The emergence and development of the field of women and politics in political science almost entirely overlaps the scholarly career of Jo Freeman. It also coincides with her work as an activist, from the time of her undergraduate studies to the present. For more than 40 years she has participated in the most important social movements of the later half of the twentieth century: civil liberties, the free speech movement, Civil Rights, and the women's movement. Her scholarly works have consistently reflected both of these pursuits by blending meticulous scholarship with an understanding of events derived from personal experience. Her skill in combining theoretical analysis and activism is perhaps best illustrated in an article, “The Tyranny of Structurelessness” which first appeared in 1972. That piece gained instant attention among a group of budding young feminist scholars and is widely acknowledged as a perceptive critique of the early Women's Liberation Movement. It was followed shortly thereafter by The Politics of Women's Liberation, a book that clearly established her as an outstanding feminist scholar, and which even today is acknowledged as classic in the field of women and politics.

Over the course of the following years, Freeman has continued to publish prolifically and to influence succeeding generations of scholars. Indeed, her textbook for women's studies (Women: A Feminist Perspective) was considered an important addition to the available material in the field and used in a great many introductory courses in colleges and universities throughout the country. Her latest book, We Will Be Heard, represents her most recent contribution to the fields of political science and women's studies. Written over a number of years, it provides some little-known information on women's political participation in American politics during the past two hundred years and discusses the circumstances surrounding efforts to pass a number of public policies that would affect the lives of women. Some of the chapters, such as the one dealing with the Equal Rights Amendment (“All the Way for the ERA: Winning and Losing in Virginia”), were previously published or given as lectures at professional meetings; others are original for the book.

Freeman first attended a national party convention in 1964 and has attended every Republican and Democratic convention since 1976. As one might expect, then, the chapters dealing with women's involvement in political parties are both insightful and nuanced. The material focusing on women's early activities in politics and their relationships with political parties, particularly the problems that they faced in terms of the reactions of political parties to their inclusion, will be of particular interest to younger college and university students who are often unaware of the long struggle women have waged to be heard and to participate in the political process. Of special importance is Freeman's discussion of women's association with the Republican Party.

Today we are often tempted to associate women active in politics exclusively with the Democratic Party and to view it as having always been more “woman friendly.” Freeman clearly points out the fallacy of this perception and paints a compelling picture of the importance of Progressive Republicanism at the turn of the twentieth century for women's political activism. Indeed, as she comments, the transformation of the Republican and Democratic Parties in the last decades of the twentieth century in terms of their feminist/antifeminist stances was neither planned nor predictable. While the standard explanations are offered to explain the changes in each party regarding women as stemming from its position on social issues such as abortion, the growing importance of evangelical religion, the need to appeal to a somewhat different voter, and so on, it would have been useful if Freeman had addressed in greater detail the demise of Republican women's organizations in the face of the increasing power of the party's movement to the right.

Earlier chapters discuss the organizational skills of Republican women and the relative ineptness of Democratic women. The history of women's organizational structures in both parties raises the question: What promoted such a precipitous decline in the role of Republican women in their party and an increase in that of Democratic women? The question becomes more intriguing in light of the selection of a woman as the Republican vice presidential candidate in 2008. With the number of highly qualified Republican women in Congress and especially in the Senate, one wonders what role Republican women played in discussions of the selection of a recently elected and less experienced governor, rather than a woman with a national reputation and a long history of public service. Knowing Freeman as I do, I am sure that she is already well at work on this question and look forward to reading her analysis. Nevertheless, some further discussion of women's role in the Republican and Democratic parties would have been helpful.

The chapters dealing with Title VII, equal rights, and comparable worth provide some fascinating insights into the controversies generated by each of these bills. Here again, material blending careful research, personal experience, and knowledge shed important light on efforts to enact policies that sought to improve the lives and chances of American women and to overcome the obstacles confronting those seeking to make these changes. Many undergraduate and graduate students will find this material useful for understanding women's attempts to “break the glass ceiling.”

The task of synthesizing material written at an earlier date with new work poses a problem for all authors. In a few instances, it distracts from the narrative flow of We Will Be Heard. Nevertheless, the book is essential reading for anyone interested in the field of women and politics.