In the Middle Byzantine period, Pergamon was part of the Thrakesion theme (Map 1). The eighth and ninth centuries can be seen as the ‘dark ages’ during which the site survived only on a minor scale, mainly on the acropolis. In the first half of the tenth century, the Emperor Konstantinos VII Porphyrogennetos recorded Pergamon in his work De thematibus as the eighth polis of the Thrakesion theme. In the late eleventh and twelve centuries, there was a considerable growth of population on the site and its living area encompassed up to 19 hectares. After the Battle of Manzikert in 1071, the city suffered from the attacks of the Seljuks on western Anatolia. Around 1110/1111, Hasan – the Turkish Emir of Cappadocia – sent a large army unit after the failed siege of Philadelphia on a raid in the direction of Chliara (Gördük Kale by Kırkağaç) and Pergamon. After this, followed by more attacks in 1109 and 1113, the city was partly destroyed. Under Emperor Manuel I Komnenos (r. 1143–80) in c. 1170, the city could be rebuilt, its fortifications repaired and its lower city included. Between 1162 and 1173 Pergamon was probably the capital of the new theme of Neokastra, established by Manuel in northwestern Asia Minor and securing the region around the three cities of Chliara, Pergamon and Adramytteion (modern Ören-Edremit).Footnote 1 In the Partitio terrarum imperii Romaniae, or Partitio regni Graeci, a treaty signed among the crusaders after the sack of Constantinople in 1204, Pergamon became part of the Provintia Atramitii, de Chliariis et de Pergamis, claimed by the Latin Empire but de facto belonging to the Empire of Nicaea. It soon ceased to exist because of the Turkish conquest of the area around 1302 or slightly later. The local Christian population subsequently declined and Pergamon was later destroyed by the hordes of Timur in 1402. For centuries Pergamon was a suffragan bishopric under the metropolis of Ephesos, but it was elevated to the rank of archbishopric before 1250 and was even a metropolis between 1274 and 1295; however, it was reduced to the rank of a suffragan bishopric under Ephesos in 1387.Footnote 2
Referred places in Asia Minor (© S. Patacı, 2020).
More than a dozen lead seals were unearthed during excavations in Pergamon; some of them came to the Münzkabinett der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin and were first published by Kurt Regling, though not always in a satisfactory manner. Not a single seal from the mid-eighth until the end of the tenth century has so far been found. It seems clear that a Niketas μοναχός lived in the eleventh century.Footnote 3 We date the monogrammatic seal of a Monomachos (?) with a standing figure of St George on the obv. to the second half of the twelfth century,Footnote 4 and prefer to attribute the imperial seal of a Michael Palaiologos to Michael IX.Footnote 5 Finally, the metrical seal of Nikephoros Myrtates originates from the thirteenth century.Footnote 6
In the scholarly literature some further seals referring to dignitaries of Pergamon are known. For example, some seals document bishops of Pergamon. A Georgios ἐπίσκοπος πόλεως Περγάμου was active during the iconophile reaction in the late eighth or early ninth century.Footnote 7 We incline to date the seal of a I[o]nas, ἐπίσκοπ(ος) [π]όλεο(ς) (sic) Περγάμου to the mid-ninth century.Footnote 8 The seal of Methodios, ἐπίσκοπος πόλεος (sic) Περγάμου was correctly attributed to the participant of that name in the Council of 879/880.Footnote 9 The Viennese seal of a bishop Andreas probably dates to the first half of the tenth century.Footnote 10 A seal of a monk and bishop of Pergamon in the State Hermitage Museum (acc. no. M-1343) also dates to the tenth century, perhaps from its second third.Footnote 11 The seal of a bishop Pothos in Vienna and another one of a bishop Leon may date to the first half of the eleventh century.Footnote 12 A seal from the former Russian Archaeological Institute in Istanbul referring to a Leon dioiketes and kommerkiarios ΠΕ[…] from the first half of the ninth century was tentatively attributed to Pergamon by Boris A. Pančenko.Footnote 13 There is a parallel piece in DO, where also only ΠΕ[…] is readable, attributed rather to the Peloponnese.Footnote 14 We support this attribution.
The sigillographic collection of the Museum of Bergama
The seals in the Byzantine sigillographic collection of the Museum of Bergama that are presented here were purchased between 1978 and 1999. The amulet discussed in the Appendix was purchased in 1978 and was the first sigillographic piece to be acquired. Chronologically, there are three groups of acquisitions. İbrahim Kurşun sold a group of 18 seals in December 1999Footnote 15 and Hasan Beden, a well known numismatic collector in Izmir (d. 2013), sold a group of nine seals on October 1999.Footnote 16 The name of the seller of two seals in June 1980 (nos. 2–3) is not given in the catalogue. Two seals, however, belong to none of these three groups: Rafet Tüm sold no. 3 in 1992, and Önder Taşkın sold no. 6 in 1996. We have included no seal acquired since 2000.
The Early Byzantine seals were presented in BMGS 45.1: 5–24 (including nos 3 and 6 mentioned above). In the following we offer a substantive analysis of the 19 Middle and Late Byzantine seals.
Catalogue
1. Gregorios hypatos (Figs 1a–b)
Acc. no. 4.7.99.
Measurements. Diam., 26 mm, th., 0.6 mm, wg., 18.30 gr.
Obv. Invocative monogram Laurent V with a large beta at the bottom without a tetragram.
Rev. Inscription of four lines (the last one is seriously damaged). No crosses or ornaments visible:
The complete legend reads: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Γρηγορίῳ ὑπά[τ]ῳ.
Sigillographic comments. We know of three (probably slightly later) seal types which could belong to the same person. All have the monogram Laurent type V on the obv., also with a large beta at the bottom, in two cases combined with the less usual tetragram τῷ δούλῳ σου. The first, kept in Athens,Footnote 17 has the legend:
, perhaps followed by a cross. Its earlier type is known by two examples, one in DOFootnote 18 and one in the Museum of Afyonkarahisar, found in Apameia (modern Dinar) in Phrygia.Footnote 19 On these, the legend bears crosses between trifolia above and under the legend. A further seal in AthensFootnote 20 has a rev. very similar to the latter type, but the usual tetragram τῷ σῷ δούλῳ is given in the quarters of the monogram Laurent V. The rho on our seal in Bergama has a serif, but this is not the case on the other types.Dating. We date all these types to the first third, perhaps even to the first quarter, of the eighth century.
Fig. 1:Seal of Gregorios hypatos (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
2. Stavrakios (?) basilikos (?) spatharios (?) and archon of Lydia (?) (Figs 2a–b)
Acc. no. 5502.
Measurements. Diam., 25 mm, th., 6 mm, wg., 20.72 gr.
Obv. Invocative monogram type Laurent V with the less usual tetragram
.Rev. An illegible inscription in four lines, with patina:
..The complete legend reads: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τῷ δούλῳ σου Σ[ταυ]ρ[ακ(ίῳ) (?)…] βα(σιλικῷ) σ[π(αθαρίῳ)] (?) (καὶ) ἄρχ(οντι) Λυ[δί(ας)].
Sigillographic comments. Β(ασιλικὸς) (πρωτο)σπ(αθάριος) or only βα(σιλικὸς) σ[π(αθάριος)] are possible readings; the office of an archon is apparent and the province of Lydia may be indicated by the traces of letters.Footnote 21 As the first two lines are nearly illegible, the name Stavrakios is only a first provisional assumption.
Dating. Around the first half of the eighth century.
Fig. 2:Seal of Stavrakios (?) basilikos (?) spatharios (?) and archon of Lydia (?) (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
3. Levan (son of) Apelates (?) (Figs 3a–b)
Acc. no. 5503.
Measurements. Diam., 21 mm, th., 0.3 mm, wg., 5.07 gr.
Obv. The field is almost completely damaged. Perhaps there was an invocative monogram, e.g. the type Laurent V. On the left may be a kappa with a beginning of an horizontal line.
Rev. The legend in four lines is partially illegible and features a patina:
.
.The complete legend seems to read: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τῷ σῷ Λευά[ν(ῃ)] Ἀπελάτου.
Sigillographic comments. Levan (ლევანი) would be the Georgian form of the Greek name Leon (Λέων). Since the other name, Apelates, is in the genitive, this could be the father's name.
Dating. If our reconstruction is right, the seal dates to the eighth century, perhaps from its first half.
Fig. 3:Seal of Levan (son of) Apelates (?) (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
4. Theodoros basilikos spatharios and strategos of Thrakesion (Figs 4a–b)
Acc. no. 1.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 24 mm, th., 3 mm, wg., 10.26 gr.
Obv. Invocative cross-monogram Laurent type V, with the usual tetragram. Reading: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τῷ σῷ δούλῳ.
Rev. Legend on five lines:
,+ Θεοδ[ώ]ρῳ β(ασιλικῷ) σπ[α]θ(αρίῳ) (καὶ) στρατ[(η)γ(ῷ)] τ(ῶ)ν Θρ[ᾳ]κησ(ίων).
Parallels: a) Archaeological Museum of Istanbul; b) DO 55.1.1213; c) The Tatış Collection in Izmir, no. 2925. Ed.: a) Ebersolt 534 (with an erroneous reading, also repeated in PmbZ 3275); Istanbul Footnote 22 3.129; b) Zacos and Veglery 2462; DOSeals 3, 2.53; PmbZ 7618; c) Tatış, no. 3.61. In an auction a relatively similar seal of a Theodoros imperial spatharios and strategos of Kibyrraioton was offered.Footnote 23 This is a slightly earlier seal, dating to the later eighth or very beginning of the ninth century, and possibly belongs to the same person. The seal Seyrig 167a has a connection with the aforementioned seal as well as with another of a Theodoros spatharokandidatos and strategos of Armeniakon.
Dating. Zacos and Veglery dated this type to the second half of the eighth century, the editors of the seal from DO to the eighth century, and Cheynet et al. (Istanbul) to the first half of the ninth century; but in the last edition of Jean-Claude Cheynet to the Tatış Collection in Izmir, a date of the eighth/ninth century is preferred. Perhaps the seal dates to the last third of the eighth century, as the low rank of this significant strategos supports such a dating.
Fig. 4:Seal of Theodoros basilikos spatharios and strategos of Thrakesion (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
5. Aaron notarios (Figs 5a–b)
Acc. no. 6.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 25 mm, th., 5 mm, wg., 17.41 gr.
Obv. Invocative monogram of the Laurent type V, with the usual tetragram
.Rev. Legend on three lines without any ornament:
.The legend reads: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τῷ σῷ δούλῳ Ἀαρὼν νοταρίῳ.
An exact parallel was offered in a German auction.Footnote 24
Sigillographic comments. The biblical name Aaron (אַהֲרֹן, Ahärôn in Hebrew) was rare in this period. Since there is no sign of an abbreviation after the ny, the name is presented as undeclined. It is not certain whether Aaron was a public notary or a notary in an imperial office or a clerical one.
We do not know if the relatively similar, nearly synchronous seal of an Aaron hamartolos Footnote 25 notarios belongs to the same person. The obv. is very similar, the rev. legend reads:
.Footnote 26Dating. The seal dates to the late eighth to the beginning of the ninth century.
Fig. 5:Seal of Aaron notary (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
6. Ioannes archiepiskopos of Ephesos (Figs 6a–b)
Acc. no. 1.6.96.
Measurements. Diam., 22 mm, th., 5 mm, wg., 11.59 gr.
Obv. Invocative cross-monogram, similar to the type Laurent XIV, though surely a sigma at right after the eta, with the usual tetragram: Χριστὲ βοήθει τῷ σῷ δούλῳ. The theta on the left and the omicron at the top are lost.
Rev.
Ἰωάννῃ ἀρχιεπισκ(όπῳ) Ἐφέσου.
Exact parallels in the Archaeological Museum of Athens (acc. no. 240)Footnote 27 and in the Tatış Collection in Izmir.Footnote 28
Sigillographic comments. Some letters are heavily damaged, but with the help of the parallels the reading could be reconstructed. The Athenian piece quoted only the first letter of the geographical term. The first editor of the sigillographic catalogue of the Archaeological Museum of Athens, Konstantinos M. Konstantopoulos, did not attempt to present an assumption concerning this seal's relationship with Ephesos, but Laurent did and was right, as the parallels show.
Dating. For the dating Laurent followed Konstantopoulos, as they both dated it to the eighth–ninth century, but he also attributed this seal to a Ioannes who participated at the ecumenical council of 787, which was accepted by Cheynet in the catalogue of the Tatış Collection. Seibt and Zarnitz proposed the late ninth or even tenth century.Footnote 29 We prefer the first half of the ninth century.Footnote 30 There is also another seal type of a Ioannes archiepiskopos of Ephesos.Footnote 31 On the obv. a standing figure of the Virgin Hodegetria appears between the monograms for Θεοτόκε and βοήθει. This type probably goes back to the late iconophile reaction in the early ninth century. Both types may refer to the same Ioannes.
Fig. 6:Seal of Ioannes archiepiskopos of Ephesos (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
7. Damianos metropolitan of Chalkedon (Figs 7a–b)
Acc. no. 10.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 32 mm, th., 3 mm, wg., 7.76 gr.
State of preservation. Though more than half of the seal is seriously damaged by pressing, the legend can be reconstructed with the help of a parallel seal published by Schlumberger.Footnote 32
Obv. Invocative monogram with the usual tetragram. If Schlumberger was right in assuming a rho at the top, this seal should be classified to the Laurent type VIII and not Laurent type V, as Laurent previously proposed.
Rev. Of the original four lines only some sections of the middle part of two lines are legible:
The legend reads:
Κ[ύρι]ε β[ο]ήθει [τῷ] σῷ [δούλῳ Δαμι]ανῷ μη[τρο]πολ(ίτῃ) Χα[λκεδ(ό)ν(ος)].
Dating. Following Laurent, we date these seals to the second quarter of the ninth century, after Ioannes, who died in 824.Footnote 33
Fig. 7:Seal of Damianos metropolitan of Chalkedon (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
8. Gabriel (Figs 8a–b)
Acc. no. 3.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 25 mm, th., 4 mm, wg., 7.40 gr.
Obv. Cruciform monogram, but the letters are only partially connected, with dots in the quarters. As the letters are cut positively, they appear to be reversed, but the reading is clear: Γαβριήλ.
Rev. A similarly arranged monogram, with unconnected though non-reversed letters, but with a ligature of probably my and delta in the centre, again with dots in the quarters. The letters – A, Δ, Η, Ι, Λ, Μ, Ρ, and V – are probably not arranged in any special order but rather according to aesthetic principles. As neither a title nor an office seems possible, they are probably associated with a surname or an indication of its owner's residential origin, or even a profession. Perhaps Λιμυριάδῃ (associating the seal's owner with Limyra in Lykia) or μυραλίδῃ; but these remain hypotheses not attested elsewhere.Footnote 34
Dating. The seal probably dates to the first half of the tenth century, a period in which monograms of names were very rare, but not unknown, on Byzantine seals.Footnote 35
Fig. 8:Seal of Gabriel (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
9. Hierotheos monachos and archiepiskopos of Tourkia (Figs 9a–b)
Acc. no. 12.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 21 mm, th., 3 mm, wg., 4.90 gr.
Obv. This unusual invocative monogram could mean Μῆτερ Θεοῦ βοήθει, if there is a my at the bottom and a beta on the left. In the quarters the usual tetragram τῷ σῷ δούλῳ.
Rev. The legend in six lines bears no ornaments:
.+Ἱεροθέῳ μοναχῷ ἀ[ρ]χιεπισκόπῳ Τ(ου)ρκία[ς].
Sigillographic comments. A suffragan bishopric called Βαρδαριωτῶν ἤτοι Τούρκων is known in the metropolis of Thessaloniki, but this seal indicates an archbishop of the tenth century. In the appendix 1 of notitia 13 of the twelfth century, we even find a metropolis Τουρκίας, ranking between Pompeioupolis and Rosia.Footnote 36 In the eleventh century an Antonios designates himself μοναχός, σύγκελλος and πρόεδρος Τουρκίας on his seal.Footnote 37
Dating. Perhaps this seal points to the Byzantine missionary activities in southern Hungary or in the Khazar Khaganate. The latter was located in the south-eastern section of modern European Russia. The Metropolitanate of Tourkia was an eastern orthodox diocese in Hungary in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.Footnote 38 Its name derived from the term Tourkia, used by the Byzantine Greeks also as a designation for the Hungarian medieval state. Between 965 and 969, the Kievan Rus’ ruler Sviatoslav I of Kiev conquered the capital of the Khazar Khaganate and destroyed the Khazar state. This seal dates to this period and it is possible that the archbishopric of Tourkia existed only for a short time.
Fig. 9:Seal of Hierotheos monachos and archiepiskopos of Tourkia (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
10. Konstantinos horreiarios (Figs 10a–b)
Acc. no. 9.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 24 mm, th., 0.3 mm, wg., 7.39 gr.
State of preservation. Though more than half of the field is damaged by pressing, we can reconstruct the legend thanks to a similar piece from the former Thomas Ollive Mabbott Collection in New York.Footnote 39
Obv. Patriarchal cross on steps with floral ornaments approaching the lower horizontal bar, which is additionally crossed. From the circumscription only
is visible. The similar seal in the former Mabbott Collection bears no ornaments or circumscription, but in the quarters.Rev. From the legend of four lines only two middle lines can be distinguished.
The complete legend reads: [+ Κ(ύρι)ε β]οήθ[ει τῷ σῷ δούλῳ Κ(ω)νσ]ταντίνῳ ὁρι[αρίῳ].
The rev. of the similar example bears:
Dating. These seals date to the second half of the tenth century.
Historical comments. The horreiarioi were responsible for the horreia (the granaries), especially in fertile regions, and in some respect also for the corn-supply of the capital and the army. On their seals they often refer to their administrative region.Footnote 40
Fig. 10:Seal of Konstantinos horreiarios (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
11. Romanos chartoularios and dioiketes of Ankyra (Figs 11a–b)
Acc. no. 13.14.1999.
Measurements. Diam., 22 mm, th., 4 mm, wg., 9.21 gr.
Obv. In the centre of the field there is a relatively large Latin cross (the vertical bar is longer than the horizontal), additionally crossed in the centre. Two rings of pearls divide the cross from the invocative circumscription, which is heavily damaged. It starts clearly with
, and the letters at the end could originate from . We propose: + Θ(εοτό)κε β[οήθει τῷ σῷ δούλῳ] Ρ(ω)μαν(ῷ).The obv. is fairly uncommon. Normally a cross is surrounded by an invocation of Christ, i.e. Κύριε βοήθει …; but here the invocation starts with the Theotokos.
Rev. Legend of four or probably five lines:
+ Ρωμα(νὸς) χαρτ(ουλάριος) (καὶ) διοικητ(ὴς) Ἀγκύ[ρ(ας)].
The legend could also be in the dative. Above the alpha of the name, there is a small-scale abbreviation mark. We assume a fifth line only with the letter rho, but between minor horizontal bars.
Historical comments. As the dioiketes, Romanos was responsible for the collection of taxes. Ankyra may indicate modern Ankara, an important political and ecclesiastical centre as well as the metropolis of Galatia,Footnote 41 but in this period there was also a further AnkyraFootnote 42 in Phrygia Kapatiane or Mysia Abbaitis, modern Boğazköy and former Kilise Köy, as a suffragan bishopric of Hierapolis. The latter Ankyra had the distinguishing epithet Σιδηρᾶ, like Seleucia Sidera in Pisidia, because of the local mining industry. Therefore, Romanos may have been active in Phrygia, especially if the seal was found in the surroundings of Pergamon.
Dating. It is difficult to date this seal. Perhaps it belongs to the second half of the tenth century. In the former Zacos Collection there was another seal of a Romanos chartoularios and dioiketes, without any indication of geographical district, but it dates somewhat later (late tenth or first half of the eleventh century) and has a bust of St Nikolaos on the obv.Footnote 43 This latter seal probably refers to a later man with the same name.
Fig. 11:Seal of Romanos chartoularios and dioiketes of Ankyra (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
12. Anastasios spatharios and krites of Amastris (?) (Figs 12a–b)
Acc. no. 15.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 21 mm, th., 3 mm, wg., 5.07 gr.
State of preservation. As parts of the field are pressed and the first line of the rev.'s legend almost completely lost, only a provisional reading can be offered here.
Obv. Unusual form of an invocative monogram: from a small-scale central theta eight rays rise; they are crossed in the middle and have letters at their end. Some additional letters are placed between these. Readable letters of this circumscription are:
. Thus, the invocation reads: [Κύρι]ε βοήθει τῷ [σῷ δούλῳ].Rev. The legend had originally five lines:
A proposal for a reconstruction would be: [+ Ἀναστ]ασί[ῳ σ]παθα[ρίῳ] (καὶ) κριτ[(ῇ) Ἀμ(α)σ]τρ(ί)[δ(ος)].
Sigillographic comments. We prefer the name Anastasios to Basileios; in the latter case the first line would consist only of ornaments. The title could also be identified as protospatharios. Ordinarily, thematic judges were installed for a specific Byzantine theme and not for a region within a theme.Footnote 44 The damaged first letter of the last line was perhaps a sigma or a ligature of
. An alternative reading Ν(έου) Στρ(υ)[μ(όνος)] seems less probable.Dating. The seal dates to the second half of the tenth century.
Fig. 12:Seal of Anastasios spatharios and krites of Amastris (?) (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
13. Basileios proedros and parakoimomenos (Figs 13a–b)
Acc. no. 4.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 26 mm, th., 3 mm, wg., 10.22 gr.
Obv. The field has an inner inscription on five lines, separated by a border of dots from a circumscription.
The circumscription is partly lost or damaged:
The inner inscription continues:
Rev. The legend has five lines, but it is surrounded by a massive ‘pearl necklace’ with spaced-out larger pearls between two rows of smaller pearls:
The complete legend reads: [+ Κύρι]ε βοήθει τῷ σῷ δ(ούλῳ) Βα[σιλείῳ] τῷ ἐνδ(ο)ξοτάτ(ῳ) προέδρ(ῳ) τῆς συγ[κ]λήτου καὶ παρακοιμ[ω]μέν(ῳ) τοῦ φιλοχρ(ίστου) δεσπότου.
Comparanda. There are some very similar seals, though it is not clear if any of these is an exact parallel: in Bulgaria five similar seals were found, all of which are fragmented and damaged.Footnote 45 A relatively well-preserved piece on which the legend in the circumscription of the obv. dismissed τῷ σῷ δούλῳ, as the name Βασιλείῳ follows immediately the verb βοήθει, is in DO. It offers
instead of .Footnote 46Dating. These seals can easily be ascribed to the well-known eunuch Basileios (Lakapenos), an illegitimate son of the emperor Romanos I Lakapenos (r. 920/944), who lived ca. 925–85, for whom the new title proedros of the senate was created by the emperor Nikephoros II Phokas in 963. Basileios calls himself parakoimomenos of a despotes (in singular), but theoretically there were always two or three emperors (including co-emperors) until the deposition of Basileios in 985/986. We do not know if Basileios was parakoimomenos under Nikephoros Phokas (r. 963–69), but he probably had this title under Ioannes Tzimiskes (r. 969/976). After Tzimiskes’ death Basileios had even more power, but during the first years there was theoretically a condominium of the two young emperors; only later on was Konstantinos VIII pushed back by Basileios II Bulgaroktonos. Thus, we prefer a date under Tzimiskes (or perhaps under Phokas as early as ca. 963) for this seal, since during the reign of Phokas and Tzimiskes the two young co-emperors were far from power and the two former generals were de facto sole rulers.Footnote 47
Fig. 13:Seal of Basileios proedros and parakoimomenos (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
14. Michael (?) (Figs 14a–b)
Acc. no. 17.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 18 mm, th., 3 mm, wg., 3.47 gr.
Obv. Traces of a primitive standing figure with wings, holding a kind of labarum in the right hand. Probably St Michael.
Rev. Heavily damaged legend in six lines, possibly starting with
which points to the name Michael. Most of the following letters are also too damaged for a confident reconstruction.Dating. The seal may date to the later tenth or first half of the eleventh century.
Fig. 14:Seal of Michael (?) (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
15. Ioannes (?) (Figs 15a–b)
Acc. no. 16.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 23 mm, th., 3 mm, wg., 6.30 gr.
Obv. Damaged inscription in four lines:
[+] K[(ύρι)ε] or [Θ(εοτό])κ[ε] βο[ή]θει τ[ῷ σ]ῷ δ[ού]λ(ῳ).
Rev. Badly damaged inscription in three lines preceded and followed by four pearls in cross form between horizontal bars:
This should be a given name and a surname/family name, an office or a title. Ἰωάννῃ ἀναξίῳ might be a provisional and insecure identification, if there was -
in the last line; but in the middle of the second line it may have been a .Dating. This seal probably dates to the eleventh century.
Fig. 15:Seal of Ioannes (?) (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
16. Konstantinos episkeptites (Figs 16a–b)
Acc. no. 11.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 21 mm, th., 4 mm, wg., 6.97 gr.
Obv. Bust of a curly-headed and bearded military saint with a lance in the right hand and the shield in the left, probably St Theodore. The inscription is lost except possible traces of an omicron on the right.
Rev. An inscription of massive block-letters in four lines, damaged in parts. Under the legend an ornament consisting of a chi with pearls in the quarters (※), between horizontal bars:
[+] Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) [τ]ῷ σῷ δ[ού(λῳ) Κ]ων(σταντίνῳ) ἐπ[ισκε]πτί[τ(ῃ)].
The ligature with pi and tau, which had probably four vertical bars, is damaged. The name seems to have a ligature with omega and ny, which was quite rare in this period but common in the later twelfth century.
Comparandum. In the former Zacos Collection there was a relatively similar, synchronous seal with the legend
, though with a standing figure of the Theotokos with a ‘minimal orans’ (outreached hands) posture on the obv.Historical comments. The episkeptitai were responsible for episkepseis (public domains) and they often indicated their administrative district.Footnote 48 Some of them belonged to a special logothesion. Footnote 49
Dating. The style of the seal indicates the second quarter of the eleventh century.
Fig. 16:Seal of Konstantinos episkeptites (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
17. Ioannes metropolites of Mopsouestia (Figs 17a–b)
Acc. no. 9.7.99.
Measurements. Diam., 18 mm, th., 5 mm, wg., 10.50 gr.
Obv. Standing figure of the Theotokos Hagiosoritissa,Footnote 50 praying to the hand of God from heaven on the left top of the seal. Sigla
to the left and right. Along the border in the lower parts of the seal can be read the short legend .Rev. The legend in four lines without ornaments:
The complete legend reads: + Θ(εοτό)κε βοήθ(ει) Ἰω(άννῃ) μ(ητ)ροπο(λί)τ(ῃ) Μοψουε[σ]τ(ί)α[ς].
At the end of the second line is a small omicron under an elevated small tau.
Historical comments. In the Early Byzantine period Mopsouestia/Mamistra was a suffragan bishopric of Anazarbos in the province Kilikia II. It is not certain if any orthodox bishopric remained in Mopsouestia during the Arab occupation after the second half of the seventh century, when the city was called al-Maṣṣīṣah ( المصيصة ). After Nikephoros II Phokas and his nephew Ioannes I Tzimiskes had seized Mopsouestia on 13 July 965 in a reconquista, and the patrikios Michael Bourtzes, a leading general of the later tenth century, had taken Antioch from the Arabs with a surprise attack in 969, there was probably a reorganization of the orthodox patriarchate of Antioch, establishing Mopsouestia as an autokephalous metropolis without suffragans, mentioned in a notitia of the tenth century.Footnote 51 After 1085, when Mopsouestia fell under the dominium of Sulaimān ibn Qutulmish, the founder of the independent Seljuq Turkish state in Asia Minor, it suffered much from internal wars between Crusaders, Armenians and Greeks who lost and recaptured it, notably in 1106, 1132 and 1137. Finally, in 1151/52, the city was captured by the Armenian Baron Tʻoros II and remained a possession of the Armenian principality of Cilicia as Մամեստիա [Mam(u)estia].Footnote 52
Dating. Ioannes is the first known orthodox metropolitan of Mopsouestia and his seal dates to the second half of the eleventh century.
Fig. 17:Seal of Ioannes metropolites of Mopsouestia (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
18. Pantherios (Figs 18a–b)
Acc. no. 2.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 20 mm, th., 3 mm, wg., 6.20 gr.
Obv. Bust of Theotokos Episkepsis wearing nimbus, both hands raised in prayer, medallion with the bust of Christ in front of her chest, with the sigla
to the left and right. The circumscription runs beginning at 10 and ending at 3 o'clock: ,The border of the field consists of larger pearls between two rows of diminutive ones as a ‘pearl necklace’
Rev. In a similar way, a bust of a saint is surrounded by a circumscription beginning at 9 and ending at 3 o'clock. The bust shows a bearded bishop with the Gospels in his left hand, his right hand in blessing; probably St Basil the Great, as the inscription seems to read:
,· Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Βασ(ί)λ(ειος).The circumscription reads:
.The complete legend reads: Θ(εοτό)κε β(οή)θ(ει) τῷ σῷ δ(ούλῳ) Πανθηρίῳ.
Comparandum. In the former Zacos CollectionFootnote 53 there was a relatively similar seal type: the bust of a saint with a similar circumscription on either side; on the obv. St Basil the Great with the sigla
, and the circumscription ; on the rev. a bust of St Nikolaos with the sigla , and the circumscription . It is possible that both seals belonged to the same person, but the seal presented here is probably the older.Dating. The seal dates to the last third of the eleventh century. Some Pantherioi who were military commanders are known, especially in the tenth century,Footnote 54 but the profession of Pantherios is not known.
Fig. 18:Seal of Pantherios (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
19. Konstantinos (Figs 19a–b)
Acc. no. 18.14.99.
Measurements. Diam., 12 mm, th., 4 mm, wg., 3.27 gr.
Obv. Inscription in four lines, headed by a pearl between horizontal bars, and with the single letter in the last line with a minor bar on either side:
Rev. The legend continues in three lines, preceded and followed by three pearls:
The metrical legend reads:
+ Γραφῶν σφραγὶς πέφυκα τῶν Κων(σταντίνου).
Comparanda. We know of two exact parallels, one in the Thierry Collection (Etampes)Footnote 55 and one in DO,Footnote 56 both of which have been edited by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt.Footnote 57
Dating. This type of a minor seal seems to originate from the late eleventh or early twelfth century.
Fig. 19:Seal of Konstantinos (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
, perhaps followed by a cross. Its earlier type is known by two examples, one in DO
bears crosses between trifolia above and under the legend. A further seal in Athens
.
..
.
,
.
.
.
.
is visible. The similar seal in the former Mabbott Collection bears no ornaments or circumscription, but 
in the quarters.
, and the letters at the end could originate from 
. We propose: + Θ(εοτό)κε β[οήθει τῷ σῷ δούλῳ] Ρ(ω)μαν(ῷ).
. Thus, the invocation reads: [Κύρι]ε βοήθει τῷ [σῷ δούλῳ].
. An alternative reading Ν(έου) Στρ(υ)[μ(όνος)] seems less probable.
instead of 
.
which points to the name Michael. Most of the following letters are also too damaged for a confident reconstruction.
in the last line; but in the middle of the second line it may have been a 
.
, though with a standing figure of the Theotokos with a ‘minimal orans’ (outreached hands) posture on the obv.
to the left and right. Along the border in the lower parts of the seal can be read the short legend 
.
to the left and right. The circumscription runs beginning at 10 and ending at 3 o'clock: 
,
,· Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Βασ(ί)λ(ειος).
.
, and the circumscription 
; on the rev. a bust of St Nikolaos with the sigla 
, and the circumscription 
. It is possible that both seals belonged to the same person, but the seal presented here is probably the older.
Appendix. A Byzantine magical amulet (Figs 20a–b)
Acc. no. 4353.
Measurements. Diam., 39 mm, th., 4 mm, wg., 20.49 gr.
Obv. This figure looks like a crudely executed head of Medusa. Its centre probably represents a human head, from which serpents radiate in all directions. In the study of Campbell Bonner, such an amulet type is interpreted as a ‘uterine symbol derived from the octopus version’.Footnote 58 Though several magical amulets have been preserved, no exact parallel is known.Footnote 59
Rev. A crude inscription in six lines; the letters are somehow disorderly arranged and orthography is poor:
+ Θ(εὸ)ς τ(ῶ)ν ἀρχανγ{γ}έλ(ω)ν Μ(ι)χα(ὴ)λ Γα(β)ρ(ιὴ)λ Σαβα[ώθ].
As at the beginning of the name Michael, above the nomen sacrum ΘC and ΜΧ there are horizontal bars as signs of abbreviation.
Since the last line is damaged, our reading remains hypothetical, but it seems more reliable than an unintelligible word like ουαδω, sometimes found in similar texts on magical amulets.Footnote 60
Dating. This kind of simple amulet may date to the Late Byzantine centuries.
A Byzantine magical amulet (© D. Çağlayan, 2019).
Concluding remarks
The scanty number of seals in the Pergamon museum, all of which have lost their provenance, do not provide us with much new data concerning the Byzantine past of this part of Asia Minor. However, they do offer some insight into the religious, administrative and military relations of the region.
If we look at all seals of the collection – those presented here as well as those presented in BMGS 45.1 –, the earliest seal dates to the late sixth century and the latest to the early twelfth century. Together they thus cover more than 550 years of western Anatolia's Byzantine past. That said, most of the seals belong to the seventh and tenth centuries; the (late) sixth and the ninth centuries have the fewest seals. Onomastically, Ioannes is the most common name on these seals: one on a (late) sixth-century seal as an apo hypaton, one in the seventh century, one in the late seventh century as an epi ton deeseon, one in the ninth century as the archbishop of Ephesos and two in the eleventh century, one of which was the metropolites of Mopsouestia.
So what function did the dignitaries on the seals from Bergama perform? It seems that in the collection of the Bergama Museum seals of civil servants are available from the late sixth to the early twelfth century. This indicates that the administrative system was present in this region throughout the Byzantine period. The same applies to religious institutions: in all centuries, except for the sixth and eighth, there are seals belonging to religious dignitaries. This may indicate uninterrupted activity of religious institutions in Bergama and the surrounding regions in southwestern Mysia, Aeolis and Lydia. Seals belonging to military personalities belong only to the eighth century. This was a period during which Pergamon and surrounding sites were exposed to Arab raids, which may explain why the seals of military dignitaries intensified during this period.
The seals indicate that there were relationships between the places in which they were found (now lost to us) and Ephesos, Phrygia, Constantinople, Chalkedon, Paphlagonia, Cilicia and even ‘Tourkia’. As we know from sources, Paphlagonian merchant ships with grain or wine or any other necessary commodities were active in the Aegean. Amastrean merchants were active in various parts of the Aegean and involved with the trade of commodities with Amastrean amphorae. Seals followed trade and seals now help us trace relations between people and places across time.
Professor Ergün Laflı is a classical archaeologist at the Dokuz Eylül University in Izmir, where he chairs the Division of Medieval Archaeology and is the former director of the Center of the Archaeology of Western Anatolia (EKVAM). He holds a BA from the University of Ankara (1996), an MA from the University of Tübingen (1999) and a PhD from the University of Cologne (2003).
Professor Werner Seibt is a retired professor of Byzantine Studies at the University of Vienna, since 2007 honorary fellow of the Austrian Academy of Sciences (Division of Byzantine Research). He is chairman of the Commission for Byzantine Sigillography of the AIEB.
Mr Doğukan Çağlayan is a classical archaeologist at the Metropolitan Municipality of Istanbul, Directorate of Cultural Heritage Projects and a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Archaeology at Istanbul University. He holds BA and MA degrees from the Dokuz Eylül University in Izmir.
