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The People Are the City*: The Idea of the Popolo and the Condition of the Popolani in Renaissance Venice

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2017

Claire Judde de Larivière and
Rosa M. Salzberg
Claire Judde de Larivière
Affiliation:
Université de Toulouse II
Rosa M. Salzberg
Affiliation:
University of Warwick
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Abstract

Venetian society in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries is generally described in terms of a tripartition between patricians, citizens, and popolo. This article focuses on the popolo and the popolani of Venice, combining a terminological and conceptual study of these categories with a sociological analysis of the individuals who belonged to them. The history of how these social groups developed reveals the complex definition of the popolo in Venice between the end of the Middle Ages and the start of the early modern era. A consideration of the popolani’s “condition” involves analyzing how they established who they were and the framework of their action, according to the associations, spaces, and institutions in which they interacted.

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Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales - English Edition , Volume 68 , Issue 4 , December 2013, pp. 769 - 796
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Copyright © Les Éditions de l’EHESS 2013

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Footnotes

*

The title of this article is taken from William Shakespeare, Coriolanus, act 3, scene 1.

References

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13. The term “condition” occurs frequently in Venetian documents, in particular in the expression “de che condition che sia,” (whatever be his/her condition), which is often found in the preambles to laws.

14. Cerutti, Simona, Étrangers. Étude d’une condition d’incertitude dans une société d’Ancien Régime (Montrouge: Bayard, 2012), 11 Google Scholar. The notion of “condition” evokes a rich tradition in French thought: Weil, Simone, La condition ouvrière (Paris: Gallimard, 1951 Google Scholar); Lahire, Bernard, La condition littéraire. La double vie des écrivains (Paris: La Découverte, 2006 Google Scholar); Mathieu, Lilian, La condition prostituée (Paris: Textuel, 2007 Google Scholar); or Ndiaye, Pap, La condition noire. Essai sur une minorité française (Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 2008 Google Scholar).

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17. See the citation from Shakespeare which gives our article its title. Coriolanus contains an ambiguous and ambivalent meditation on the respective roles of the people and the patriciate in city life, and there has been much debate about the political meanings of the play.

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20. “La Signoria Veneta cum il populo et tuta la citade in grande melanchonia, travagli et fastidij et guerre.” Priuli, Girolamo, I diarii (1494-1512), ed. Cessi, Roberto (Città di Castello: S. Lapi, 1912), vol. 12, p. 31, August 12, 1500Google Scholar.

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23. Contarini, Gasparo, La Republica e i magistrati di Vinegia, ed. Domenichi, Lodovico (Vinegia: D. Giglio, 1564), 148 Google Scholar.

24. “In Vinegia, come sapete, non é popolo da ciò; e da pochi cittadini in fuori, i quali in effetto odiano la nobiltà, ma sono di pochissimo ardire, tutl’ il resto é gente si nuova, che pochissimi sono ch’abbiano il padre nato in Vinegia; e sono Schiavoni, Greci, Albanesi, venuti a starvi altre volte per lo navigare, e per lo guadagno di diverse arti che vi sono, gli avanzi’ delle quali ve li han potuti fermare.” Porto, Luigi Da, Lettere storiche di Luigi da Porto vicentino dall’anno 1509 al 1528, ed. Bressan, Bartolommeo (Florence: Le Monnier, 1857), 128 Google Scholar.

25. “E così pure, per essere fatto il detto popolo di tanti membri, non istimo che possa mai per alcun tempo o accidente tumultuare, comecché sia tanto, ch’empia ed occupi una cosi grande città.” Ibid.

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38. “Tutto’l popolo e diviso in due maniere, percioche certi ne sono di piu honorato genere altri della bassa plebe.” Contarini, La Republica, 148.

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47. The popolani nonetheless performed the multiple functions of urban maintenance, policing, and surveillance that were necessary to the smooth running of Venetian institutions, supplying the “street-level bureaucrats,” whose importance for early modern societies is currently being reevaluated. While we do not intend to develop this aspect of the popolani’s capacities here, we note nonetheless that it was an essential dimension of their political condition.

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64. La congiura che fanno le massare, contra coloro che cantano la sua canzone. Con la risposta, che elle debbano tacere per suo meglio. Cosa molto ridicolosa &bella (Venice: Al Segno della Regina, 1584).

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67. The parish was the sacred space defined by the church, the contrada forming the basic administrative and civic division of the city. See Muir, Edward, Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 140ff.;Google Scholar Wheeler, Joseph, “Neighbourhoods and Local Loyalties in Renaissance Venice,” in Mediterranean Urban Culture, 1400-1700, ed. Cowan, Alexander (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 2000), 31-42 Google Scholar; Romano, Patricians and Popolani, 119ff.

68. More than three quarters of the three hundred defendants in our sample from the Cinque anziani alla Pace archives (cited above, note 50) were identified by the place where they lived, which could be the sestier, the parish, or a specific district (Rialto, rio Marin, ai Frari, in Biri).

69. On the decline of local belonging at the end of the Middle Ages, see Crouzet-Pavan, Élisabeth, “Sopra le acque salse.” Espaces, pouvoir et société à Venise à la fin du Moyen Âge (Rome: École française de Rome, 1992 Google Scholar).

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71. For an example which predates the influence of the Council of Trent, see ASV, Provveditori alla Sanità, reg. 794, Necrology 1537-1539, organized by parish.

72. On the role of fama or reputation in the construction of popular identities, see the works of Gauvard, Claude, in particular “ De grace especial,” and “La fama, une parole fondatrice,” Médiévales 12, no. 24 (1993): 5-13 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

73. ASV, Avogaria di Comun, “Miscellanea Penale,” busta 243, fasc. 1, June 1510.

74. Ibid.

75. See, for example, the complaint of Isabeta, widow of ser Marco Bonacorsi, against her brother who came “shouting through the whole neighborhood ... which could be attested by many people in the neighborhood” (chridando per tuta la visinanza ... le qual cosse per molte persone de la visinanza ve se pora provar). ASV, Avogaria di Comun, “Miscellanea Penale,” busta 159, fasc. 22, November 1434. See also: Horodowich, Elizabeth, Language and Statecraft in Early Modern Venice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 134ff.;Google Scholar Chojnacka, , Working Women, 50ff Google Scholar.; Romano, Dennis, “Gender and the Urban Geography of Renaissance Venice,” Journal of Social History 23, no. 2 (1989): 339-53 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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77. See Salzberg, Rosa M. and Rospocher, Massimo, “An Evanescent Public Sphere: Voices, Spaces, and Publics in Venice during the Italian Wars,” in Beyond the Public Sphere: Opinions, Publics, Spaces in Early Modern Europe, ed. Rosopocher, Massimo (Bologna : Il Mulino, 2012), 93-114 Google Scholar.

78. ASV, Podestà di Murano, busta 212, March 4, 1512. On rituals in Venice, see Muir, , Civic Ritual Google Scholar.

79. Filippo De Vivo, Information and Communication in Venice: Rethinking Early Modern Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), especially 89ff.; Larivière, Claire Judde de, “Du Broglio à Rialto. Cris et chuchotements dans l’espace public à Venise au XVIe siècle,” in L’espace public au Moyen Âge. Débats autour de Jürgen Habermas, ed. Boucheron, Patrick and Offenstadt, Nicolas (Paris: PUF, 2011), 119-30 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Salzberg and Rospocher, “An Evanescent Public Sphere.”

80. Beck, Hans-Georg, Manoussacas, Manoussos, and Pertusi, Agostino, eds., Venezia, centro di mediazione tra Oriente e Occidente (secoli XV-XVI). Aspetti e problemi (Florence: L. S. Olschki, 1977)Google Scholar; Donatella Calabi and Paola Lanaro, La città italiana e i luoghi degli stranieri, XIV-XVII secolo (Rome: Laterza, 1998); Calabi, “Gli stranieri e la città,” in Storia di Venezia, vol. 5, Il Rinascimento. Società ed economia, ed. Alberto Tenenti and Ugo Tucci (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 1996), 913-46; Paola Lanaro, “Corporations et confréries. Les étrangers et le marché du travail à Venise (XVe-XVIIIe siècles),” Histoire urbaine 21, no. 1 (2008): 31-48; Andrea Zannini, Venezia, città aperta. Gli stranieri e la Serenissima, sec. XIV-XVIII (Venice: Marcianum Press, 2009). While individual immigrant communities in Venice have been studied, there remains little general work on the nature of immigration and the presence and conception of immigrants in the city. However, on the different communities, see: Molà, Luca, La comunità dei Lucchesi a Venezia. Immigrazione e industria della seta nel tardo Medioevo (Venice: Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti, 1994 Google Scholar); Zannini, Andrea, “L’altra Bergamo in laguna. La comunità bergamasca a Venezia,” in Storia economica e sociale di Bergamo, vol. 3.2, Il tempo della Serenissima. Il lungo Cinquecento, ed. Maddalena, Aldo de, Cattini, Marco, and Romani, Marzio. A. (Bergamo: Fondazione per la storia economica e sociale di Bergamo, 1998), 175-93 Google Scholar; Gelder, Maartje van, Trading Places: The Netherlandish Merchants in Early Modern Venice (Leiden: Brill, 2009 CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

81. Philippe de Commynes, Mémoires, ed. Joël Blanchard (Paris: Le Livre de Poche, 2001), bk. 7, chap. 18, p. 557.

82. Manlio Cortelazzo, “Canzoni plurilinguistiche a Venezia nel XVI secolo,” in Il diletto della scena e dell’armonia. Teatro e musica nelle Venezie dal 500 al 700, ed. Ivano Cavallini (Rovigo: Minelliana, 1990), 27-38.

83. Many attempts were made in the sixteenth century to entrust various magistracies with the registration of foreigners, a task which appears to have been too large to ever be really achieved. See Derosas, Renzo, “Moralità e giustizia a Venezia nel ‘500-‘600. Gli Esecutori contro la bestemmia,” in Stato, società e giustizia nella Repubblica veneta (sec. XV-XVIII), ed. Cozzi, Gaetano (Rome: Jouvence, 1981), 431-528, here p. 452 Google Scholar.

84. For example, see the testimony of “Bernardinus cornegiatus de Venetis q. Francisci barcarolus,” in ASV, Avogaria di Comun, “Miscellanea Penale,” busta 27, fasc. 16, April 1591; and the testimony of “Petrus frutarolus, filius quondam Aloisii de Venetiis,” in ASV, Avogaria di Comun, “Miscellanea Penale,” busta 323, fasc. 19, February 1556.

85. “Persona si terriera come forestiera.” Biblioteca del Museo Correr (hereafter BMC), Mariegole, “Barcaioli del traghetto di San Pietro dei vigaroli di Chioggia,” December 1517, chap. 5-6. Similar examples can be found in La Mariegola dell’arte della lana di Venezia (1244-1595), ed. Andreo Mozzato (Venice: Il comitato editore, 2002), chap. 65.

86. BMC, Mariegole, “Corrieri,” chap. 6, 1489; BMC, Mariegole, “Luganegheri,” chap. 17, 1507.

87. “Forestier vestido da fante.” ASV, Avogaria di Comun, “Miscelleana Penale,” busta 146, fasc. 22, May 1501.

88. “Un’ homo forestier.” Ibid., busta 183, fasc. 11, May 1574.

89. Ibid., busta 122, fasc. 24, May 1556; busta 323, fasc. 19, fol. 7, October 1556.

90. Ibid., busta 27, fasc. 24, November 1556.

91. Cerutti, Étrangers, 129ff.

92. Zannini, “L’identità multipla,” 252.

93. Molà, La comunità dei lucchesi; Pullan, “The Famine.”

94. The recent attention paid by historians of migration to more continuous forms of mobility has shown the fluid nature of identities in the early modern period, particularly in the Mediterranean. See Dursteler, Eric R., Venetians in Constantinople: Nation, Identity, and Coexistence in the Early Modern Mediterranean (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006)Google Scholar; Rothman, Ella Natalie, Brokering Empire: Trans-Imperial Subjects Between Venice and Istanbul (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2012 Google Scholar).

95. See, for example, the preference of migrant printers for certain scuole: Dondi, Cristina, “Printers and Guilds in Fifteenth-Century Venice,” La Bibliofilía 106, no. 3 (2004): 229-65 Google Scholar.