This excellent biography demands much from the reader: it is long, extremely detailed, and asks one to move in a cultural universe alien to many. Nevertheless, it deserves to be read widely, particularly by three categories of audience. Firstly, it is an impressive ‘document humain’ in which the marriage of Monica Hunter to Godfrey Wilson is central. Secondly, it is an important source for the history of anthropology as it aptly documents the emergence of the particular type of empiricism designated as the Manchester School, originating from the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute in Lusaka, Zambia. Thirdly, it is a particularly insightful account of the challenge of living a decent life based on Christian values in apartheid South Africa. The intertwined religious love of Christ, physical love between a man and a woman, and love of anthropology are at the core of the book: for example, ‘finding the connection between different parts of our life together (as between the loving intercourse with facts and my passion for your arms) will deepen life all over’ (p. 145); ‘We shared religious values and intellectual interest and became adjusted physically … Many friends could witness to the happyness [sic] we had in each other and in our joint work’ (p. 149). Such an attitude is nowadays probably scarce among scholars, and it is a great feat of empathy that Seán Morrow outlines this world view sensitively.
Monica Wilson was born in missionary circles in South Africa and made her first foray into anthropology in Pondoland, South Africa. She went to Cambridge for further studies and was wooed there by Godfrey Wilson, whom she married. They embarked on joint fieldwork among the Nyakyusa in Tanzania, and Godfrey Wilson then became the first director of the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute in Lusaka. They became entangled in controversies with the mines as well as the church and then moved to South Africa. World War Two trapped them there in moral terms as well: their Christianity led them to be pacifists. Godfrey Wilson nevertheless joined the army in a non-combative role. He suffered from depression but regained his mental health several times. The shock was therefore great when he committed suicide while away with the army at Zonderwater. The way in which depression ultimately destroyed the very intense bond between them makes moving reading. Monica Wilson did not find another partner after Wilson's death. There is evidence that she was in love with a married man, but her religious convictions prevented her from acting on it.
Monica Wilson came naturally to the important insights of the Manchester School. The idea of a static traditional society was alien to her from the very beginning of her career, as she was grounded in the everyday experience of social life in South Africa. In their Nyakyusa study, Monica and Godfrey were observant of the influence of missions, new forms of trade, and labour migration. Their attention was first and foremost focused on actors – informants – rather than on abstract social structures. The issue of theory and empiricism is more complicated. Godfrey Wilson wanted to develop theory, especially a theory of social change. However, the practice of research was ultimately at odds with theoretical constructs as a point of departure: ‘Sitting around and listening and watching was vital, Monica Wilson said: “You have to know a lot about the community before systematic enquiry can be really effective.” She then referred to her experience in Pondoland: “it became apparent that evidence was indeed accumulating but not in the way one expects”’ (p. 252).
The Wilsons were convinced about the practical relevance of their work because it provided facts for policymakers and not because they could make recommendations based on these facts. The explosive nature of this conviction is particularly evident in Monica Wilson's historical work in the last part of her life. She challenged the belief that Europeans entered an empty land when they settled in South Africa. She never joined party politics in the struggle for South Africa but fought many battles against discriminatory practices and was deeply concerned about poverty and racism. The last chapters give an inside view of South Africa in the period 1952–73, where one meets an array of political and academic characters: Jack Simons, Adrian Leftwich, Archie Mafeje, Z. K. Mathews, and so forth. Her activism was always founded primarily on her faith and Christianity, saying, for example: ‘it was not the “winds of change” [mentioned by British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan] that South Africans should fear, but rather “the whirlwind which sweeps up those who knowingly and unknowingly break the laws of God”’ (p. 294). Other interesting details in the book evoke Monica Wilson's personality: for example, ‘Margaret Mead, the notable American anthropologist visited and Monica said played “the Great Woman”. Her visit coincided with that of Paton, “who does not pretend to be great at all and I think he is”’ (p. 327).
Morrow understandably does not discuss in detail the writings of Monica Wilson, as that would have made the book unwieldy. However, I would have liked a greater exploration of her description of the prevalence of homosexuality in the Nyakyusa boys’ houses. That would have provided vital information to counter the prevalent homophobic argument that homosexuality is contrary to African culture.
This review is intended to arouse interest in this book and does not pretend to be a comprehensive overview of what is to be found in this biography, which I thoroughly recommend.
