A significant feature of the contemporary housing debate has been the re-emergence of class as an analytical category. In contrast to theorists such as Giddens (Reference Giddens1991) or Beck (Reference Beck1992), who have argued that class has been overtaken by other forms of identification, contemporary writers on housing have considered how experiences of local communities are mediated and structured by the experience of status, class and locality (see for example Allen, Reference Allen2008). Rogaly and Taylor's contribution to this debate lies in their mapping questions of identity and belonging in local authority housing in East England. Their book provides a highly readable account of the stereotyping of the social rented sector and the way that ‘social categorisation can be used to justify unequal allocation of resources’ (p. 10). Through a detailed case study of three housing estates, the book illustrates the influence of structural factors on individual agency and provides a convincing argument against neo-liberal explanations of personal behaviour. The book combines historical context (from the 1930s) and structural analysis (of changes in labour markets and state intervention), relating these processes to the experiences of individuals and their impact on cultural expectations, gender roles and class identities.
The main argument of the book is that it is impossible to study class experiences in isolation; class (as well as gender and race) is experienced primarily in relational terms. Their concept of ‘moving histories’ demonstrates how a detailed, qualitative study can be broadened to draw a wider set of conclusions about working-class experiences. ‘Moving history’ has a secondary meaning in that it highlights a concern with migration (in relation to those who would not normally consider themselves migrants). It is this latter meaning (relating to both mobility and immobility) that provides much of the distinctiveness of the study: the focus on migration and what they term ‘indigenous’ transnationalism (p. 180) (people who had not moved away but were connected to people who had done so) marks a welcome contrast from a tendency to view the white working class (in particular) as homogeneous and spatially entrenched.
In addition, the idea of ‘moving history’ is used in a third sense, referring to one's emotional attachment to oral testimonies. Here, the authors themselves intrude into the narrative, commenting on their background as academics and relationships with respondents (revealing their immersion in the research process, for example, that some of the resident interviews lasted over five hours). These reflections are useful but can at times appear jarring. For example the class position of one respondent is described as ‘the one with which Becky [Rogaly] most empathized’ (p. 166). I am not convinced that such comments are either necessary or helpful. A further difficulty is that parts of the analysis (such as the discussion of Islamophobia in Chapter 6) sit uncomfortably with the empirical material. Hence, the criticisms of national commentators (such as Michael Gove or Nick Cohen) appear almost as arbitrary comments; such material detracts from rather than adds to the detailed discussion about race on the three estates.
The academic literature is covered somewhat briefly – understandable as the discussion foregrounds the analysis of interviewee responses, making for a highly readable account. However, more theoretical discussion would have added depth to the analysis, in particular by offering a clearer conceptualisation of the key issues. For example, it is somewhat surprising to see a book ostensibly about class that makes no mention of Marx or Weber. An ‘inherently relational’ understanding of class, with identifications seen as ‘ambivalent, situational and unpredictable’ and intersecting with categorisations based on gender and race (p. 172) leaves aside how class is defined or indeed what it contributes as an analytical category. Such attempts to ‘unfix’ ideas about class – emphasising contingency, agency and experience – shifting over time (p. 172) raise as many questions as answers.
Moreover, the book provides very limited discussion of the literature on social housing. One of the main references used is Hanley's (Reference Hanley2008) ‘intimate history’ of housing, which is an interesting depiction of individual experience but does not claim to be an academic account. Rogaly and Taylor might have looked at discussions of stigma (Dean and Hastings, Reference Dean and Hastings2000) or what has been called the ‘moral geography’ (Whitehead, Reference Whitehead, Johnstone and Whitehead2004) of social housing. Moreover, the notion of ‘moving histories’ shares similarities with Clapham's (Reference Clapham2005) ‘pathways approach’ in housing; engagement with a wider housing literature would have assisted in providing a more effective context to the case study material. This neglect of academic sources might explain some inaccuracies: the Right to Buy policy (introduced as part of the Housing Act 1980) is described in vague terms as being ‘given a major push forward in 1984’ and having ‘been on the statute book for three decades’ (p. 191).
Notwithstanding these omissions, the detailed qualitative data provide a rich account of resident experiences and offer an important contribution in questioning cultural stereotypes. In particular, the book has considerable value in giving voice to communities that are paid lip service, but largely neglected in academic discussion and practical policy. The positioning of debates about identity within the realm of class-based analysis is clearly worthwhile and overall the authors manage to provide a thought-provoking, well-written and at times ‘moving’ analysis of living in contemporary social housing.
