can resist the protectionism that stifles growth and innovation. The United States remains—and will continue to remain—one of the most open economies in the world. And by opening markets and reducing barriers to foreign investment, India can realize its full economic potential as well. As G20 partners, we can make sure the global economic recovery is strong and is durable. And we can keep striving for a Doha Round that is ambitious and is balanced—with the courage to make the compromises that are necessary so global trade works for all economies.

Together, we can strengthen agriculture. Cooperation between Indian and American researchers and scientists sparked the Green Revolution. Today, India is a leader in using technology to empower farmers, like those I met yesterday who get free updates on market and weather conditions on their cell phones. And the United States is a leader in agricultural productivity and research. Now, as farmers and rural areas face the effects of climate change and drought, we'll work together to spark a second, more sustainable Evergreen Revolution.

Together, we're improving Indian weather forecasting systems before the next monsoon season. We aim to help millions of Indian farmers—farming households save water and increase productivity, improve food processing so crops don't spoil on the way to market, and enhance climate and crop forecasting to avoid losses that cripple communities and drive up food prices.

And as part of our food security initiative, we're going to share India's expertise with farmers in Africa. And this is an indication of India's rise—that we can now export hard-earned expertise to countries that see India as a model for agricultural development. It's another powerful example of how American and Indian partnership can address an urgent global challenge.

Because the wealth of a nation also depends on the health of its people, we'll continue to support India's effort against diseases like tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS, and as global partners, we'll work to improve global health by preventing the spread of pandemic flu. And because knowledge is the currency of the 21st century, we will increase exchanges between our students, our colleges and our universities, which are among the best in the world.

As we work to advance our shared prosperity, we can partner to address a second priority—and that is our shared security. In Mumbai, I met with the courageous families and survivors of that barbaric attack. And here in Parliament, which was itself targeted because of the democracy it represents, we honor the memory of all those who have been taken from us, including American citizens on 26/11 and Indian citizens on 9/11.

This is the bond that we share. It's why we insist that nothing ever justifies the slaughter of innocent men, women and children. It's why we're working together, more closely than ever, to prevent terrorist attacks and to deepen our cooperation even further. And it's why, as strong and resilient societies, we refuse to live in fear. We will not sacrifice the values and rule of law that defines us, and we will never waver in the defense of our people.

So promoting shared prosperity, preserving peace and security, strengthening democratic governance and human rights—these are the responsibilities of leadership. And as global partners, this is the leadership that the United States and India can offer in the 21st century. Ultimately, though, this cannot be a relationship only between presidents and prime ministers, or in the halls of this Parliament. Ultimately, this must be a partnership between our peoples. So I want to conclude by speaking directly to the people of India who are watching today.

In your lives, you have overcome odds that might have overwhelmed a lesser country. In just decades, you have achieved progress and development that took other nations centuries. You are now assuming your rightful place as a leader among nations. Your parents and grandparents imagined this. Your children and grandchildren will look back on this. But only this generation of Indians can seize the possibilities of the moment.

As you carry on with the hard work ahead, I want every Indian citizen to know: The United States of America will not simply be cheering you on from the sidelines. We will be right there with you, shoulder to shoulder. Because we believe in the promise of India. We believe that the future is what we make it. We believe that no matter who you are or where you come from, every person can fulfill their God-given potential, just as a Dalit like Dr. Ambedkar could lift himself up and pen the words of the constitution that protects the rights of all Indians.

We believe that no matter where you live—whether a village in Punjab or the bylanes of Chandni Chowk—an old section of Kolkata or a new high-rise in Bangalore—every person deserves the same chance to live in security and dignity, to get an education, to find work, to give their children a better future.

And we believe that when countries and cultures put aside old habits and attitudes that keep people apart, when we recognize our common humanity, then we can begin to fulfill these aspirations that we share. It's a simple lesson contained in that collection of stories which has guided Indians for centuries—the Panchtantra. And it's the spirit of the inscription seen by all who enter this great hall: “That one is mine and the other a stranger is the concept of little minds. But to the large-hearted, the world itself is their family.”

This is the story of India; this is the story of America—that despite their differences, people can see themselves in one another, and work together and succeed together as one proud nation. And it can be the spirit of partnership between our nations—that even as we honor the histories which in different times kept us apart, even as we preserve what makes us unique in a globalized world, we can recognize how much we can achieve together.

And if we let this simple concept be our guide, if we pursue the vision I've described today—a global partnership to meet global challenges—then I have no doubt that future generations—Indians and Americans—will live in a world that is more prosperous and more secure and more just because of the bonds that our generation has forged today.

So, thank you, and Jai Hind. And long live the partnership between India and the United States.

Introductory Remarks Omitted

President Obama. Terima kasih. Terima kasih, thank you so much, thank you, everybody. Selamat pagi. It is wonderful to be here at the University of Indonesia. To the faculty and the staff and the students, and to Dr. Gumilar Rusliwa Somantri, thank you so much for your hospitality.

Assalamualaikum dan salam sejahtera. Thank you for this wonderful welcome. Thank you to the people of Jakarta and thank you to the people of Indonesia.

Let me begin with a simple statement: Indonesia bagian dari didi saya. I first came to this country when my mother married an Indonesian named Lolo Soetoro. And as a young boy I was—as a young boy I was coming to a different world. But the people of Indonesia quickly made me feel at home.

Jakarta—now, Jakarta looked very different in those days. The city was filled with buildings that were no more than a few stories tall. This was back in 1967, ‘68—most of you weren't born yet. The Hotel Indonesia was one of the few high rises, and there was just one big department store called Sarinah. That was it. Betchaks and bemos, that's how you got around. They outnumbered automobiles in those days. And you didn't have all the big highways that you have today. Most of them gave way to unpaved roads and the kampongs.

So we moved to Menteng Dalam, where—hey, some folks from Menteng Dalam right here. And we lived in a small house. We had a mango tree out front. And I learned to love Indonesia while flying kites and running along the paddy fields and catching dragonflies, buying satay and baso from the street vendors. I still remember the call of the vendors. Satay! I remember that. Baso! But most of all, I remember the people—the old men and women who welcomed us with smiles; the children who made a foreign child feel like a neighbor and a friend; and the teachers who helped me learn about this country.

Because Indonesia is made up of thousands of islands, and hundreds of languages, and people from scores of regions and ethnic groups, my time here helped me appreciate the common humanity of all people. And while my stepfather, like most Indonesians, was raised a Muslim, he firmly believed that all religions were worthy of respect. And in this way—in this way he reflected the spirit of religious tolerance that is enshrined in Indonesia's Constitution, and that remains one of this country's defining and inspiring characteristics.

Now, I stayed here for four years—a time that helped shape my childhood; a time that saw the birth of my wonderful sister, Maya; a time that made such an impression on my mother that she kept returning to Indonesia over the next 20 years to live and to work and to travel—and to pursue her passion of promoting opportunity in Indonesia's villages, especially opportunity for women and for girls. And I was so honored—I was so honored when President Yudhoyono last night at the state dinner presented an award on behalf of my mother, recognizing the work that she did. And she would have been so proud, because my mother held Indonesia and its people very close to her heart for her entire life.

So much has changed in the four decades since I boarded a plane to move back to Hawaii. If you asked me—or any of my schoolmates who knew me back then—I don't think any of us could have anticipated that one day I would come back to Jakarta as the President of the United States. And few could have anticipated the remarkable story of Indonesia over these last four decades.

The Jakarta that I once knew has grown into a teeming city of nearly 10 million, with skyscrapers that dwarf the Hotel Indonesia, and thriving centers of culture and of commerce. While my Indonesian friends and I used to run in fields with water buffalo and goats—a new generation of Indonesians is among the most wired in the world—connected through cell phones and social networks. And while Indonesia as a young nation focused inward, a growing Indonesia now plays a key role in the Asia Pacific and in the global economy.

Now, this change also extends to politics. When my stepfather was a boy, he watched his own father and older brother leave home to fight and die in the struggle for Indonesian independence. And I'm happy to be here on Heroes Day to honor the memory of so many Indonesians who have sacrificed on behalf of this great country.

When I moved to Jakarta, it was 1967, and it was a time that had followed great suffering and conflict in parts of this country. And even though my stepfather had served in the Army, the violence and killing during that time of political upheaval was largely unknown to me because it was unspoken by my Indonesian family and friends. In my household, like so many others across Indonesia, the memories of that time were an invisible presence. Indonesians had their independence, but oftentimes they were afraid to speak their minds about issues.

In the years since then, Indonesia has charted its own course through an extraordinary democratic transformation—from the rule of an iron fist to the rule of the people. In recent years, the world has watched with hope and admiration as Indonesians embraced the peaceful transfer of power and the direct election of leaders. And just as your democracy is symbolized by your elected President and legislature, your democracy is sustained and fortified by its checks and balances: a

dynamic civil society; political parties and unions; a vibrant media and engaged citizens who have ensured that—in Indonesia—there will be no turning back from democracy.

But even as this land of my youth has changed in so many ways, those things that I learned to love about Indonesia—that spirit of tolerance that is written into your Constitution; symbolized in mosques and churches and temples standing alongside each other; that spirit that's embodied in your people—that still lives on. Bhinneka Tunggal Ika—unity in diversity. This is the foundation of Indonesia's example to the world, and this is why Indonesia will play such an important part in the 21st century.

So today, I return to Indonesia as a friend, but also as a President who seeks a deep and enduring partnership between our two countries. Because as vast and diverse countries; as neighbors on either side of the Pacific; and above all as democracies—the United States and Indonesia are bound together by shared interests and shared values.

Yesterday, President Yudhoyono and I announced a new Comprehensive Partnership between the United States and Indonesia. We are increasing ties between our governments in many different areas, and—just as importantly—we are increasing ties among our people. This is a partnership of equals, grounded in mutual interests and mutual respect.

So with the rest of my time today, I'd like to talk about why the story I just told—the story of Indonesia since the days when I lived here—is so important to the United States and to the world. I will focus on three areas that are closely related, and fundamental to human progress—development, democracy and religious faith.

First, the friendship between the United States and Indonesia can advance our mutual interest in development.

When I moved to Indonesia, it would have been hard to imagine a future in which the prosperity of families in Chicago and Jakarta would be connected. But our economies are now global, and Indonesians have experienced both the promise and the perils of globalization: from the shock of the Asian financial crisis in the ‘90s, to the millions lifted out of poverty because of increased trade and commerce. What that means—and what we learned in the recent economic crisis—is that we have a stake in each other's success.

America has a stake in Indonesia growing and developing, with prosperity that is broadly shared among the Indonesian people—because a rising middle class here in Indonesia means new markets for our goods, just as America is a market for goods coming from Indonesia. So we are investing more in Indonesia, and our exports have grown by nearly 50 percent, and we are opening doors for Americans and Indonesians to do business with one another.

America has a stake in an Indonesia that plays its rightful role in shaping the global economy. Gone are the days when seven or eight countries would come together to determine the direction of global markets. That's why the G20 is now the center of international economic cooperation, so that emerging economies like Indonesia have a greater voice and also bear greater responsibility for guiding the global economy. And through its leadership of the G20's anti-corruption group, Indonesia should lead on the world stage and by example in embracing transparency and accountability.

America has a stake in an Indonesia that pursues sustainable development, because the way we grow will determine the quality of our lives and the health of our planet. And that's why we're developing clean energy technologies that can power industry and preserve Indonesia's precious natural resources—and America welcomes your country's strong leadership in the global effort to combat climate change.

Above all, America has a stake in the success of the Indonesian people. Underneath the headlines of the day, we must build bridges between our people, because our future security and prosperity is shared. And that is exactly what we're doing—by increasing collaboration among our scientists and researchers, and by working together to foster entrepreneurship. And I'm especially pleased that we have committed to double the number of American and Indonesian students studying in our respective countries. We want more Indonesian students in American schools, and we want more American students to come study in this country. We want to forge new ties and greater understanding between young people in this young century.

These are the issues that really matter in our daily lives. Development, after all, is not simply about growth rates and numbers on a balance sheet. It's about whether a child can learn the skills they need to make it in a changing world. It's about whether a good idea is allowed to grow into a business, and not suffocated by corruption. It's about whether those forces that have transformed the Jakarta I once knew—technology and trade and the flow of people and goods—can translate into a better life for all Indonesians, for all human beings, a life marked by dignity and opportunity.

Now, this kind of development is inseparable from the role of democracy.

Today, we sometimes hear that democracy stands in the way of economic progress. This is not a new argument. Particularly in times of change and economic uncertainty, some will say that it is easier to take a shortcut to development by trading away the right of human beings for the power of the state. But that's not what I saw on my trip to India, and that is not what I see here in Indonesia. Your achievements demonstrate that democracy and development reinforce one another.

Like any democracy, you have known setbacks along the way. America is no different. Our own Constitution spoke of the effort to forge a “more perfect union,” and that is a journey that we've traveled ever since. We've endured civil war and we struggled to extend equal rights to all of our citizens. But it is precisely this effort that has allowed us to become stronger and more prosperous, while also becoming a more just and a more free society.

Like other countries that emerged from colonial rule in the last century, Indonesia struggled and sacrificed for the right to determine your destiny. That is what Heroes Day is all about—an Indonesia that belongs to Indonesians. But you also ultimately decided that freedom cannot mean replacing the strong hand of a colonizer with a strongman of your own.

Of course, democracy is messy. Not everyone likes the results of every election. You go through your ups and downs. But the journey is worthwhile, and it goes beyond casting a ballot. It takes strong institutions to check the power—the concentration of power. It takes open markets to allow individuals to thrive. It takes a free press and an independent justice system to root out abuses and excess, and to insist on accountability. It takes open society and active citizens to reject inequality and injustice.

These are the forces that will propel Indonesia forward. And it will require a refusal to tolerate the corruption that stands in the way of opportunity; a commitment to transparency that gives every Indonesian a stake in their government; and a belief that the freedom of Indonesians—that Indonesians have fought for is what holds this great nation together.

That is the message of the Indonesians who have advanced this democratic story—from those who fought in the Battle of Surabaya 55 years ago today; to the students who marched peacefully for democracy in the 1990s; to leaders who have embraced the peaceful transition of power in this young century. Because ultimately, it will be the rights of citizens that will stitch together this remarkable Nusantara that stretches from Sabang to Merauke, an insistence—an insistence that every child born in this country should be treated equally, whether they come from Java or Aceh; from Bali or Papua. That all Indonesians have equal rights.

That effort extends to the example that Indonesia is now setting abroad. Indonesia took the initiative to establish the Bali Democracy Forum, an open forum for countries to share their experiences and best practices in fostering democracy. Indonesia has also been at the forefront of pushing for more attention to human rights within ASEAN. The nations of Southeast Asia must have the right to determine their own destiny, and the United States will strongly support that right. But the people of Southeast Asia must have the right to determine their own destiny as well. And that's why we condemned elections in Burma recently that were neither free nor fair. That is why we are supporting your vibrant civil society in working with counterparts across this region. Because there's no reason why respect for human rights should stop at the border of any country.

Hand in hand, that is what development and democracy are about—the notion that certain values are universal. Prosperity without freedom is just another form of poverty. Because there are aspirations that human beings share—the liberty of knowing that your leader is accountable to you, and that you won't be locked up for disagreeing with them; the opportunity to get an education and to be able to work with dignity; the freedom to practice your faith without fear or restriction. Those are universal values that must be observed everywhere.

Now, religion is the final topic that I want to address today, and—like democracy and development—it is fundamental to the Indonesian story.

Like the other Asian nations that I'm visiting on this trip, Indonesia is steeped in spirituality—a place where people worship God in many different ways. Along with this rich diversity, it is also home to the world's largest Muslim population—a truth I came to know as a boy when I heard the call to prayer across Jakarta.

Just as individuals are not defined solely by their faith, Indonesia is defined by more than its Muslim population. But we also know that relations between the United States and Muslim communities have frayed over many years. As President, I have made it a priority to begin to repair these relations. As part of that effort, I went to Cairo last June, and I called for a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world—one that creates a path for us to move beyond our differences.

I said then, and I will repeat now, that no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust. But I believed then, and I believe today, that we do have a choice. We can choose to be defined by our differences, and give in to a future of suspicion and mistrust. Or we can choose to do the hard work of forging common ground, and commit ourselves to the steady pursuit of progress. And I can promise you—no matter what setbacks may come, the United States is committed to human progress. That is who we are. That is what we've done. And that is what we will do.

Now, we know well the issues that have caused tensions for many years—and these are issues that I addressed in Cairo. In the 17 months that have passed since that speech, we have made some progress, but we have much more work to do.

Innocent civilians in America, in Indonesia and across the world are still targeted by violent extremism. I made clear that America is not, and never will be, at war with Islam. Instead, all of us must work together to defeat al Qaeda and its affiliates, who have no claim to be leaders of any religion—certainly not a great, world religion like Islam. But those who want to build must not cede ground to terrorists who seek to destroy. And this is not a task for America alone. Indeed, here in Indonesia, you've made progress in rooting out extremists and combating such violence.

In Afghanistan, we continue to work with a coalition of nations to build the capacity of the Afghan government to secure its future. Our shared interest is in building peace in a war-torn land—a peace that provides no safe haven for violent extremists, and that provide hope for the Afghan people.

Meanwhile, we've made progress on one of our core commitments—our effort to end the war in Iraq. Nearly 100,000 American troops have now left Iraq under my presidency. Iraqis have taken full responsibility for their security. And we will continue to support Iraq as it forms an inclusive government, and we will bring all of our troops home.

In the Middle East, we have faced false starts and setbacks, but we've been persistent in our pursuit of peace. Israelis and Palestinians restarted direct talks, but enormous obstacles remain. There should be no illusion that peace and security will come easy. But let there be no doubt: America will spare no effort in working for the outcome that is just, and that is in the interests of all the parties involved—two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security. That is our goal.

The stakes are high in resolving all of these issues. For our world has grown smaller, and while those forces that connect us have unleashed opportunity and great wealth, they also empower those who seek to derail progress. One bomb in a marketplace can obliterate the bustle of daily commerce. One whispered rumor can obscure the truth and set off violence between communities that once lived together in peace. In an age of rapid change and colliding cultures, what we share as human beings can sometimes be lost.

But I believe that the history of both America and Indonesia should give us hope. It is a story written into our national mottos. In the United States, our motto is E pluribus unum—out of many, one. Bhinneka Tunggal Ika—unity in diversity. We are two nations, which have traveled different paths. Yet our nations show that hundreds of millions who hold different beliefs can be united in freedom under one flag. And we are now building on that shared humanity—through young people who will study in each other's schools; through the entrepreneurs forging ties that can lead to greater prosperity; and through our embrace of fundamental democratic values and human aspirations.

Before I came here, I visited Istiqlal mosque—a place of worship that was still under construction when I lived in Jakarta. And I admired its soaring minaret and its imposing dome and welcoming space. But its name and history also speak to what makes Indonesia great. Istiqlal means independence, and its construction was in part a testament to the nation's struggle for freedom. Moreover, this house of worship for many thousands of Muslims was designed by a Christian architect.

Such is Indonesia's spirit. Such is the message of Indonesia's inclusive philosophy, Pancasila. Across an archipelago that contains some of God's most beautiful creations, islands rising above an ocean named for peace, people choose to worship God as they please. Islam flourishes, but so do other faiths. Development is strengthened by an emerging democracy. Ancient traditions endure, even as a rising power is on the move.

That is not to say that Indonesia is without imperfections. No country is. But here we can find the ability to bridge divides of race and region and religion—by the ability to see yourself in other people. As a child of a different race who came here from a distant country, I found this spirit in the greeting that I received upon moving here: Selamat Datang. As a Christian visiting a mosque on this visit, I found it in the words of a leader who was asked about my visit and said, “Muslims are also allowed in churches. We are all God's followers.”

That spark of the divine lives within each of us. We cannot give in to doubt or cynicism or despair. The stories of Indonesia and America should make us optimistic, because it tells us that history is on the side of human progress; that unity is more powerful than division; and that the people of this world can live together in peace. May our two nations, working together, with faith and determination, share these truths with all mankind.

Sebagai penutup, saya mengucapkan kepada seluruh rakyat Indonesia: terima kasih atas. Terima kasih. Assalamualaikum. Thank you.

Introductory Remarks Omitted

Secretary Clinton. I just had some good visits with the president and other officials of the government here, and then I just had the opportunity to meet with a large group of students and take a lot of questions about the United States, about our policies, about this air base, and to tell the people of Kyrgyzstan that we are going to support them as they try to establish a democratic state.

This has been a challenging year for them, and the United States has been with them, providing humanitarian assistance and other support, and we will continue to do so. They live in a region where there is not very much democracy, as you know. And part of our strong belief is that the United States has demonstrated conclusively that a democratic system that establishes the rule of law, that respects diversity, that gives people a chance to live their dreams, is by far the better system for anybody. It doesn't matter where your country is or who you are or what your background might be.

And that's part of the reason why you're here. I want to thank the men and women of the 376th Air Expeditionary Wing. I want to thank all of our soldiers, sailors, Marines, and airmen who are in transit to or from Afghanistan. We greatly appreciate what you're doing. We think it is of critical benefit to advance the interests and the security of the United States, but also of countries like Kyrgyzstan and this region as well.

In my discussions with the president today, certainly her understanding of the challenges posed by extremists and terrorists brought home for me how what we are doing here has not only benefits for our own people and eventually the people of Afghanistan, but for this region and far beyond. We are committed to helping the people of Afghanistan realize a stable and secure environment in which they themselves can build a more peaceful and prosperous future.

Now, that's why you're here. And as President Obama has outlined, you're not going to be here indefinitely. I made that clear to both the government and the people with whom I met. This is a commitment, but it is not an open-ended commitment. I was in Lisbon, Portugal with the President for the meeting of NATO and ISAF, and he set forth very clearly a transition plan, starting next year in 2011, to transition to Afghan security in those parts of Afghanistan that they can take primary lead control. In fact, it's fair to say that Afghanistan is providing lead security right now for Kabul, backed up by ISAF forces, but pretty much in the lead. And there are other parts of the country where that will happen during 2011 and that we fully intend to transfer lead security to Afghanistan by the end of 2014.

We now have 49 countries participating in this effort. In fact, I came from Kazakhstan, where they just committed to add advisors and engineers and others to the international forces. And this air base, Manas, is the gateway to our operations. The sheer volume of people and supplies that go through here that all of you handle is remarkable. I got the numbers: up to 3,500 troops every day, over 13 million pounds of cargo each month, 117 million gallons of fuel each year. This is one well-oiled machine that you are operating here. And you are the point of entry and exit for so many of those who are serving in Afghanistan.

We know that you are extraordinary warriors, but you are also extraordinary ambassadors. I got a briefing about some of what you've done to help the people of Kyrgyzstan: winter coats handed out in a school in Koi-Tosh; 10 tons of coal delivered to a kindergarten in Grodz so that they can stay open and heated during the winter; more than $4 million in humanitarian assistance that has been provided over the last two years. Whether you helped with one of those projects or in some other way—raising money for children's heart surgeries or visiting cancer centers, renovating local schools and community centers—you are representing the best that our country has to offer. And it gives me a great deal of pride to be able to say this. Team Manas is absolutely essential. And we thank our locally employed staff who support and serve the transit center operations. They too are making a contribution.

Now, I know that you didn't get home for Thanksgiving, and I know that for many of you, you will not be with your families during the upcoming holidays and for Christmas and New Year's. But I want you to know at dinner tables across America on Thanksgiving, including my own, we have a tradition where everybody has to go around and express what they are grateful for from the previous year. And we had about 22 people sitting around the table, pretty crowded. People thanked you, not by name, but because of who you are and your service to our country.

This has been a tough time. As the colonel said, I was representing New York in the United States Senate on 9/11. I understand why we're going in and out of Afghanistan. I understand the mission. And I fully support it. But I know that you all are at the point of the spear. You're doing what is necessary to keep this mission going.

But I thank you. I thank you for being part of the greatest military in the history of the world. I thank you for making the sacrifice that your service demands, being far from home and loved ones. I thank you for your bravery, your daily efforts on behalf of all the rest of us so that I can sit around my dinner table on Thanksgiving in freedom and comfort while you stood watch. You will be in our thoughts and prayers this holiday season and so will your families. And I wish each of you Godspeed. Keep each other and yourselves safe as you continue both representing and defending the United States. And I hope that you all get home safely. Thank you and God bless you.