One of the least acknowledged mechanisms by which poverty has been medicalized in the United States involves society's tacit reliance on unpaid caregivers, usually family members, to provide long-term care for older relatives. The failure to compensate these caregivers often precipitates a familiar pattern whereby caregivers reduce, or even terminate, their attachment to the compensated workforce. As a result, these caregivers not only forgo current income but also jeopardize their future financial security via reduced Social Security benefits, potential ineligibility for coverage of healthcare costs in retirement, and minimal or no retirement savings. Thus, society's unwillingness to recognize the essentially medical role of family caregivers and compensate them accordingly often operates to transmit poverty from one generation to another.
I. Family Caregiving — A Snapshot
The phrase “long-term care” encompasses a wide range of long-term services and supports to persons who are unable to live by themselves because they require assistance from other people to perform basic activities of daily living such as eating, bathing, getting out of bed, and toileting. The most common image of such care is residency in a skilled nursing facility more commonly denominated a “nursing home.” But such institutions represent only the most intensive point on the continuum of long-term care that usually begins with informal home care and often — but not always — progresses to formal home healthcare agencies, adult day care centers, continuing care retirement communities, and assisted living facilities. The first stop on this continuum, however, is the focus of this article because of the largely unrecognized impact of informal home care on the persons who provide this care.
Older persons with physical and/or mental impairments generally prefer to receive whatever assistance they require in their own home and from family members. In fact, a recent survey found that 77% of older Americans “would prefer to receive care in their own home” and “7 out of 10 [said] they would prefer to receive care from family members, including spouses or partners, children, or other relatives.”1 Family care-givers, for their part, undertake this responsibility for various reasons, including a sense of family obligation, filial piety, religious dictates, cultural imperatives, or some combination of all of these. As a result, the importance of informal caregiving is difficult to overstate. In the United States, approximately 80% of long-term care received by older Americans is provided by informal caregivers, generally family members,Reference Migliaccio and Cutler2 constituting an estimated annual value of $470 billion in 2013.Reference Reinhard and Chari3
It is no exaggeration to say that admission into a nursing home is a universal dread among older persons and many younger family members alike. The prospect of ongoing and ever-escalating expenditures often combines with guilt and feelings of inadequacy by family members to make family caregiving the option of choice for as long as the family caregiver can provide appropriate care. In some cases, the older person can completely avoid the need for more intensive long-term care while in others, that need is postponed or at least minimized. To that end, half of family care-givers spend five or more years providing care, according to the recent report of the National Academies of Science, Engineering and Medicine on family caregiving in the United States.4
With few exceptions, the care that family caregivers provide is gratis; that is, these caregivers generally receive no monetary compensation for their efforts. The central premise of this article, however, is that this “free” care is not without cost to the family care-givers. While many family caregivers certainly derive great personal satisfaction from caring for their older relatives, providing such care is typically a substantial time commitment with important financial implications in terms of foregone wages and reduced retirement benefits. Indeed, those implications often result in the impoverishment of the family caregivers who literally sacrifice their future financial well-being for the sake of their relatives' care. This issue is likely to become even more critical in the years ahead as more Americans reach the advanced ages where assistance with daily activities is not uncommon.
II. The Attendant Costs of Family Caregiving
Family caregivers are a diverse lot and vary considerably in their ability to provide the needed care, as most family caregivers have undertaken little or no formal training in this activity.5 At the same time, almost 60% of family caregivers in the United States also work in other vocations, according to a recent survey by the National Alliance for Caregiving.6 Those caregivers, however, often restrict their job-related travel, reduce their employment hours, and decline promotions to accommodate their caregiving responsibilities.7 The previously referenced Associated Press survey found that 44% of caregivers under age 65 reported missing work because of their caregiving responsibilities. In many cases, a family caregiver takes early retirement or otherwise terminates his or her outside employment because of caregiving obligations,Reference Pavalko and Artis8 a decision with significant immediate and long-term financial consequences for these caregivers.
Caregivers who leave the compensated workforce obviously earn less money and forfeit possible raises. They also lose their employer-provided health insurance and whatever other workplace fringe benefits — such as group life insurance — that they previously were able to access. To that point, a recent report noted that a woman caregiver who leaves the workforce loses an average of $324,000 in wages and benefits.9 Moreover, a different recent study found that family caregivers spend an average of 35% of their monthly budget on expenses of caregiving and 18% of such caregivers spend more than half of their monthly budget on such costs.10 As a result, the present financial condition of family caregivers is seriously compromised, but their future financial condition may be made even more perilous for four distinct reasons.
First, caregivers who do not work in the formal economy lose the ability to earn “quarters of coverage” under Social Security11 and as a consequence may not qualify for retirement benefits under that program. A “quarter of coverage” requires earning a specific amount in “covered employment,” and that amount changes to take account of inflation. In 2018, the required compensation was $1,320.12 A person who fails to accumulate 40 “quarters of coverage” does not qualify for Social Security retirement benefits.13
Second, even if a person does accumulate the required 40 “quarters of coverage,” the Social Security benefit itself may be substantially diminished due to missed earnings caused by family caregiving. Although the mechanics of Social Security benefit calculations need not be explored here, the most salient points are: (1) such benefits are derived from a claimant's 35 highest years of earnings,14 and (2) Social Security computes that average on the basis of 35 years even if that person does not have 35 years of earnings. Thus, if Janice worked for 20 years before becoming a full-time caregiver to her mother, her Social Security benefit would be calculated by averaging her 20 years of earnings over 35 years. The imputed 15 years of zero earnings will significantly reduce the Social Security benefit she ultimately receives.
Third, failing to accumulate 40 quarters of coverage also means no automatic entitlement to Medicare's coverage of future healthcare expenses when the family caregiver retires.15 Specifically, the family caregiver may not be eligible for premium-free Medicare Part A benefits for hospital, limited nursing home, home healthcare, and hospice services.Reference Frolik and Kaplan16 These are potentially very valuable coverages, depending on the care-giver's future medical condition.
To be sure, family caregivers may be able to secure Social Security and Medicare benefits as the spouse17 (or a divorced spouse, if their marriage lasted at least ten years)18 of a qualifying beneficiary of those essential programs, but many family caregivers lack such status. Similarly, Medicare Part A benefits can be purchased by any citizen or resident of the United States who has resided in this country at least five years,19 but the cost is adjusted every year for inflation and was $422 per month in 2018.20
Finally, a family caregiver who no longer participates in the formal workforce cannot contribute to an employer-sponsored retirement program like a 401(k) plan or receive employer matches to such plans. Nor can that person fund his or her Individual Retirement Account or other self-directed retirement program, because those plans generally require the receipt of earned income.21 An inability to fund tax-preferred retirement savings plans does not preclude a family caregiver from saving funds for her retirement outside such plans, but doing so forgoes potentially significant tax advantages and requires more financial self-discipline than many people can muster on a consistent basis.
As a consequence, family caregivers often find themselves without certain basic financial supports when their caregiving responsibilities finally conclude, having only inadequate or non-existent health insurance, minimal savings, no or radically reduced Social Security benefits, no entitlement to Medicare Part A's invaluable medical cost coverages, and no workplace retirement savings plans. A principal legacy of being a family caregiver, in other words, is often impoverishment or at least seriously compromised financial status in retirement. In some instances, the former caregiver may need to depend on public expenditures for basic income support through welfare programs like Supplemental Security Income and for medical care through Medicaid. As one comprehensive study found, “[c]aregivers who spent 20 hours a week assisting their parents with personal care were 25 percent more likely than noncaregivers to live in poverty, 27 percent more likely to be recipients of public assistance, and 46 percent more likely to receive Medicaid eight years later.”Reference Wakabayashi and Donato22
Family caregivers often find themselves without certain basic financial supports when their caregiving responsibilities finally conclude, having only inadequate or non-existent health insurance, minimal savings, no or radically reduced Social Security benefits, no entitlement to Medicare Part A's invaluable medical cost coverages, and no workplace retirement savings plans. A principal legacy of being a family caregiver, in other words, is often impoverishment or at least seriously compromised financial status in retirement.
III. Compensating Family Caregivers
Caring for an older person with physical and/or cognitive impairments is serious work that should be acknowledged as such, regardless of whether the caregiver is related to the care recipient.Reference Linsk23 Non-family caregivers choose to spend their working hours on this endeavor in exchange for monetary compensation provided on a regular basis. Family caregivers, in contrast, are often conscripted into providing their services with little or no advance warning,24 on an indeterminate schedule, and generally without a predictable endpoint for their responsibilities. That distinction notwithstanding, their duties and burdens are essentially the same, though family caregiving is sometimes accompanied by additional personal stress.Reference Schulz and Beach25 Accordingly, family caregivers deserve appropriate financial recompense from public resources to prevent impoverishment being the result of their efforts. Such recompense, in its most straightforward form, would be direct compensation, but could also take the form of Social Security credits or tax benefits. These alternative mechanisms are now considered.
A. Direct Compensation
Public sources could support family caregivers with regular compensation in an amount comparable to what non-family members receive, perhaps taking into account the technical level of services provided and the corresponding need for professional training to deliver those services.26 Geographic variances are also appropriate factors in setting the level of compensation that family caregivers should receive.27 On the other hand, the possibility that family caregivers might be more reliable in terms of showing up for work every day might also be an appropriate consideration in setting compensation schedules.28 After all, taking care of an incapacitated person may be a full-time undertaking for a family caregiver, but it is not “just” a job when the care recipient is a close relative.
Moreover, family caregivers provide an important service that enables the care recipient to stay in his or her own home and avoid home care agency and nursing home expenditures that would often be otherwise paid by the Medicaid program, though probably at a higher cost. Family caregivers, in other words, actually reduce government outlays, which further justifies some degree of public financial support. Accordingly, the federal government has authorized states to apply for home and community-based service “waiver” programs that would, among other things, pay family members to provide care to their incapacitated relatives as an alternative to institutionalization. Many states, however, have not pursued this option in the context of caring for older adults,Reference Newcomer29 and in any case, the spouse of the person requiring care is usually not eligible for such payments.30 More generally, this mechanism is limited, by its terms, to persons who meet the strict financial eligibility criteria to qualify for Medicaid benefits.31 In a different context, federal legislation was enacted in 2010 to provide a monthly “stipend” to family caregivers of certain U.S. military veterans,32 so publicly financed compensation for family caregivers generally may not be completely beyond the political pale. On the other hand, paid family leave for caregivers who had been recently employed was proposed in 2015,33 but no action was taken on that proposal.
A broader program to provide compensation to family caregivers was actually enacted as part of the Affordable Care Act (ACA).34 That program was called Community Living Assistance Services and Supports,35 or CLASS, and would have paid caregivers, including family members36 with no formal training in caregiving, to assist older Americans who wanted to stay in their own home rather than access long-term care in institutional settings.Reference Kaplan37 Because of a general antipathy to government benefit programs, the enabling legislation made the CLASS program an optional proposition, and potential beneficiaries could choose whether or not to enroll,Reference Kaplan38 unlike traditional social insurance programs like Social Security and Medicare where enrollment is mandatory. As a further concession to opponents of government “entitlement” programs, the ACA required the CLASS program be fully self-supporting without requiring financing from general tax revenues.39 The combination of voluntary enrollment, with its attendant problem of adverse selection, and the self-financing mandate made the CLASS program unsustainable40 and it was repealed in early 2013.41
B. Social Security Credits
A different mechanism of public-source compensation would “deem” Social Security wage credits for the work performed by family caregivers. Such caregivers could thereby receive enhanced Social Security benefits when they retired, avoiding one of the financial detriments that family caregivers face presently, as noted above. Again, this approach is not entirely theoretical as such a plan was proposed as early as 200242 for caregivers who provided at least 80 hours of care per month.43 To determine the applicable wage base from which retirement benefits are derived, this proposal used half of the average monthly wages earned by U.S. workers,44 but other amounts could certainly be used instead. Finally, this proposal limited the number of credits that could be earned from family caregiving to 60 months,45 roughly equivalent to 20 “quarters of coverage,” which effectively required that the family caregiver would still need some non-caregiver employment to receive Social Security retirement benefits. No other occupation requires its employees to earn Social Security credits from other sources, so it is not clear why this limit should exist beyond some unstated discomfort with the notion of receiving credits for informal caregiving services generally.
Deeming Social Security credits for family caregiving, it should be noted, would address some but not all of the financial deficiencies noted previously. Such credits would ensure that such caregivers would likely receive a Social Security retirement benefit that is not unduly diluted by the years of “no earnings” caused by their caregiving and probably eligibility for Medicare Part A benefits as well. Such credits would not, however, address the lack of any workplace retirement savings plan, or the lack of wages and health insurance prior to retiring. Thus, this approach may be better than nothing but it is clearly inferior to the direct compensation alternative considered above.
In any case, no action was taken on the credit proposal when it was first introduced in 2002 nor on any of the iterations that have been introduced in every subsequent Congress.46 This lack of response is particularly curious because the survey referenced in the beginning of this article found that providing Social Security credits for family caregivers was supported by 73% of respondents, including 70% of self-identified Republicans.47 This proposal, moreover, was also designated as a “worthy proposal” in the previously referenced report of the National Academies of Science, Engineering and Medicine on family caregiving in the United States.48
C. Tax Incentives
A final form of compensation would employ one of America's favorite means of providing public benefits — namely, tax incentives. In fact, 83% of survey respondents favored tax incentives for family caregivers.49 To that point, the tax code currently allows a deduction of “medical expenses,”50 which includes payment for certain long-term care services,51 but it has several impediments that render it largely ineffective for preventing impoverishment of family caregivers.
First, the scope of qualifying services includes “maintenance or personal care services,”52 but not if the caregiver is a “relative” of the care recipient,53 unless that caregiver is a “licensed professional with respect to” the services provided.54 Very few family caregivers meet that requirement and even if they did, the medical expense deduction is a so-called “itemized deduction.” The effect of this designation is that seven out of ten taxpayers cannot deduct their medical expenses due to various structural features of the tax system,Reference Parisi55 including a provision that limits this deduction to costs in excess of 10% of a person's “adjusted gross income” after 2018.56 More fundamentally, a tax deduction's value in dollars depends on the taxpayer's marginal tax bracket and therefore provides the greatest benefit to persons in high tax brackets, which typically does not characterize older persons requiring long-term care. Finally, the deduction is allowed to the person who pays the caregiver rather than the caregiver herself. Thus, the tax code's present treatment of family caregivers is not really very useful in most circumstances.
Changing the tax code to provide real benefits to such caregivers is certainly possible and has been proposed many times in various Congresses,Reference Kaplan57 including by Hillary Clinton when she was a U.S. senator.58 Most such proposals take the form of enhanced deductions of payments to caregivers or tax credits based on such payments. These provisions typically have the usual assortment of complicated limitations, such as multi-year phase-in schedules and income-based phase-out formulae that limit their benefits to certain favored categories of taxpayers.
But the more fundamental point is that tax credits are more useful than deductions because they offset a person's tax liability dollar for dollar, are independent of a person's individual tax bracket, and have greater salience to the affected caregiver. Even then, many family care-givers have little or no taxable income and accordingly cannot benefit from provisions that lower their already minimal or non-existent tax liability. Accordingly, whatever tax credits that are ultimately enacted should be refundable, so that caregivers who do not owe any income taxes can nevertheless receive some benefit from these provisions.
To be sure, this approach comes very close to direct payment of caregiver services from public sources, but using the tax system as the mechanism of implementation seems more palatable to certain constituencies that generally are opposed to direct government payments as a matter of ideology. Unfortunately, the latest iterations of these tax proposals introduced on May 17, 2017 specifically provide that the credits they authorize are not refundable.59 Such credits will undoubtedly benefit some family caregivers, but their ability to prevent impoverishment of such persons is severely constrained.
IV. Conclusion
Family caregivers have too long labored without recognition or appropriate compensation, a situation that contradicts the vital work they do and flies in the face of the increasing need for the care that they provide. Our collective failure to include in-home health-care as a key component of our system's provision of long-term care results in family caregivers facing substantially diminished financial well-being — and in many cases, impoverishment — when their caregiving responsibilities end. Public financial support for family caregivers is necessary to avoid the perpetuation of this phenomenon across generations. As the most comprehensive study of this issue noted, “families contribute to society by providing care” and compensation of family caregivers is an “important” form of recognizing this contribution.60
Family caregivers have too long labored without recognition or appropriate compensation, a situation that contradicts the vital work they do and flies in the face of the increasing need for the care that they provide. Our collective failure to include in-home healthcare as a key component of our system's provision of long-term care results in family caregivers facing substantially diminished financial well-being — and in many cases, impoverishment — when their caregiving responsibilities end. Public financial support for family caregivers is necessary to avoid the perpetuation of this phenomenon across generations.