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Association between hourly wages and dietary intake after the first phase of implementation of the Minneapolis minimum wage ordinance

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 February 2021

Leah Elizabeth Chapman*
Affiliation:
Department of Nutrition, Gillings School of Global Public Health, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 135 Dauer Drive, Chapel Hill, NC 27599, USACenter for Health Promotion & Disease Prevention, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA
Seth A Berkowitz
Affiliation:
General Medicine and Clinical Epidemiology, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA
Alice Ammerman
Affiliation:
Department of Nutrition, Gillings School of Global Public Health, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 135 Dauer Drive, Chapel Hill, NC 27599, USACenter for Health Promotion & Disease Prevention, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA
Molly De Marco
Affiliation:
Department of Nutrition, Gillings School of Global Public Health, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 135 Dauer Drive, Chapel Hill, NC 27599, USACenter for Health Promotion & Disease Prevention, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA
Shu Wen Ng
Affiliation:
Department of Nutrition, Gillings School of Global Public Health, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 135 Dauer Drive, Chapel Hill, NC 27599, USACarolina Population Center, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA
Catherine Zimmer
Affiliation:
Odum Institute, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA
Caitlin E Caspi
Affiliation:
UConn Rudd Center for Food Policy and Obesity, CT Minneapolis, MN, USAAllied Health Sciences, University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT, USA
*
*Corresponding author: Email leahchapman@unc.edu
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Abstract

Objective:

In 2018, Minneapolis began phased implementation of an ordinance to increase the local minimum wage to $15/h. We sought to determine whether the first phase of implementation was associated with changes in frequency of consumption of fruits and vegetables (F&V), whole-grain-rich foods, and foods high in added sugars among low-wage workers.

Design:

Natural experiment.

Setting:

The Wages Study is a prospective cohort study of 974 low-wage workers followed throughout the phased implementation of the ordinance (2018–2022). We used difference-in-difference analysis to compare outcomes among workers in Minneapolis, Minnesota, to those in a comparison city (Raleigh, North Carolina). We assessed wages using participants’ pay stubs and dietary intake using the National Cancer Institute Dietary Screener Questionnaire.

Participants:

Analyses use the first two waves of Wages data (2018 (baseline), 2019) and includes 267 and 336 low-wage workers in Minneapolis and Raleigh, respectively.

Results:

After the first phase of implementation, wages increased in both cities, but the increase was $0·84 greater in Minneapolis (P = 0·02). However, the first phase of the policy’s implementation was not associated with changes in daily frequency of consumption of F&V (IRR = 1·03, 95 % CI: 0·86, 1·24, P = 0·73), whole-grain-rich foods (IRR = 1·23, 95 % CI: 0·89, 1·70, P = 0·20), or foods high in added sugars (IRR = 1·13, 95 % CI: 0·86, 1·47, P = 0·38) among workers in Minneapolis compared to Raleigh.

Conclusions:

The first phase of implementation of the Minneapolis minimum wage policy was associated with increased wages, but not with changes in dietary intake. Future research should examine whether full implementation is associated dietary changes.

Information

Type
Research paper
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Nutrition Society
Figure 0

Fig. 1Scheduled implementation of hourly wage increases in the city of Minneapolis, and the corresponding Wages Study data collection time points

Figure 1

Fig. 2Conceptual model for the present study using data from Wave 1 (2018) and Wave 2 (2019) of the Wages Study

Figure 2

Fig. 3Flow chart for Wages participant exclusion in the present study’s policy analyses

Figure 3

Fig. 4Flow chart for Wages participant exclusion in the present study’s hourly wage analyses

Figure 4

Fig. 5Hypothesised causal pathway for the relationship between a minimum wage policy and changes in dietary intake

Figure 5

Fig. 6Dietary intake by metropolitan statistical area 2005–2015 BRFSS SMART data – incomes < $35 000 per year

Figure 6

Table 1Baseline characteristics of the Wages participants in Minneapolis, Minnesota, and Raleigh, North Carolina that will be used in analyses

Figure 7

Table 2Comparison of job classification, weekly hours worked and number of jobs worked among Wages participants at Waves 1 and 2 in Minneapolis, Minnesota and Raleigh, North Carolina, for the present study’s policy analysis (n 603)

Figure 8

Table 3Comparison of job classification, weekly hours worked and number of jobs worked among Wages participants at Waves 1 and 2 in Minneapolis, Minnesota and Raleigh, North Carolina, for the present study’s hourly wage analysis (n 540)

Figure 9

Table 4Average daily frequencies of consumption of the three food groups between Minneapolis and Raleigh at Waves 1 and 2

Figure 10

Table 5Difference-in-difference models of the longitudinal relationship between an area-level wage increase and frequency of consumption of various food groups among Wages participants in Minneapolis, Minnesota, and Raleigh, North Carolina, from Wave 1 (baseline, 2018) to Wave 2 (2019)

Figure 11

Table 6Results from the post hoc analyses regression models assessing whether the Minneapolis minimum wage policy was associated with changes in hourly wage and household income categories between Minneapolis, Minnesota, and Raleigh, North Carolina, from Wave 1 (2018) to Wave 2 (2019)

Supplementary material: File

Chapman et al. supplementary material

Tables S1-S4

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