Introduction
Pottery manufacture is a long-established and indigenous craft that continues in its existence down to the modern period. There have been many works done on the Nagas since colonial times, to mention a few: the monographs and research works of Hutton, Mills, Fürer-Haimendorf, and an anthology of typescript edited by Elwin, pictures the socio-cultural, socio-religious, and socio-economic aspects of the life; however, most of these work lacks data about this ancient art.Footnote 1 On the other hand, recent anthropological research conducted on Nagas by anthropologists N. K. Das, Wouters, and Heneise has contributed significantly, but much of their works centred on ethnohistory related to landscape approaches, indigenous religious belief systems, village institutions, kinship and lineage, often neglecting material cultural arts and crafts.Footnote 2 It is a general fact that many of the old potting villages in Nagaland have shown discontinuity in practising this art due to modernization. Still, the few that have survived are also on the verge of disappearing. A study on Naga indigenous pottery showed that earthenware vessels were an essential and integral part of life, carrying information on the concept and symbolic meanings of material culture and social organization. The continuity of this tradition and the cultural transmission of information relating to pottery making and its style variables has been inherited through social learning shared among the people within some spatial and temporal range.
A study among the surviving Naga potters was conducted among the Khuzama potters of the Kohima district, Laruri and Rünguzu potters of the Phek district, Tanhai potters of the Mon district, Changki potters of the Mokokchung district, and Pongo and Yongphang potters of the Longleng district. Except for the Rünguzu village of the Chakhesang tribe under the Phek district, the rest of the potters from other districts comprised women. Women potters learned from their mothers and grandmothers; some learned from close friends, and others picked up the manufacturing technique through observation. Material culture, such as pottery making, is a product of human purpose, with utilitarian and non-utilitarian functions capturing cultural expressions and conceptual meanings. In the present Naga context, this proposition is still ubiquitous in contemporary Naga society with the Indigenous knowledge handed down through generations (Figure 1). In the realm of material objects transmitting or connoting meanings, Hodder prefers to conceptualize that cultural objects have meanings because they are part of a code, set, or structure, which seems to be different from culture to culture and which does not seem to be strongly determined by economic, biological, and physical matters.Footnote 3 This view is perhaps testable with the various tribes inhabiting Nagaland. Thus, with an empirical approach, this research views the non-utilitarian aspect of pottery tradition to bring forth the surviving knowledge associated with the traditional belief system and its taboos. A further attempt has been made with the underlying belief system as a determinant in maintaining ethnic boundaries.
Map of Nagaland showing pottery making villages.
Figure 1 Long description
The map illustrates the state of Nagaland, divided into districts with marked locations of pottery-making villages. Districts include Kohima, Phek, Mon, Mokokchung, Longleng and Tuensang. Villages such as Khuzama, Laruri, Rünguzu, Tanhai, Changki, Pongo, Yongphang and Wui are indicated. A compass rose is present in the top left corner, showing the north direction.
Observations on the technical and operational chain among the Naga women potters provide insight into the beliefs, taboos, and rituals relating to local pottery production. According to Freud, as cited by Öney, the word taboo has two opposite meanings: ‘sacred, sanctified’, while the other is ‘terrible, dangerous, prohibited, and impure’.Footnote 4 A similar dichotomy was observed among taboos associated with ceramic production in the study area: while sincere adherence to taboos facilitates positive and fruitful outcomes, lack of adherence is believed to lead to loss and bring misfortune, such as the pots cracking during firing. Generally speaking, in every aspect of their life, Nagas are bound by superstitious beliefs. Butler, too, commented on this aspect, stating that ‘the superstition of the Nagas is strikingly exhibited in the great attention paid by them to all signs of good and evil before they attempt the execution of any project’.Footnote 5 Taboos around pottery making are sacred and are expected to be strictly followed during all stages of production, even by new learners. Naga women potters are subject to beliefs and taboos that are part of their indigenous belief system. Taboos around pottery making are sacred and are expected to be strictly followed during all stages of production, even by new learners. The existing beliefs, practices, and taboos are discussed here.
Beliefs and taboos about pottery making
Khuzama village, belonging to the Angami community under the Kohima district, has an oral tradition that says that at the beginning, both men and women were engaged in making pots, but later, the male folk gave up this profession. The participation of men in the pot-making activity among the Angamis, comprising of the Khuzama and its neighbouring village, Viswema, was also observed by Hutton.Footnote 6 But the participation of men in the craft is now only in the folklore and long-forgotten since women potters took the lead. This case could be related to the subsistence strategy. Pottery is a craft practiced during the dry seasons; men are actively engaged in hunting and fishing activities during these dry seasons. Thus, when the other men-folk were into hunting expeditions, the male potters must have felt lesser of a man by sitting at home and making pots since pottery making is considered a women's activity in other communities. As a result, their involvement with their fellow male counterparts in the various expeditions must have gradually led them to give up the potting activity. It was also recorded that only poor women were making pottery, and it was taboo for a rich woman to participate in the pot-making activity. Among the Aos, it was a taboo for any other Ao village women other than the women of Changki to make pots, as also observed by Mills where he stated, ‘but for all Ao villages except those of Changki group this art is a tabu’.Footnote 7 Likewise, in Tanhai village, belonging to the Konyak community, men abstain from participating in pot making because they believe they will not have any luck while hunting for game animals. And also, during the headhunting days, there was a strong belief that he would not get the enemy’s head if he took part in the pot-making activity. The taboo for men to participate in pottery making is still obscure, as no possible explanation could be derived so far.
In Rünguzu village, belonging to the Chakhesang community, where pot-making is a man’s craft, there is a belief that if the Thevo (village chief/high priest) engages in pot-making, the whole village will lose its prosperity. Thus, it is taboo for Thevo to make pots. It has also been found that, though men are the primary potters, there is no taboo for women to make pots, but they do not engage in the craft. Women, however, help men in the pot-making process by helping in the collection of the raw materials as well as in the processing, such as pounding the clay and the firing process. Currently, among the Rünguzu village, women are now taking up this art and actively transmitting the knowledge to the younger generation. Among the Sema Nagas, the taboo of not talking to strangers on pot-making day was also observed by Hutton.Footnote 8 Although the tradition has already vanished among the Sema Nagas, this taboo is still narrated and observed during recent fieldwork conducted in Thokihimi village, which was once a pottery-making village that catered to all the neighbouring villages in the past.
Beliefs and taboos about clay mining
The significance of taboos is exemplified in the belief that the area from which clay is mined is impure; as such, failure to follow the taboos may affect the entire manufacturing process and the quality of the final product. A whole series of taboos is directly linked to the process of clay extraction. For example, a pregnant or menstruating woman is restricted from extracting clay among the Phom potters. If she were to extract clay, it is believed the baby would be born with birthmarks all over its body (since clay makes dirty marks on the women’s hands as they are extracting it, it is thought that the baby will have similar effects). A vessel made from clay extracted by a menstruating woman is also believed to develop cracks or explode when fired. There is also a prohibition on the potter having sexual intercourse with her spouse on the eve of clay mining; if this taboo is not respected, it is thought the pots will crack when fired. This tradition is still practiced by the Phom potters even though the entire village is now converted to Christianity. In Pongo, a Phom pottery village, the area where clay of superior quality is mined (a location known as hamkhe) (Figure 2), is believed to be possessed by spirits; the location also contributes to this belief because it is a swampy area not far from the stream below. It is said that the area has been the primary clay source since time immemorial, but the clay remains at the same level it was after mining the previous year. The locals narrated that in their oral tradition, hamkhe is compared to the life of a locust: similar to this insect, the soil seems to keep growing from the inside, which is why it remains at the same level.
Clay mining area of Pongo village.
Figure 2 Long description
Two women are engaged in collecting clay in a natural setting. One woman is crouching and handling a lump of clay, while the other is standing nearby, also involved in the clay collection process. The area is surrounded by vegetation and rocks, indicating an outdoor environment.
Pottery is not only tedious but also a dangerous activity when it comes to mining raw materials. In all the Naga pottery villages, it is found that the potters extract raw materials without any safety measures. Particular mining pits may sometimes run deep into the earth of the hill slope with no precautions, such as boarding the roof above the pits. Stories and folklore regarding the collapse of pit roofs and burying the potters alive are common. One such folklore is about the story of a woman of Laruri who once went alone to collect clay for making pots. She went deep inside the pit, which was very dark, and she took with her a lighted torch of pinewood. As she was digging, the roof collapsed, and she was buried alive. According to the story, she was wearing precious ornaments, and the villagers believe that if the spot is dug up, they will still find her remains along with the ornaments. Another such story comes from Tanhai, about a group of women who went to mine clay, and the roof collapsed, and all were buried alive. According to the story, that was the area where the best clay was found, and after the incident about this group of women, it is said that the clay had lost its plasticity. An oral tradition encountered in Yongphang, a Phom pottery village, concerns the abandonment of a clay mining area at etiyi, situated northwest of the present-day clay mining area called uphaoshe. In this tradition, a woman potter died in etiyi while mining clay; the area was considered dirty after that incident, and the community stopped mining and collecting clay there.
Beliefs and practices of pottery decoration
The importance of pottery is the relationship of decorations, which carry meanings of both profane and sacred, to social and symbolic factors. These types of pottery are seen in Naga pottery and are discussed below.
Among the Phom potters, the vessel decoration is cord mark impressions left by a corded paddle or dabber on the vessel’s body and neck. Decorations on the neck region may also include different geometric patterns and appliqué (Figure 3). Nevertheless, in response to a query regarding the decorations, the potters replied that they have no symbolic meaning and are simply ‘decorative’.Footnote 9 However, a female potter in Yongphang mentioned that the neck and the body are two different parts (just like the physical features of a human being). This is why the designs impressed on the neck and body are different (Figure 4).
Pottery decoration of Yongphang village.
Figure 3 Long description
The individual is wearing a long-sleeved garment and patterned pants. The pot has a wide opening and a textured design, possibly created using a tool or by hand. The person's hands are actively engaged in the pottery process.
Fashioning the neck with cord-wrapped paddle.
Figure 4 Long description
The pot is being held in one hand while the other hand uses a tool to create impressions on its surface. The setting includes various pottery tools and materials scattered around, with a natural background visible.
This view on decoration differs from that of the Laruri potters of the Pochury tribe, the Rünguzu potters of Chakhesang tribe, both in the Phek district, and the Khuzama potters of the Angami tribe in the Kohima district, where the Incised pattern, as well as the appliqué, attached to the vessel, has ‘symbolic meaning relating to the agricultural festival (for Rünguzu and Khuzama rice beer brewing jars) or funerary or socio-religious significance’ (for Laruri vessels).Footnote 10 Khuzama and Rünguzu villages manufacture similar storage jars for brewing locally made rice beers characterized by appliqué designs of spike-like projections at certain intervals numbering 4–5 and a band that runs along the vessel joining the spikes. Instead of appliqué bands, incised crisscross marks are sometimes seen. The importance of this vessel lies in how it is being used. Khuzama and Rünguzu are in different environments but share a similar pottery manufacturing technique with a long history of tribal communications and movements across tribal boundaries. Moreover, they also share a common response to the decorative element applied to the storage jars (Figure 5).
Symbolic jar for brewing rice beer.
Figure 5 Long description
A large ceramic jar with a wide opening and a narrow neck, positioned on a dirt surface. The jar has a smooth surface with some visible wear. A scale with alternating black and white segments is placed vertically in front of the jar for size reference. Several small stones or lids are stacked on top of the jar's opening. The background includes a wooden structure and scattered debris.
As stated above, the storage jars are characterized by appliqué designs of bands all along the shoulder of the vessel and spike-like projections at certain intervals along the vessel. The band is called a necklace and the spikes a nipple. This particular vessel is held sacred during the so-called festival ‘Sekrenyi’ for the Angamis and ‘Sükrünye’ for the Chakhesangs. This festival is celebrated after harvest and before clearing the forest jungle to begin a new crop cycle.Footnote 11 Every Naga festival involves several days in merry-making, and each day is specified for a specific purpose. Naga festivals are characterized by rice beer preparations, killing animals, invitations and sharing things with relatives and friends, singing, dancing, and merry-making. Among the various festivals, ‘Sekrenyi’ of the Angami tribe and ‘Sükrünye’ of the Chakhesangs are the most important. The festival falls in January for the Chakhesangs and February for the Angamis and is marked by the sanctification and purification of boys and girls through a series of religious ceremonies and rituals. To perform this ritual, the boys and girls bathe in the morning for sanctification, but on different days, in a mineral spring, before any bird or animal comes and pollutes it by drinking from the spring. New utensils are used, and new hearths are constructed when observing the festival rites. On the day the boys are sanctified, an unblemished cock is killed and cooked for them; likewise, for the girls, an unblemished hen is cooked and fed to them by their mothers. This is done to sanctify them for their entire lives. Besides the purification of young boys and girls, the whole community spends the entire festival days in merry-making and feasting. Work of any sort, such as weaving, basketry, etc., is forbidden, and no work is done in the fields. It is also a tradition and a norm to use new jars decorated with a band and spikes in appliqué form for brewing rice beer to be served during feasting and merry-making.
On the other hand, in the death of a person who has been a drinker during his lifetime, the grave goods include at least one such pot with appliqué spike-like decoration filled with rice beer along with his belongings. The archaeological record also accounted for the sacredness of this particular type of vessel. Excavation at Jotsoma village of the Angami areas unearthed a buried jar interred with bones with similar appliqué designs. The only difference was that the projection was ring-like instead of a spike-like appliqué design. On being queried, it was said that if infants or children who are dearly loved die, they are buried in this kind of pot. In another instance, a twin urn burial was unearthed at the Kikruma village of the Chakhesang tribe that bore the same spike-like projections in applique.
Phom potters manufacture perforated vessels for steaming a specific type of rice grown locally in the jhum fields. Depending on the size of the vessel, such pots comprise approximately 30 perforations (Figure 6). Oral tradition informs us that only a few potters can produce such pots. Such vessels are still in great demand amongst the villagers and people in the neighbouring area; however, there is a belief that ‘a woman who frequently makes such vessels will go blind’.Footnote 12 So, the fear of losing their eyesight deters female potters from manufacturing such pots. Perforated vessels are special to the Phom because they use them to steam a particular rice grown in their jhum fields. One of the survey’s informants in Pongo said that this local delicacy of preparing steamed rice is one of the most significant events during the Monyü festival for the Phom. The festival takes place during the first week of April and lasts for six days. The following two days, i.e., the seventh and eighth days, called Mootra (or minor festivals), are when feasting continues among the relatives, who exchange rice prepared in this special manner, along with cooked meat. In general, the significance of Mootra is bonding with relatives for mutual goodwill and unity.
Perforated vessel for steaming rice, Pongo village.
Figure 6 Long description
A perforated pottery vessel is positioned centrally, featuring multiple holes arranged in a circular pattern. Surrounding it are other pottery items, including a cylindrical pot and a ring-shaped piece. The vessels are placed on a textured surface with scattered small stones. A fabric with a dotted pattern is partially visible in the upper left corner, adding to the setting.
Beliefs and practices and taboos in the firing process
Restrictions and prohibitions related to the firing process are directed at avoiding the breakage and cracking of vessels during this stage of production. For instance, among the Phom, potters are prohibited from crossing paths with outsiders on their way to the location where the vessels will be fired. From the moment the potter starts to prepare the kiln until she removes the pots after firing, she should be careful not to attract visitors to witness the process, lest ‘pots crack or break during firing if precautions against attracting visitors’ are not followed.Footnote 13 In other Naga communities, the same prohibitions apply and are followed by the potters. As noted, there is also a taboo around pottery relating to men. This taboo on touching the tools used by the female potters relates to the belief that the pots would crack during the firing process and the fear that luck would not favour them during hunting and fishing expeditions. There is also a belief that at the onset of the firing of the finished pots, women are not supposed to talk to strangers or anyone that does not belong to the potter’s community lest the pots will crack during firing.
A certain taboo practiced even today among the Konyak potters is on the day the pots are to be fired; unlike other potting villages where pots are fired in the evening, in Tanhai village, the firing of vessels is done early in the morning. They leave early in the morning at an hour when no one would be setting out for their daily agricultural activities, since there is a belief that if they come across any man or any stranger, bad luck will befall them, such that the pots will crack while firing. And further, even the potters observe silence while proceeding toward the firing area, and since they know what has to be done, they coordinate and supplement each other by performing what has to be done in the firing process. Here, men lend a hand in turning over the vessels in the hot kiln, but even at this stage, no one is allowed to talk to one another. The taboo of not talking to strangers or passing comments during firing is still held very strongly, and this taboo is found in all the potting villages of the Konyak tribe, such as Wakching and Chi. Belief is also associated with the trading system that while undertaking a journey to neighbouring villages to sell pots, one is not supposed to talk to any stranger on the way as luck would not favour them, and they will not get fair prices for the pots.
Conclusion
Taboos and rituals encountered in pottery production as observed by Albero imply ‘nonverbal communication ways that socially organize and coordinate communities, therefore, structure the production itself’.Footnote 14 The Naga communities sharing similar cultures observe certain taboos and rituals so that the end products will be fruitful and bring wealth and prosperity to those who make them. The relation between clay and humans is also connected to fertility, as encountered in Rünguzu village. It is seen that Rünguzu potters adopt a manufacturing technique where the potter fills the mouth with water and ‘spatters the pot to wet the clay as he beats and shapes it’.Footnote 15 And so, it is believed that if Thevo makes a pot, the community’s fertility will go away as the pots are sold to other villages. A similar belief and taboo is also attached to wealthy men who have given the Mithun (Bos frontalis) sacrifice and completed the merit feast. When we consider the Sekrenyi or Sükrünye festival, it is about purification and sanctification and it also marks the beginning of a new year—a new year of crop cycle. The meaning behind the performance of elaborate rituals and ceremonies before the New Year is to have a good harvest and bring prosperity and wealth to the community. And so, it is plausible to assume that the representation in the jar symbolizes a fertile woman since one can have a good harvest only when the soil is rich and fertile. This would presumably mean that using such design elements further promotes the concept of fertility. Another probable explanation could be based on the Naga social system. Naga society is patriarchal; women carry out all household activities, do an equal share in agriculture work, look after the children, prepare food for the family, and also look after the husband’s welfare. And even though men control all the rites and rituals, the importance of women is attributed symbolically by the representation of the storage jars. It dignifies her in the most important and revered festival.
One of the oldest studies is by Montgomery, who examines various dimensions of taboos observed during menstruation.Footnote 16 Her ethnographic study covers 44 different societies to examine various beliefs and taboo for women during menstruation, which are, that menstruating women should not (1) have sexual intercourse and should restrict her movements, (2) touch personal belongings of men, weapons, instruments used in agriculture and fishing, craft tools, certain crops termed as ‘men’s crops’, religious emblems and shrines, hams, or flowers, and (3) cook for men and should be confined to separate huts. Perhaps all four taboos mentioned are not experienced among the Naga potters, but there exist restrictions on collecting clay and participating in pot making. This can be interpreted as keeping the raw material pure and not ‘impure’ by touching it or participating in the process. The study is only a few primary references, but further studies into the subject matter remain an important goal of ceramic and pottery studies to unravel the non-material aspect of this craft. In this regard, Kramer points out that it is essential ‘to study the rapidly disappearing traditional potters who still practice their craft in few areas of the world.Footnote 17 Based on ethnographic observations, there are factors that are responsible for or have played a role in fundamentally altering the way of life. The non-functioning of social institutions, such as Morungs where all kinds of activities and transmission of indigenous knowledge took place. The introduction of the modern education system has also contributed much to the dying of indigenous traditions because many of the children are sent out of their village for further higher education. A few potters who are still practising this art have stored the knowledge not only about pottery technology but also about the various non-material aspects, such as taboos and beliefs associated with pottery. And although they are now Christians, offering prayers to the Almighty on the onset of mining clay and adhering to the various taboos till pots are fired seems not to have changed. And thus, in Nagaland, even though the loss of purely traditional craft may be a cause of despair, this loss does not put an end to our understanding of the traditional way of pottery making.
Acknowledgements
I take this opportunity to thank the North East Zone Cultural Centre (NEZCC) for the financial assistance under Documentation of Dying and Vanishing Art of North East India to carry out pottery documentation of the Pochury and Runguzu tribes under Phek district, Nagaland. I would also like to extend my sincere gratitude to the Directorate of Art and Culture, Government of Nagaland, for extending financial support under the aegis of the Tribal Research Institute, Government of Nagaland, to study and document the pottery traditions of the Phom tribe, Longleng district, Nagaland. I sincerely thank all the artisans and village council chairmen for their willingness and cooperation to contribute the source materials for this work. My thanks and gratefulness to Mr Arenlong Aier, Junior Research Fellow, Department of Geology, Nagaland University and my research scholars, Mr Yabangri Changkiri, Mr Y. Pangtuk Phom, and Henshu Aeihly, for their valuable assistance in various capacities as research assistants. Their contribution towards the outcome of this field data collection is deeply appreciated. I extend my gratitude and good wishes to all of them.
Declaration of competing interest
The author declares that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.
