This study by James W. Tong dissects the crackdown on the Falungong movement by meticulously analysing official, primary sources that include the Chinese national and local press, provincial and municipal yearbooks as well as Falungong sources. The study is set against the backdrop of several communist decline theories and questions whether the present regime and elite cohort have become friendlier toward its domestic challengers. The answer provided by this book makes for sober reading. It proves that at a moment of internal crisis, the CCP was fully in charge and taking the lead in a highly centralized campaign. Chinese political bodies (like the National People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference) only played a subordinate and supportive role, and did not exert any of their constitutional authorities. James W. Tong's study leaves no doubt that the Party leadership was dominant at both the central and local levels, in bureaucratic agencies, media, public security and law enforcement, and all other major campaign operations during the crackdown on the Falungong. The data highlight the efficacy of the Party organizations in orchestrating every single aspect of the campaign. Reading the detailed descriptions of the various stages of the campaign, one marvels at the sheer amount of energy, time and people used and available for such an endeavour. (Were it not such a serious matter, one could even detect some irony in the fact that the campaign was largely possible because the anti-pornography agency was reassigned to this new brief.)

Following the Introduction, the book is organized in chapters which trace the crackdown from its preparations to the law enforcement operations following it, the associated news media campaign, the eerily entitled ‘conversion programmes’ (reminiscent of thought reform), the organizational structure of the campaign, an analysis of Party meetings announcing the ban, and finally an evaluation of the campaign. The anti-Falungong campaign was arguably the most forceful media assault on a domestic challenger in post-Mao China and the chapter on the news media campaign is one of the most interesting. However, for this reader the chapter on the conversion programmes is most revealing of the Party's approach to ideological dissent, in particular within the Party itself, and the measures it is prepared to take to address this. Given the sheer number of Falungong practitioners in the country, imprisoning all of them was simply not an option. Therefore, a classification system of practitioners (reminiscent of many previous classification systems used during historical campaigns) was devised, which determined the type of conversion treatment Falungong practitioners received depending on the “severity” of their commitment to Falungong. These conversion programmes ranged from Marxist study sessions to more sophisticated psychological methods in group sessions, to conversion programmes in labour reform institutions or prisons, and also included an employment rehabilitation programme after successful conversion. These allegedly practitioner-friendly conversion programmes stand of course in stark contrast to the more disturbing reports emanating from Falungong sources. As a disinterested analyst, James W. Tong remains critical and judicious throughout in his approach to all sources and any inconsistencies or lack of corroborating evidence are always noted. As far as the true nature of the conversion programmes is concerned, the chilling performance target of “no unnatural death” in penal institutions suggests that abuse must have been widespread.

It is almost impossible to convey the sheer wealth of sources and documents that were analysed for this book. This study reminds us of how much can be learned from patient analysis of written documents and the importance of contemporary histories. Due to the enormous quantity of data, large parts of the book list documentary evidence, including a great number of tables presenting quantitative data analysis. As a result, no real narrative emerges, which makes this book difficult to read at times. As the conclusions of each chapter and the ultimate concluding remarks are written in very engaging and much more accessible prose, this reviewer wonders whether these sections could not have been expanded at the expense of banishing some data into an appendix where they could be consulted by the more statistically minded reader.

The book is aimed at an academic readership within the field of Chinese political studies, including those with an interest in democracy and human rights, with a particular focus on the workings of the CCP. While it is probably too specialized for a general audience, this book is a must-read for everybody who aims to understand the workings of the Chinese state and the role of the CCP within and alongside state structures. After reading this book anyone who was hoping to write off the Chinese Communist Party as secondary to the state and market forces will understand better the importance it attaches to, and the grip it continues to hold on, all ideological matters. Coupled with a truly impressive organizational ability, the CCP remains a formidable force.