Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Special Envoy to Sudan Gration, January 8, 2010Footnote 1
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Special Envoy Scott Gration delivered these remarks in Washington, DC on the five year anniversary of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan
Secretary Clinton. Good morning. Five years ago this week, the longest running war in Africa came to a close. The signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan ended a stubborn and violent civil conflict between North and South and offered fresh hope of real peace for the Sudanese people. This historic achievement was shepherded and encouraged by the international community, but it could not have happened without the leadership and political will of the parties in Sudan.
Since 2005, the ceasefire has, for the most part, held. Northern troops have pulled out of the South and a new government of national unity was formed in Khartoum. A regional government of Southern Sudan was created in Juba. Oil wealth has been shared with the South. The parties have made progress on some of the disputed border areas of Abyei and have passed legislation to prepare for elections and the 2011 referenda on selfdetermination.
Now, these are positive steps, but they are not enough to secure lasting peace. Threats to progress are real, reform of key institutions has been sporadic, and true democratic transformation—envisioned in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement—remains elusive. Violence in the South is rising and tensions continue in border areas. So today, the parties in Sudan have a choice. They can revert back to a dark era of conflict or they can move forward together toward a lasting peace.
In April, Sudan will hold its first national elections in 24 years. Less than a year after that, the people of Southern Sudan and Abyei will determine whether to remain part of Sudan or form an independent country. These elections are important milestones in Sudan's evolution, and the parties should be commended for overcoming major hurdles to get to this phase. But now they must work to ensure that the elections and referenda take place on time, with their outcomes respected.
The parties in the international community have barely begun to grapple with the potential outcomes of this historic upcoming vote, so we must work diligently together over the next year to prepare Sudan and the region for all potential scenarios.
I'm very pleased to be releasing a joint statement with Foreign Minister Store and Foreign Secretary Miliband from Norway and the UK pledging the commitment of our respective governments to helping bring peace to Sudan. Among areas of concern will be the impact of the election decision on Darfur, where human suffering continues on a mass scale and a sixyear-old conflict remains unresolved.
Let me reiterate what I have said before, that the conflict in Darfur and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement must be seen in tandem. The United States continues to push the Government of Sudan and the Darfur rebels to facilitate the work of aid agencies in the region and to allow full access for UNAMID. We continue to encourage mediation in all parties to find a solution to choose to participate for the Darfuris in the elections, preventing their further marginalization. We are concerned by the potential increase in violence if the status quo remains.
In the months ahead, strong leadership will be even more essential, especially in light of setbacks that have already occurred during this pre-election process, so there's serious work to be done by everyone.
In Southern Sudan, no matter the outcome of the referendum, Southern Sudan must increase its institutional capacity and prepare to govern responsibly, whether as a semiautonomous region within Sudan or a newly independent nation.
I have been tracking the increasing interethnic and tribal violence in the South over the course of 2009, and I share the concerns raised in recent reports that highlight the death of more than 2,500 people and displacement of more than 350,000. These stark figures illustrate the need for the Government of South Sudan to improve governance and security in the South with the assistance of international partners, including the United States.
The National Congress Party and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement must be willing to make the compromises and commitments necessary to build mutual confidence and achieve stability and lasting peace. Specifically, the National Congress Party must recognize that, as the dominant political party, it bears greater responsibility in ensuring the full and successful implementation of the CPA.
The NCP, therefore, must use its executive order to suspend elements of the national security and public order laws that are incompatible with free and fair elections. There must be no efforts to restrict freedom of speech and assembly.
And there must be no prohibitions on peaceful protests. There must be sincere efforts to appoint members of the two referenda commissions and determine criteria for voter eligibility. And both parties must begin immediately on negotiations on the critical issues surrounding the parties' relationships and use of shared wealth and resources after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement expires in July of next year.
The parties of Sudan cannot afford to delay and there can be no backtracking on agreements already reached. The risks are too serious: Renewed conflict between North and South would prolong human suffering and threaten stability and peace throughout the greater region.
Because Sudan is at a critical juncture after almost a half century of conflict, we hold all parties accountable if progress is impeded. The lives and futures of 40 million people are at stake. The United States is committed to helping the Sudanese parties and most particularly the Sudanese people to achieve a real and lasting peace that is long overdue. We will continue to provide leadership and mobilize international coordination in support of peace in Sudan.
I'd like now to ask our Special Envoy Scott Gration, who has been working tirelessly over the last year, to come forward, make a few comments, and answer any of your questions, and I will be seeing all of you later for a press avail.
Mr. Gration. Thank you very much. I'd like to start by just giving you a brief overview of what has happened in the last year and then tell you a little bit about the future and then take your questions.
This last year has had some highs. We've seen progress on Abyei when the ruling was handed down from the Court of Arbitration at The Hague. That was rather successful. We've seen the relationship between Chad and Sudan improve, and that, we believe, will help the security in Darfur. We've seen the registration for elections be pulled off, really in many ways better than what we expected; 79 percent of the eligible voters registered. That was almost 16 million people out of the 20 million eligible voters.
There are, however, things that need to be fixed. We're very concerned about the situation in Darfur. The security situation continues to be bad. People continue to live in situations that are dire. They are fearful of their lives in some areas, and certainly they're fearful of being harassed and some folks with sexual-based violence. We have got to make a bigger difference in the security there.
We're also very concerned about the security in the South. You've all seen the numbers. The trend is up, and we're very concerned that the security issues, the tribal fighting, the inter-community conflicts that are taking place, could be factors that make it more difficult to implement the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and, if the South chooses to secede, will make it more difficult to birth that nation.
At this point, I'd like to take your questions on any topic.
Q. Andy Quinn from Reuters. I have a question. When the policy review was announced late last year, some analysts and activists criticized it as too much carrot and not enough stick. And the Secretary talked about setbacks that have happened since that review was unveiled, which may indicate that this idea of engaging Khartoum more isn't really bringing the results. So my question to you is: What is the current state of discussions about what happens to the Khartoum government and the NCP if they don't deliver on these areas of progress that the Secretary outlined—public security, the election law, all of these things? And what are you saying to them will happen if they don't make the progress that you're demanding?
Mr. Gration. What we've seen is that there have been some progress in terms of passing the laws. As you know, the referendum law for Southern Sudan was passed, as was the referendum law for Abyei . The Popular Consultations Law, the National Security Act, and the Trade Union Law and a variety of other laws were passed by the end of the national assembly period that ended at the end of last year. So there have been some progress.
And what we're taking a look now is taking a look at those areas where there's been progress and taking a look at those areas where there hasn't been progress, where we need to have more push and more pressure. And right now, we're getting ready for a review at the deputies committee level that will be happening at the end of this month, and at that point the deputies will consider the facts on the ground and they will take a look at these based on benchmarks and ideas that we've put forth in the classified working papers, and then we'll proceed.
Q. Is there some secret annex about—there's all this debate about—I mean, are there pressures ready, at the ready, to employ? And also, you know, you said they passed these laws, but at the end of the year there was—the congress—the parliament changed some of the wording of this. I mean, are you really satisfied?
Mr. Gration. Yeah, let me just (inaudible) tell you about the working papers. There are working papers that were developed in the course as we were preparing the Sudan strategy that we laid out for you in October. Those working papers are NSC working papers, but they do outline a system of pressures and incentives that can be used to push or pull the situation in Sudan to get those things accomplished that the international community believes should be accomplished.
In terms of those laws, you're correct that the national assembly made some modifications to the laws. The—specifically, the Southern referendum law. That law was reintroduced into the national assembly and it was passed without amendment and it was passed in the way that President Bashir and Vice President Kiir had agreed on the 13th of December. So all those annexes and changes and amendments were not part of the final bill that was approved by the national assembly.
So what I'm trying to tell you is that both the SPLM and the NCP agreed with the wording on the 13th of December, and that wording is the wording that was passed at the end.
Q. Sir, your own plans for travel to Sudan?
Mr. Gration. Yes, I will be going to Kenya and Uganda beginning on the 26th and then I'll end up at the Africa Union summit at the beginning of February. I do plan to go back into Sudan in the middle of February. The reason for the delay is there's a couple things that we're working through, and just because I'm not there doesn't mean we're not coordinating. We work via email, video teleconference and teleconference on the phone lines almost on a daily basis.
Right now we're in contact with President Mbeki and we're seeing how the Africa Union and his new role with the high-level panel and his involvement in the CPA implementation and in Darfur. We're also taking a look at what Mr. Gambari will be doing. We're also supporting what is happening in Doha as civil society and the rebels will come together around the 21st of this month for continued negotiations.
So there's a lot of issues that we're working hard, but it makes sense for me to go back in February. Again, as I pointed out, my focus will be on security in Darfur because I believe that if we can fix the security, the lawlessness, the banditry, the carjackings, the hijackings, if we can get that kind of thing taken care of, the rest of issues that have to do with humanitarian access, eventual voluntary return, and the other issues that are looming out there can be taken care of. But they cannot be taken care of with the current situation that we have, where local rule of law is not sufficient and where local criminal elements rule the day.
And in the South, we'll continue to work on issues like conflict mitigation, working between the tribes to make sure that they have adequate security forces and that we can stop the crises before they turn into violence.
Q. Are you planning to meet with President Bashir (inaudible)?
Mr. Gration. No, I have no plans to meet with President Bashir, nor have I met him in the past.
Q. Do you feel that the conditions currently exist on the ground today for elections to be free and fair?
Mr. Gration. I believe that we are working hard on processes that will allow credible elections to be had in April. The one thing that you must remember is that these are the first elections that have been held since 1986, so we have a gap of almost 24 years since we've had this kind of transformation that we're seeing right now.
We believe that the elections are important for several reasons. One is, is that it allows all the parties of Sudan to participate in the process. They will each have an opportunity to put their candidates up against the legislative seats, and if they want to they can put up candidates against the governmental seats at the state level and at the national level. So this gives an opportunity for all parties to play, not just the SPLM and the NCP.
Number two, it is a process that we're seeing has a lot of momentum. We didn't expect that almost 79—four out of five people would go out and register to vote. This is huge, and we're excited about that opportunity, and we would like those elections to take place in a way that the people's will can be made known and that they can learn how to participate in the government process.
The other thing that's important for us is that—the timing of the election. We would like those elections to take place in April because the rains start right after that. And we believe that if they are delayed, the rains will be a problem. In some areas the rains, as you know, will keep people from being able to get to the polling places.
The other thing is that we start registration for the referendum in Abyei and in the South in July, and it would be good if we cold separate those two events. We believe that the election gives us an opportunity to practice those elements that will be so important in the referendum. If we can get it right on how to do voter education, get the laws passed, get the commissions up and running and funded, to get the processes out just in terms of the logistics and admin of printing ballots, making sure that the system has security so people can come and go freely, to make sure it's transparent, and to make sure that those results are passed out in a way that everybody recognizes that this is credible. That is so critical, not only to the election but to the referenda that will be taking place in January of 2011.
Q. Thank you.
Mr. Gration. Thank you very much.
Statement by Secretary of State Clinton, British Foreign Secretary Miliband, French Foreign Minister Kouchner, and EU High Representative Ashton, January 28, 2010Footnote 2
Secretary Hillary Clinton, Foreign Secretary David Miliband, Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, and Representative Catherine Ashton delivered this joint statement in London, United Kingdom
We express our deep regret at the recent violence and tragic loss of lives in Jos, and extend our sympathies to the bereaved and injured. We urge all parties to exercise restraint and seek peaceful means to resolve differences between religious and ethnic groups in Nigeria. We call on the Federal Government to ensure that the perpetrators of acts of violence are brought to justice and to support interethnic and interfaith dialogue.
Nigeria is one of the most important countries in sub-Saharan Africa, a member of the UN Security Council, a global oil producer, a leader in ECOWAS, a major peacekeeping contributing country, and a stabilizing force in West Africa. Nigeria's stability and democracy carry great significance beyond its immediate borders.
We therefore extend our support to the people of Nigeria during the current period of uncertainty, caused by President Yar'Adua's illness. We extend our best wishes to the President and his family, and join the Nigerian people in wishing him a full recovery.
Nigeria has expressed its resolve to adhere to constitutional processes during this difficult time. We commend that determination to address the current situation through appropriate democratic institutions. Nigeria's continued commitment and adherence to its democratic norms and values are key to addressing the many challenges it faces, including electoral reform, post-amnesty programs in the Niger Delta, economic development, inter-faith discord and transparency. The gubernatorial elections in Anambra on 6 February will be a milestone in the journey towards electoral reform and a signal of Nigeria's commitment to the principles of democracy.
We are committed to continue working with Nigeria on the internal issues it faces while working together as partners on the global stage.
White House Statement, February 2, 2010Footnote 3
TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
Section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)) provides for the automatic termination of a national emergency, unless, prior to the anniversary date of its declaration, the President publishes in the Federal Register and transmits to the Congress a notice stating that the emergency is to continue in effect beyond the anniversary date. In accordance with this provision, I have sent to the Federal Register for publication the enclosed notice stating that the national emergency declared in Executive Order 13396 of February 7, 2006, with respect to the situation in or in relation to Côte d'Ivoire is to continue in effect beyond February 7, 2010.
The situation in or in relation to Côte d'Ivoire, which has been addressed by the United Nations Security Council in Resolution 1572 of November 15, 2004, and subsequent resolutions, has resulted in the massacre of large numbers of civilians, widespread human rights abuses, significant political violence and unrest, and fatal attacks against international peacekeeping forces. In March 2007, the Ouagadougou Political Agreement was signed by the two primary protagonists in Côte d'Ivoire's conflict. Although considerable progress has been made in implementing this agreement, the situation in or in relation to Côte d'Ivoire poses a continuing unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States.
For these reasons, I have determined that it is necessary to continue the national emergency and related measures blocking the property of certain persons contributing to the conflict in Côte d'Ivoire. BARACK OBAMA
White House Statement, March 1, 2010Footnote 4
Message of Continuation of the National Emergency with Respect to Zimbabwe
TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
Section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)) provides for the automatic termination of a national emergency unless, prior to the anniversary date of its declaration, the President publishes in the Federal Register and transmits to the Congress a notice stating that the emergency is to continue in effect beyond the anniversary date. In accordance with this provision, I have sent to the Federal Register for publication the enclosed notice stating that the national emergency with respect to the actions and policies of certain members of the Government of Zimbabwe and other persons to undermine Zimbabwe's democratic processes or institutions is to continue in effect beyond March 6, 2010.
The crisis constituted by the actions and policies of certain members of the Government of Zimbabwe and other persons to undermine Zimbabwe's democratic processes or institutions has not been resolved. These actions and policies continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the foreign policy of the United States. For these reasons, I have determined that it is necessary to continue this national emergency and to maintain in force the sanctions to respond to this threat.
BARACK OBAMA
Statement by Secretary of State Clinton, March 5, 2010Footnote 5
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC on Ghana's Independence Day
Secretary Clinton. On behalf of President
Obama and the people of the United States, I congratulate the people of Ghana as they celebrate their fifty-third anniversary of independence on March 6. Ghana and the United States share a partnership based on mutual respect and shared commitments to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. As President Obama said in Accra last summer, Ghana's history is rich and the ties between our two countries are strong.
When Dr. Martin Luther King watched the Ghanaian flag go up for the first time in Accra, he said, “It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice.” As the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to win independence, Ghana has worked hard to deliver on the promise of democracy for its people. And on this anniversary, the people of Ghana can be proud of all they have accomplished. Ghanaian peacekeepers have brought security and stability to troubled lands around the world, from Liberia to Lebanon. And throughout Africa and around the world, people look to Ghana's example as a vibrant democratic society that has seen repeated peaceful transfers of power, improving governance, an emerging civil society and economic growth that helps people lift themselves and their families out of poverty.
On this festive occasion, we celebrate both Ghana's progress and its promise for the future. I offer best wishes for a happy and safe holiday and I reaffirm the commitment of the United States to our enduring partnership.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Gabonese President Bongo, March 8, 2010Footnote 6
Secretary Hillary Clinton and President Ali Bongo delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. Well, this is a very great opportunity to welcome President Bongo to the State Department. Gabon is a valued partner of the United States, and this visit gave us an opportunity to discuss a wide range of common concerns.
Before I comment on our meeting, though, I wish to express our concern for the tragic loss of life in Nigeria. We continue to urge all parties to exercise restraint and seek constructive means for addressing the cycle of violence in Plateau State. The Nigerian Government should ensure that the perpetrators of acts of violence are brought to justice under the rule of law and that human rights are respected as order is restored.
I thanked President Bongo for his and Gabon's efforts on behalf of regional stability in Central Africa and for its leadership on the world stage, particularly at the United Nations. This month, Gabon holds the rotating presidency of the UN Security Council, and we look forward to working together on a number of shared global challenges and goals.
We also explored ways to strengthen the ties between our two nations, including broader economic cooperation. We are very supportive of Gabon's efforts to diversify its economy, widen the circle of prosperity, and create new opportunities for its people. And we know, as the president knows, that economic progress depends on responsible governance that rejects corruption, enforces the rule of law, provides good stewardship of natural resources, and delivers results that help to change people's lives for the better.
So I want to recognize President Bongo's efforts to improve government efficiency, eliminate waste, and fight corruption. Gabon is participating in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative and taking other steps that will give confidence both to international investors but, more importantly, to the people of the country. We stand ready to support Gabon as it further strengthens its democratic institutions and processes.
And I also want to applaud the leadership that Gabon has shown in combating human trafficking. We have forged new partnerships with the Justice Department, and Gabon is moving toward ratifying the UN protocol. This is one more example of the reform-minded leadership that President Bongo is bringing to his country.
So Mr. President, I want to reiterate what I told you in private. President Obama and I are committed to broadening and strengthening our partnership and our friendship based on mutual respect and mutual interest. We have much to learn from one another, and I look forward to your leadership in the years ahead. Thank you so much for your visit and your friendship.
President Bongo. Thank you very much. Ladies and gentlemen, I would like to take this opportunity to thank President Obama and Madam Clinton for welcoming us to Washington.
But we would like to really take this opportunity to thank the Administration, first for having been there with us, and last year was a very difficult year for us. And that's those times when you see that you have friends. We've come a long way, we've gone through a democratic process, and now we are moving forward. As Madam Clinton said, our message is very clear. We want to take Gabon further. We want Gabon to become an emerging country, and we will take all the necessary steps to do that. Good governance, fight against corruption, diversity our economic—our economy and our partners. This is what we're doing.
But we also know that we have responsibilities because we also are an elected member of the Security Council, and we know, as such, we have responsibilities. And we are going to work very closely with the United States and all the permanent members of the Security Council to make sure that the world is a better place.
Q. Secretary Clinton, thank you. On Iran, a couple of things. One is have you heard anything about the Chinese coming—in their meeting, coming from Deputy Secretary Steinberg? And then also on these—the easing of sanctions with the internet, the internet side of it, how will that actually work? What's the practical use to that? Because after all, if the government of Iran wanted to stop that, couldn't they just stop it as they have before? Couldn't it be perceived by them as very—let's see—provocative, an attempt to bring down that government?
And if I could, very quick question on Pakistan, there's conflicting information about an American al-Qaida being picked up. We're still not clear about what the case is. Can you tell us?
Secretary Clinton. Well, I'm not going to comment on the third question, Jill, but let me take the first two.
We are having very constructive and comprehensive conversations with many countries, including China, and it's not only the United States but other nations and their leaders reaching out to China as well. And I think that there is a growing awareness of the need, as President Bongo said, for Iran to reassure the world because of the consequences that could, unfortunately, come to pass if Iran pursues a nuclear weapons program and other nations feel compelled to respond. So any nation that is concerned, as China is, about oil supply, stability in the Gulf has to look very carefully at that.
With respect to internet freedom, you're right, we are supporting the right of free expression and have granted licenses, or in the process of granting licenses, to companies that wish to provide internet tools to citizens of Iran so that they can communicate, so that they can have other sources of information about what is going on inside their country. We believe that Iran calls itself a democracy—it should act like one, and that means respecting the right to free expression and assembly of its own people. And in the 21st century, expression and assembly are carried out on the internet as well as in person. So we're going to continue to support those Iranians who wish to circumvent and be able to communicate without being blocked by their own government.