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The Typographers’ Community of Fiume: Combining a Spirit of Collegiality, Class Identity, Local Patriotism, Socialism, and Nationalism(s)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 May 2018

Ivan Jeličić
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Austrian History Yearbook , Volume 49 , April 2018 , pp. 73 - 86
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Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 2018 

This article examines the multiple identifications of the print workers of the northeastern Adriatic city of Fiume/Rijeka during the last decades of the Habsburg monarchy.Footnote 1 Their profile and activities challenge the long-standing nationalist narratives of allegedly uniform national groups that battled one another for primacy in this region and elsewhere in the monarchy and consequently contributed to the fall of Austria-Hungary in 1918. Printers were among the first workers to establish a professional organization in the city, which they did in a quite singular national political setting. Although some historians have called their case remarkable and thought provoking, little research has been done on Fiume's printers.Footnote 2 As Rogers Brubaker has pointed out, groups should not be taken for granted; rather, they are a result of processes of group-making.Footnote 3 Moreover, studies on national indifference in the Habsburg lands have confirmed the assumption that nationalist groups emerge in certain contexts, led by figures with political agendas who mobilized for construction of a particular kind of group.Footnote 4 A similar argument can be made for the printers in Fiume: They constituted a constructed community of typographers based on shared working conditions. In this city on the edge of Transleithania and the Adriatic Sea, a zone of overlapping languages and opposing sovereignties, the community-building process had its own distinguishing characteristics. The Fiume printers’ mutual aid society functioned as an independent association within the Kingdom of Hungary, but the separate legal status of the association was not an obstacle for outsiders. The organization permitted fellow workers who migrated from elsewhere in the monarchy to join the Fiumian association. Furthermore, the printers’ association established relations with other workers’ organizations along the Adriatic, in Croatia-Slavonia, and in Hungary; aided traveling workers; and was open to immigrant newcomers.

In addition to their professional solidarity, which enabled them to improve their working conditions and wages, Fiume's printers were also active in the establishment of the local socialist movement. These workers were not only part of the labor movement and supporters of the socialist party; they were also perceived, and considered themselves, members of the dominant Italian-speaking society of Fiume. Indeed, printers combined multiple loyalties: professional identity, class consciousness, and local patriotism. They were later unable to remain outside national politics and national tensions. Under pressure from the Budapest central trade union organization, the association had become part of the Hungarian graphic workers’ central organization, while maintaining its Italian-speaking character at the local level. Moreover, in the last years before World War I, tensions between the city's two largest national groups, the Croatians and the Italians, increasingly made themselves felt in the union. The association, however, survived the war and into the interwar period owing to a persistent spirit of collegiality. Indeed, as I demonstrate, local printers’ national identification was just one of several available identities rather than the exclusive one.

Fiume: An Italian-Speaking Enclave in Hungary

Printers were an integral part of Fiume society. Thus, analyzing some specific features of the local context is helpful for understanding their attitudes and motives during the late monarchy. Fiume occupied a complex position during the Dualist era owing to its linguistic and legal situation. Previously a Habsburg domain, Fiume had been incorporated into the Kingdom of Hungary as part of Croatia in 1776. Following the protest of the local elite—well managed by Hungarian authorities—two and a half years later in 1779, Fiume would be directly incorporated into Hungary. Fiume's legal position remained ill defined: It first became part of Croatian state right claims and, from the second half of the nineteenth century, an object of Croatian national demands.Footnote 5 This ambiguity became evident during the Revolutions of 1848, when Croatian troops occupied Fiume placing it under Croatian control. Again, the local elite, comprising Italian-speaking merchants, protested, seeking to maintain the city's political autonomy. The Hrvatsko-Ugarska Nagodba (Croatian-Hungarian Settlement) of 1868 marked another significant step in the evolution of the contested city's belonging issue. According to the last paragraph of the Settlement, the city of Fiume, together with its port, was defined as a separate body (corpus separatum) within the Kingdom of Hungary. A consensus of the three parts—Croatia, Fiume, and Hungary—was necessary to define Fiume's relationship with Croatia and Hungary. Commissions of the three parts met twice during the Dualist era: The most important result was the creation of Fiume as a self-governing city within Hungary. Thus, Fiume's city council, an expression of the urban Italian-speaking elite, gained control over some elements of public life, including the local schools and the police. However, the governor, a member of the Hungarian nobility appointed by Budapest, oversaw the city's affairs. The main difficulty of this system was that the center and the periphery had differing conceptions of autonomy or self-government.Footnote 6 This tension became evident around 1896 when the government of Hungarian Prime Minister Dezső Bánffy enacted a series of laws that furthered increased centralization of the state. Members of the local elite opposed a law that would create an intermediate body between the governor and the Fiume city council, labeling it a violation of the city's historic autonomous rights. The center-periphery dispute resulted in the establishment of an Autonomist Party in Fiume, a force that virtually monopolized local political life until the end of the monarchy.Footnote 7 Drawing on the elites’ liberal values, the Autonomists created and enhanced a form of local patriotism whose main features were the city's cultural and linguistic Italianità (Italianness). The Autonomists, however, did not challenge Hungarian state legitimacy, rather, they wanted Fiume to maintain its Italian character within the Kingdom of Hungary. Meanwhile Sušak, separated from Fiume by the Rječina/Eneo/Fiumara River and located administratively in Croatia-Slavonia, also expanded owing to Fiume's economic growth. The two centers coexisted economically, with Sušak representing the official, smaller, urban Croatian counterpart to Italian Fiume. Croatian-language schools and Croatian associations, limited or not recognized in Fiume, legally functioned in neighboring Sušak, with quotidian exchanges between residents of the two cities the norm.Footnote 8

During the Dualist era, Fiume's population increased from some 18,000 in 1869 to almost 50,000 in 1910. Sušak had about 5,000 residents in 1910. From 1880, Italian speakers constituted the linguistic majority in Fiume, followed by Croatian speakers. Hungarian speakers grew from a small minority (2 percent) to 13 percent of the population in the last Habsburg census of 1910. At the same time, Croatian speakers constituted more than 60 percent of the population in Sušak.Footnote 9

Italian speakers played a predominant role in the development of Fiume's municipal school system. At the same time, state schools encouraged the study of Hungarian, the language of the aspiring nation-state, and the number of Hungarian speakers in Fiume slowly increased owing primarily to in-migration.Footnote 10 It should not be assumed that the city's population was divided into nationally identifying groups whose size and importance was reflected solely in the number of speakers of a particular mother tongue. Nevertheless, nationalist authors made persistent claims about the national belonging of the workers, who in 1909 numbered between 10,000 and 12,000.Footnote 11 National belonging is just one possible identity that can be ascribed to local worker population, as in the concrete case of printers.

A Significant Worker Minority

A Bohemian-born typographer established the first modern printing firm in Fiume at the end of the eighteenth century. He was followed by other migrants from Cisleithania during the nineteenth century, the most important of whom was the Italian-born typographer, Ercole Rezza, who founded what would become the towns’ largest printing firm.Footnote 12 Fiume's printing industry grew slowly until 1868, when the great economic development of the city, the result of increased Hungarian investment, began. By 1870 there were already eighteen typographers in town.Footnote 13According to the 1900 Hungarian census the engraving industry employed ninety-six persons in eight firms. Ten years later, 151 persons worked in eighteen firms.Footnote 14 The Hungarian census does not distinguish owners from employees, and the term “engraving industry” is imprecise, but police data concerning the typographers’ general strike of January 1906 provides more reliable numbers. The police noted that sixty-six men and twenty-four women were employed in nine printing establishments.Footnote 15 These numbers were not significantly increased by the addition of Sušak, where there were just two printing firms. Printers constituted a minority within the larger number of industrial workers in Fiume and Sušak. They were, however, a highly engaged minority.

Printing firms were often small: Only one employed more than twenty workers. Their circumscribed working environment was an influential element in shaping typographers’ political standpoints and their local patriotism. Evidence is limited, but it appears possible that the political and national affinities of owners influenced their workers. Furthermore, the distribution of labor favored the creation of bonds among coworkers, in particular among those employed as typesetters, who were the majority in the printing industry. The cooperation needed to produce a text strengthened professional solidarity.Footnote 16 A significant feature of the local printing market was the language(s) used. The Fiume printing market was linguistically heterogeneous during the Dualist era. Although publications in Italian, Croatian, Hungarian, and German were common, Italian was the dominant printing language, and its predominance was particularly evident in newspapers.Footnote 17 At the beginning of the twentieth century, there were three Italian-language dailies, one in Croatian, and one in Hungarian. Although Italian-language newspapers had long printing traditions, a Croatian-language newspaper, Novi List (The New Paper), began publishing in Sušak beginning in 1900 and later moved to Fiume. The Hungarian-language A Tengerpart (The Littoral) began publication in 1904.Footnote 18 The wealth of Italian-language publications is also the reason that many typographic workers hailed from Dalmatia or Istria, regions where Italian language usage predominated. Indeed, another important aspect of the local typographic industry was the migration of labor force from Zara/Zadar. Three of the nine typographic firm owners mentioned in the 1906 police report were natives of the Dalmatian capital. Immigrants from Zara/Zadar enhanced the significance of Italian language among the print workers, because that city remained a bulwark of political Italianness in Dalmatia at end of the nineteenth century, with Croatian and Serbian political parties dominating elsewhere in the province.Footnote 19 Therefore, the national political situation in Dalmatia to some extent resembled Fiume's isolation inside Hungary. Dalmatian immigrants’ support for the struggle over Italian language and culture in Zara/Zadar facilitated their adoption of Fiumian local patriotism.

Printers’ socioeconomic position in Fiume was influenced not only by their language skills and the working environment but also by their wages. In an imagined workers’ wage pyramid, printers would be close to the top: Their average wage, around twenty-four crowns weekly in 1906, was higher than other workers with the exception of the employees of Fiume's torpedo factory, who were the local worker elite.Footnote 20 Although health conditions in Fiume's printing firms were probably similar to those elsewhere in the monarchy, at the beginning of the twentieth century, Fiume printers already had a nine-hour work day. Printers took pride in their status, which originated from their specific skill—they considered themselves artisans who helped create culture by setting texts—and they felt superior to less skilled, and manual, workers.Footnote 21 Finally, printers also had the possibility of advancing socially and becoming shop owners. Social advancement started to become more difficult, however, in the years after the printing industry was mechanized, because the new machines required a less skilled work force, thus weakening the previously artisan character of printing. These elements suggest that printers can be considered among labor aristocrats, however, as Eric Hobsbawm and Joan Scott have pointed out in their study of Western European workers, printers were among the more politically engaged.Footnote 22 This was also true of the Fiume printers.

An Organized Network: The Typographers’ Association

Three typographers from Zara/Zadar, where a professional association existed since 1874, made the first attempt to establish a typographers’ association in Fiume in 1883.Footnote 23 Local authorities requested several changes to the association statute, so three men did not engage in further attempts at organization.Footnote 24 Instead, two of the three climbed socially, one becoming a printing firm owner, the other a foreman in the city's largest print company.Footnote 25 Likely, the small number of firms, and consequently a limited number of workers, and the possibility of social advancement are related to the period of subsequent organizational stasis. Moreover, in the same year of printers’ first failed attempt to organize, a new local workers’ mutual aid society was founded.Footnote 26 Therefore, a professional association had little appeal at that time. Only in the last years of the nineteenth century was the Società tipografica fiumana founded. As was the case with the earlier attempt at organization, the authorities’ reservations about workers’ associations, as also occurred in other parts of Hungary, delayed recognition. Official registration came only in October 1899.Footnote 27 Unlike in 1883, the Dalmatian-born typographers were not the only leaders of the association. The new leadership was comprised of two Dalmatian typographers, one Italian typographer from Udine, two typographers from Fiume, and one from Budapest. What distinguished the Fiume association was its international position. The society's leadership decided not to join the Hungarian or Croatian typographers’ union, but rather to act as an independent section directly connected with the professional central in Bern. The decision was the result of Fiume's specific position as corpus separatum and not a straightforward expression of nationalist isolation; the professional organization of Fiume agreed on accepting fellow traveling printers from other lands, and in turn, traveling graphic workers of Fiume were sustained by sister organizations.Footnote 28 In the end, professional belonging was the essence of the typographers’ organization of Fiume.

However, centralization with the Budapest trade union remained an issue of great concern for Fiume's typographers. Rejected twice, unification was finally adopted at the society congress in October 1905.Footnote 29 Economic and linguistic issues were behind the Fiume printers’ opposition to this amalgamation, although only the first topic was explicitly mentioned. The public controversy over centralization between Lipót Winkler, a printer from Hungary proper, who settled in Fiume, and the local society's directors, reveals only that the merger with Budapest would mean a rise in social fees.Footnote 30 However, the local typographers’ linguistic isolation within Transleithania, Winkler's criticism of the local printer environment, and widespread local patriotism also fueled Fiumian printers’ opposition to Budapest. This is reflected in the Fiumian printers’ contact with Italian-speaking printers. Local typographers did not have their own professional paper until 1912, although beginning in 1902 some news about society congresses appeared in Il Risveglio (The Awakening), the Italian-language paper of the Austrian typographic societies. In subsequent years, the paper regularly published information on workers joining and leaving the Fiumian Typographic Society.Footnote 31 Fiume's specific administrative position clearly influenced the language skills of typographers, as it did with the rest of the population. Additionally, the prominence of Italian language on the local publishing market strengthened the Italian-speaking workers’ position and attracted new Italian-speaking workers. The printing society in Pressburg/Pozsony/Bratislava was also reluctant to become part of the Budapest organization. This attitude was to be expected in a city located close to Vienna, where German had long been the dominant printing language, and there was a Pressburger loyalty.Footnote 32 Both Pressburg and Fiume printers had to contend with the centralizing attempts of Hungarian colleagues, who sought to standardize heterogeneous peripheries to an aspiring Hungarian nation-state.

Returning to the Fiumian case, the central professional organization permitted the printers of Fiume to have their own professional monthly, Il Tipografo (The Typographer), beginning in May 1912. It was the sole official Hungarian trade union publication in Italian.Footnote 33 The professional publication reflects the significance of Italian language for the local typographic community. However, Hungarian-language knowledge was important for obtaining a high position in local Typographic Society, which provoked some resentment among local printers. This confirms that most printers were linguistically separated from the rest of Hungary, a situation that slowed their professional cohesion with Hungarian-speaking fellow printers.

Creating Group Cohesion

Social activities played an even greater role in professional cohesion than did the category of work. Above all, printers employed classical passage points of lifetime, including ceremonies that honored leading members of the Typographic Society and their working anniversaries, as well as attending fellow workers’ funerals, to enhance community bonds. In a speech at a dead coworker's grave site on All Saint's Day, one typographer asserted that the presence of fellow printers confirmed the sacred solidarity that bonded printers was manifested even in death.Footnote 34 Further, their coworkers often placed wreaths on printers’ graves.Footnote 35 In 1906 the directors of the Typographic Society decided not to participate officially in the funerals of their members’ relatives, as had previously been the case.Footnote 36 Indeed, until that decision, family members were considered an auxiliary part of the typographers’ professional community. Though the Fiumian association no longer participated in the funerals of members’ relatives, family members still took part in association celebrations, which continued to foster bonds among members and their families. In addition to the larger festivities, whose details can be found in local newspapers, typographers also organized numerous smaller celebrations. Their major purpose was fundraising.Footnote 37 The printers were also one of the only two worker groups that organized conferences to discuss their health conditions and professional diseases.Footnote 38 Besides being a workers’ vanguard, printers were considered members of the larger local society. The early congresses of the Typographic Society were held in the headquarters of the Society of War Veterans, and some events took place with the participation of distinguished members and associations of the local bourgeoisie society, suggesting that printing workers were integrated in the social and cultural dominant community of Fiume.

The festivities that typographers organized reveal other interconnected relations, provide information on printers’ internal and external relations, and reflect their loyalties. In November 1899, typographers organized festivities to honor the fiftieth work anniversary of Alessandro Bulaic, who was among the founders of the professional society. The celebration was attended by not only graphic workers but also owners of printing firms, and some journalists, both from Fiume and Sušak. On this occasion, the owner of a printing firm in Sušak granted his employees a nine-hour work day. When the typographers’ association activities began, printers’ celebrations included all the people involved in the printing process. As Bulaic noted in his speech, this festivity sealed the union between capital and labor, and, we can conclude, the unity in shared (Italian-speaking) liberal values between employers and employees.Footnote 39

Newspaper reports reveal that portraits of both Johannes Gutenberg and Panfilo Castaldi were at this anniversary celebration. Particularly illuminating is the mention of the portrait of Panfilo Castaldi, who was a symbol of professional pride that differentiated local Italian-speaking typographers from their fellow Croatian- and Hungarian-speaking printers because Castaldi was considered one of the first Italian-born typographer and, even more, a predecessor of Gutenberg in developing movable type printing.Footnote 40

Still, the presence of Castaldi's portrait at typographer festivities was short-lived. The following year, when a huge celebration on the anniversary of Gutenberg's birth was held in Fiume, Castaldi's portrait had disappeared, although other elements of earlier celebrations remained. Official Gutenberg celebrations were held in the Sala of the Filodrammatica society, the building of the most prestigious local bourgeois associations. A bust of Gutenberg oversaw the event, which was solemnized by the presence of city's band and Filodrammatica choir. In addition, poetry readings, orations, music, and a ball were held. Representatives of both Fiume and Sušak printing houses, booksellers, journalists, bookbinders, and representatives of workers’ societies were invited. Typographers’ wives and daughters attended the festivities. Invitations to the celebration expressed the printing workers’ sense of belonging to a community as a “family of typographers,” all being sons of the “great teacher” Gutenberg, whom these workers considered the forerunner of the modern culture and redeemer from the Dark Ages. This celebration was meant to reconfirm solidarity, fraternity, and concord among the members of the typographers’ professional community. These visual elements manifested typographers’ pride in their status, connections with employers, and affiliation with the city's bourgeois society. An additional celebration was held in the afternoon of the same day at a restaurant in the suburbs, with the presence of book workers, representatives of the press, and printers’ families. A banquet and a ball were organized, suggesting that two levels of festivities subsisted.Footnote 41

The printers’ ball for the 1904 carnival was also a manifestation of persistent bonds with the dominant society. At the ball, held in the renowned Déak Hotel, the local governor and mayor were invited. Although only the latter showed up, both the governor and the owner of the largest local printing firm donated one hundred crowns to the organizers. The room was decorated with Fiumian and Hungarian flags, a bust of Gutenberg, and coats of arms of local newspapers.Footnote 42 What is impressive in this description of combined local and state loyalty with professional belonging is that already printers started to share socialist ideals and celebrate the First of May. However, the socialist ideology made some changes.

Socialism in the Printers’ Ranks

Among the few known members of Fiume socialist organization in the early 1890s was at least one typographer.Footnote 43 But typographers’ presence gradually increased in the nascent local working-class organizations. Three typographers served on the promotion board of the short-lived (1901–2) socialist Confederazione operaia. Furthermore, Confederazione operaia’s leading figure was a typographer.Footnote 44 After the Confederazione operaia’s dissolution, unsurprisingly, there were typographers on the boards of the expanding local socialist economic and cultural association. Already in 1902, typographers, together with torpedo factory workers, participated in quasilegal May Day celebrations. More importantly, the following year typographers constituted one third of the first public May Day organizational committee. Although Fiumian printers had not been involved in the failed attempt to found a socialist organization at the end of 1902, that same year they sent condolences upon the death of Trieste socialist leader, while in 1903 they sent a telegram to the socialists of Trieste at the first anniversary of the February 1902 Trieste general strike.Footnote 45 As various professional groups started unionizing in conformity with the Hungarian political situation, free organizations created the foundation for the establishment of a socialist political party.Footnote 46 The material display of the socialists’ controlled unions where the Sedi Riunite (United Seats) set up around 1906 a place where the Typographic Society also had its headquarters. Typographers regularly took part in socialist agitation such as a strike for the introduction of universal suffrage on 10 October 1907. On that occasion, they blocked the publication of local newspapers.Footnote 47 Typographers were also prominent figures in the local socialist movement. One of the three socialist candidates for the City Council elections in 1910 was a typographer.Footnote 48 Socialist ideology went ahead with the centralization and tripartite the professional society. After 1905 the society was divided into a professional, mutual aid, and free (political) organization. Nevertheless, officials of these groups could have overlapped, but in any case, interest in the professional organizations weakened in the following years. The first number of Il Tipografo complained about coworkers’ indifference, the lack of a professional library, and that mutual aid fees remained unpaid or were paid only after delays.Footnote 49 The explanation can be found in printers’ improved working conditions. After the establishment of the society, printers were able to stipulate three tariffs and carry out brief, successful strikes. At the same time, the union functioned as an employment office. In practice, the union's strength in negotiation to some extent diminished printers’ interest in union activities because the printers’ economic position was quite secure. Additionally, Hungarian social security laws undermined the function of a mutual aid organization while the free organization required interest in political engagement.

The printers of Fiume did not abandon the idea of belonging to a social and political milieu anchored in local patriotism after they joined the socialist ranks.Footnote 50 In the Typographic Society's afternoon celebrations of May Day 1905, which was held in an osteria (a small inn) in a Fiume suburb, printers sang the “Workers’ Anthem” and the “Internationale,” with Fiume coat of arms and a Fiumian flag in the background.Footnote 51 Therefore, printers had simultaneously socialist and local patriotic inclinations. While there is nothing exceptional in highlighting socialists’ sympathies for nationalism, that nationalism was replaced by local patriotism in Fiume.Footnote 52 This observation enables us to understand better the ambivalent nature of national antagonism both inside the printers’ local association and in Fiumian society.

National Antagonism

Nationalism also affected the typographers’ community. The Gutenberg celebrations of 1900 had already become a site of tension among Croatian typographers. The Novi List announced that the “Riečko-Sušačko družtvo tipografa” (Rijeka-Sušak typographers’ society) had organized the celebrations. This attracted the criticism of the Croatian professional organization's official paper. According to the Hrvatski Tipograf (Croatian Typographer), Sušak was part of the Croatian typographic society while Fiume had its own organization, therefore Sušak typographic fellows should reject any false claims of joint Fiume-Sušak society participation in the Gutenberg festivities.Footnote 53 Essentially, Croatian typographers should not have acted in ways that recognized existing economic, professional, and cultural bonds between the two centers. The Croatian typographers of Sušak ought not be confused by or, even worse, be subsumed by typographers of Fiume, a Hungarian Italian-speaking enclave detached from Croatia. However, Sušak typographers proved unable to create a separate branch of the Croatian professional organization and continued to rely on the Fiumian professional society.Footnote 54

The behavior of some of Fiume's Hungarian-speaking typographers also increased national tension. In 1902 the Fiumian typographers complained to Il Risveglio that Hungarian colleagues failed to respect the 1901 tariff. Even more, the members of the Budapest society who migrated to Fiume were described as remaining outside the Fiumian professional organization activities.Footnote 55 Such complaints recall the description that a prominent member of the Social Democratic Party of Croatia and Slavonia, Vitomir Korać, gave of Fiume's trade unions. According to Korać, the trade unions were divided by nationality and each language group held its own separate political meetings.Footnote 56 These complaints are, however, probably better explained by workers’ language skills rather than profiled as nationalist hostility. The people of Fiume still had limited knowledge of Hungarian in 1910 while Hungarian-speaking immigrants lacked both Croatian and Italian language proficiency.Footnote 57 Thus, separated meetings for different languages were sometimes an organizational necessity. As mentioned, one Magyar typographer supported unification with the Hungarian trade unions, while other typographers were reluctant. Difficulties in communication among immigrants was more the result of their different language backgrounds rather than alleged national animosities.

Substantial national friction between Croatian speakers and Italian speakers emerged following the arrival in Fiume of Bogoslav Jošt/Joscht in October 1912, who had been born in Marija Gorica, a small town near Zagreb, in 1881. Jošt, who had previously worked in Zagreb, Sarajevo, and Cisleithania, had already been engaged in political and professional activities.Footnote 58 In Fiume, Jošt could take advantage of favorable work opportunities in the expanding Croatian-language printing industry, but he also faced new obstacles, such as the predominance of the Italian language. Jošt spoke Croatian at local professional congresses, and his speeches had to be translated in Italian.Footnote 59 Il Tipografo noted that at the May 1913 assembly, Jošt spoke at length in Croatian provoking the audience's impatience. Not only Jošt's use of Croatian, but also his criticism of the local leadership caused tension within the association. Jošt claimed that the Fiume organization was reluctant or unwilling to bring in typographic workers from Slovene-speaking Ljubljana or Croatian-speaking Zagreb when such workers were needed.Footnote 60 The society's president rejected Jošt's criticism, claiming it applied only to a specific case of a worker from Zagreb who contacted a firm director in Fiume without first informing himself about the specific needs of the Fiumian market. The society’s president asserted that Fiumian typographers never rejected workers based on nationality, arguing that Jošt's very presence in Fiume confirmed his point.

Nonetheless, in 1913 national strains among Italians and Croatian became evident, when the Croatian nationalists (officially Slavic workers) ran a list opposing the official socialists’ list in the elections for employers’ and employees’ representatives of the various branches of the local District Insurance Company.Footnote 61 Seventeen typographers were included in the Croatian nationalists’ list, Jošt among them, while the socialists’ list also included at least three typographers.Footnote 62 Moreover, the first candidate in the socialists’ list for the industry branch was the editor of the typographic professional paper.Footnote 63 During these elections, another typographer, Franjo Himmelreich whose Heimatrecht was Križevci, in central Croatia, publicly advocated for his fellow national workers—Croats—to vote for Croats to serve on the fund's board directions.Footnote 64 In the absence of other type of documentation, Jošt's and Himmelreich's origins, Marija Gorica and Križevci respectively, offer some hints on the cultural background of their political claims. In any case, their national political engagement is connected to the Croatian national claim according to which Fiume was unfairly detached from Croatia-Slavonia. Additionally, the lesser status of Croatian language inside Fiume's public administration and their inability to use Croatian language inside District Insurance Company fostered Croatian claims.

National antagonism continued to increase in the last years before the war. In January 1914 Il Tipografo blamed the Croatian colleagues for attempting to organize the overthrow of the organization's directors. Nor were the Hungarians (i.e., Hungarian speakers) spared criticism. According to Il Tipografo, the Hungarians did not speak to other colleagues, did not attend association congresses, and behaved in a “disdainful and indifferent manner as if members of a superior race.”Footnote 65 Though the printers’ official paper denied the existence of Italian nationalism, except in very rare cases, the direction was accused of expelling a colleague for being Croat the same year.Footnote 66 It was therefore nationalistic, as the others were, though its nationalism can be labeled as local patriotism and not Italian irredentist nationalism. The incontestable supremacy of Italian language in town was considered fundamental and a typical feature of the corpus separatum and the Italian-speaking elite's loyalty, rather than alleged identification with an Italian nation-state.

Conclusion

Despite national friction, a transnational professional group loyalty persisted among Fiume's printers through the outbreak of World War I. When Emidio Capudi, one of the founders of Società tipografica, retired in 1914, the professional paper reported Jošt's words that “all clashes vanish, and Italians, Croatians, and Hungarians unite in a tribute” to Capudi's personality.Footnote 67 Certainly, national antagonism did not suddenly disappear in 1914. However, professional identification was still meaningful to some. Following the outbreak of World War I, most publishing activity decreased, and the publication of some newspapers was suspended. As a reaction, some members of the professional community started to collect fees for the increasing number of unemployed or decided to reduce their own work hours to prevent laying off their coworkers.Footnote 68 Certainly, some typographers enlisted in the Habsburg military, and the workers’ community was weakened by wartime causalities. In the turbulent postwar period, the Typographic Society membership dropped to some sixty members. Despite the economic and political instability, the typographers organized games and festivities to collect fees for needy coworkers.Footnote 69 Additionally, rites of passage such as working anniversaries and funerals continued to be honored, helping preserve the professional community.Footnote 70 In May 1921, the Typographic Society decided to restore the official name that predated centralization with Budapest trade union, and in January 1923, it merged with the Italian professional association. As Trieste printers’ paper noted in 1922, Fiume's typographers were also Italians, who because of political complications were then separated from Italy.Footnote 71

Following Italy's annexation of Fiume in 1924, the local Italian state official, the Prefetto, appointed a commissioner to monitor the society's finances, which were seemingly in disarray. In a report to the Prefetto on the Typographic Society, the commissioner noted that among the typographers “there is a praiseworthy spirit of collegiality and mutual esteem. The elderly act as a guide to beginners in matters concerning their profession, the unemployed have the full support of all the other colleagues.”Footnote 72 Further research on the Fascist period may provide additional information on printers’ political and national attitudes, and the plausible persistence of the professional group. For the late Habsburg period, an era of increasing national polarization, other forms of identification, both professional and class-based, remained possible. I suggest that printer workers were able to adhere to the cultural and social patterns shared by the dominant local society, led by the Autonomists. Still, printers developed class attitudes and forged a socialist political stance, distancing themselves from the local dominant elite. Fiumian typographers maintained institutional links with Budapest and included Sušak printers, demonstrating their incorporation inside of a larger Hungarian context. They succeeded in maintaining a predominantly Italian linguistic and cultural background, but their identity was not solely that of “Italian” typographers.

Footnotes

The author would like to thank Rok Stergar and Vanni D'Alessio for their comments on an earlier version of this text, the two anonymous reviewers for their suggestions, and Nancy M. Wingfield for her suggestions and revisions that substantially improved this text.

References

1 In this article, I employ only Fiume, the Italian name for Fiume/Rijeka. I am not, however, making a national claim over the city or its inhabitants. The reason for my choice is twofold: On the one hand, Fiume was the most commonly used name during the Habsburg era and, regardless of the mother tongue of its inhabitants, was used in both the Hungarian and the Italian languages as city's official name and as such occurred in official documents. Croatian language materials, however, usually referred to the city as Rijeka or Rieka. On the other hand, contemporary Rijeka/Fiume is a product of the expansion of the city Fiume, an interwar Italian city, which was joined with Sušak, an interwar Yugoslav city, and other suburbs in 1947. During the period examined here, Sušak was part of Croatia-Slavonia, bordering the corpus separatum, while some western suburbs of contemporary Rijeka/Fiume were part of Istria in Cisleithania. Fiume is the historical term that defines a territorially and politically more limited area than the present-day city.

2 The case of local print workers is an interesting research topic as Ljubinka Karpowicz and Mihael Sobolevski have noted in Sindikalni pokret u općini Rijeka do 1941. godine [The trade union movement in Rijeka district until 1941] (Rijeka, 1990), 77; Vlado Oštrić mentioned an ongoing study during the 1970s in “O počecima radničkog pokreta u Senju 1874–1914” [On the beginnings of labor movement in Senj 1874–1914], Senjski zbornik [The review of Senj] 7 (1976/79): 29. However, nothing has been published. The monograph on the graphic workers of Croatia omits Fiume/Rijeka entirely, while mentioning Sušak only in the period after 1918, Cecić, Vinko, Historija organizacije i političkih borba grafičkih radnika Hrvatske 1870–1955 [The history of organization and political struggle of the graphic workers of Croatia 1870–1955] (Zagreb, 1955), 246–49Google Scholar. There is also a study of the printers of the northern Adriatic, but it concentrates on Opatija/Abbazia: Oštrić, Vlado, “O vezama i suradnji između istarskih i sjevernojadranskih grafičkih radnika do Prvog svjetskog rata” [On the relations and collaboration between Istrian and North Adriatic graphic workers until World War I], in Labinska Republika 1921. godine. Zbornik radova [The Labin Republic of 1921: Collection of works], eds. Brajković, Vladislav and Bratulić, Vjekoslav (Rijeka, 1972), 119–43Google Scholar.

3 Brubaker, Rogers, “Ethnicity without groups,” European Journal of Sociology 43 (Aug. 2002): 163–89Google Scholar.

4 See King, Jeremy, Budweisers into Czechs and Germans: A Local History of Bohemian Politics, 1848–1948 (Princeton, 2002)Google Scholar; Judson, Pieter M., Guardians of the Nation: Activists on the Language Frontiers of Imperial Austria (Cambridge, MA, 2006)Google Scholar; Zahra, Tara, “Imagined Noncommunities: National Indifference as a Category of Analysis,” Slavic Review 69, no. 1 (Spring 2010): 93–119Google Scholar; and Zahra, Tara and Judson, Pieter M., “Sites of Indifference to Nationhood,” Austrian History Yearbook 43 (Apr. 2012): 21–27Google Scholar.

5 On Fiume's history, see Fried, Ilona, Fiume città della memoria 1868–1945 (Udine, 2005)Google Scholar; Klen, Danilo, ed., Povijest Rijeke [History of Rijeka] (Rijeka, 1988)Google Scholar; and Stelli, Giovanni, Storia di Fiume (Pordenone, 2017)Google Scholar. For the Dualist period, the best accounts are the two unpublished PhD theses: Ljubinka Karpowicz, “Riječki corpus separatum 1868–1924” (PhD diss., University of Ljubljana, 1986) and William Klinger, “Negotiating the Nation: Fiume, from autonomism to state making (1848–1924)” (PhD diss., European University Institute, 2007).

6 Contemporaries employed the term “autonomia,” thus, the name of Autonomist Party. However, as Jeremy King noted, Austrian municipalities had powers of self-government but not complete law-making autonomy. King, Jeremy, “The Municipal and the National in the Bohemian Lands, 1848–1918,” Austrian History Yearbook 42 (2011): 89–109Google Scholar. This was also true for Fiume. See the comments on autonomy in L'Autonomia di Fiume appunti storici e considerazioni. Studio di un vecchio fiumano (Fiume, 1901).

7 A contemporary described the Autonomist Party as a force whose political program was spread to the entire population, see Susmel, Edoardo, Antonio Grossich nella vita del suo tempo 1849–1926 (Milan, 1933), 48Google Scholar.

8 On Sušak, see Rački, Andrija, Povijest grada Sušaka [History of the city Sušak] (Sušak, 1929, reprint Rijeka, 1990)Google Scholar and more on the interwar period, Bartulović, Željko, Sušak 1919.–1947.: državnopravni položaj grada [Sušak 1919–1947, the state-right position of the city] (Rijeka, 2004)Google Scholar.

9 The census data for Fiume is quoted in Fried, Fiume città, 74–78, and Klen, Povijest Rijeke, 233. For Sušak, besides the number mentioned by Klen, Povijest Rijeke, 233, see the Hungarian census data, in particular A Magyar Szent Korona Országainák 1910 évi Népszámlálása [The 1910 census of the Holy Hungarian Crown Lands], vol. 42 (Budapest, 1912), 671.

10 The data on Hungarian language knowledge for 1910 is quoted in Fried, Fiume città, 75. See the place of origin of the immigrants in Fiume for 1910 in A Magyar Szent Korona Országainák 1910 évi Népszámlálása [The 1910 census of the Holy Hungarian Crown Lands], vol. 61 (Budapest, 1916), 54–73.

11 On Croatian claims, see Klen, Povijest Rijeke, 234; Bićanić, Rudolf, “Važnost Rijeke u ekonomskom životu Hrvatske” [The importance of Rijeka in the economic life of Croatia], in Rijeka. Geografija - Etnologija - Ekonomija - Saobraćaj - Povijest - Kultura. Zbornik, ed. Ravlić, Jakša [Rijeka: Geography-ethnology-economy-transport-history-culture-collection] (Zagreb, 1953), 165Google Scholar; and Antić, Vinko, Rijeka u hrvatskoj književnosti XIX. i početkom XX. stoljeća [Rijeka in Croatian literature of nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century] (Zagreb, 1953), 479Google Scholar. For the Italian perspective, see Gigante, Riccardo, Fiume e il nuovo confine, memorie e presagi (Milan, 1943)Google Scholar, 16–17; and Luksich-Jamini, Antonio, “Il movimento delle nazionalità e l'italianità di Fiume,” Fiume 14, no. 1–4 (Jan.–Dec. 1968), 167–68Google Scholar. The number of workers is an estimate of the Fiume Industrial and Trade Chamber. It is unclear what categories were included, and again, Sušak was probably excluded from these numbers.

12 On the owners of Fiume's printing firms, see Lukežić, Irvin, “Riječki bibliopolis” [Rijeka's bibliopolis], in Liburnijski torzo [Liburnian torso] (Rijeka, 1999), 126–51Google Scholar.

13 The number includes typographers, lithographers, and their operatives, in Lukežić, “Riječki bibliopolis,” 135.

14 A Magyar Korona Országainák 1900 évi Népszámlálása [Hungarian Crown Lands 1900 census], vol. 12 (Budapest, 1906), 283; and A Magyar Szent Korona Országainák 1910 évi Népszámlálása [The Saint Hungarian Crown Lands 1910 census], vol. 52 (Budapest, 1914), 1203.

15 Survey of the typographers’ strike, 4 Apr. 1907, P.S. 4514/1907, folder I-2-417, Box 305, Ordinary acts, Year 1907, Hungarian gubernium, DARi-7, State Archive of Rijeka.

16 A sociological research on British typesetters made in the 1960s gives further argument, Cannon, I. C., “Ideology and Occupational Community: A Study of Compositors,” Sociology 1, no. 2 (May 1967): 165–85Google Scholar.

17 Škrbec, Stanislav, Riječka zvijezda Gutenbergove galaksije [The Rijeka star of Gutenberg's galaxy] (Rijeka, 1995), 285–9Google Scholar0.

18 On newspapers published in Rijeka during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, see Lazarić, Lea, “Izvori o riječkim povijesnim novinama 1813.–1918.” [Sources on historical newspapers in Rijeka 1813–1918], Libellarium 2, no. 1 (2009): 65–79Google Scholar.

19 On Zara/Zadar, see Monzali, Luciano, The Italians of Dalmatia: From Italian Unification to World War I (Toronto, 2009)Google Scholar.

20 See note 8. On Fiume's torpedo factory, see Casali, Antonio and Cattaruzza, Marina, Sotto i mari del mondo la Whitehead 1875–1990 (Rome, 1990)Google Scholar. Some information on worker wages can be found in Karpowicz and Sobolevki, Sindikalni pokret, 53–80.

21 See the examples from Swedish, Croatian, Russian, and Milanese typographers in Olsson, Lars, “‘We Stand Here as Sellers and Buyers in Relation to Each Other’: On Work, Culture, and Consciousness among Swedish Typographers in the Late 19th and Early 20th Centuries,” Scandinavian Journal of History 19, no. 3 (1994): 201–21Google Scholar; Korać, Vitomir, Povjest radničkog pokreta u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji. Knjiga druga, Radnički sindikati [History of the labor movement in Croatia and Slavonia. Second book, Workers’ unions] (Zagreb, 1930), 480–527Google Scholar; Steinberg, Mark D., Moral Communities: The Culture of Class Relations in the Russian Printing Industry 1867–1907 (Berkeley, 1992)Google Scholar; and Marchetti, Ada Gigli, I tre anelli. Mutualità, resistenza, cooperazione dei tipografi milanesi (1860–1925) (Milan, 1983)Google Scholar.

22 Eric J. Hobsbawm and Joan W. Scott, “Political Shoemakers,” in Hobsbawm, Eric J., Worlds of Labour: Further Studies in the History of Labour (London, 1984), 103–30Google Scholar.

23 Foretić, Dinko, “Socijalistički radnički pokret u Dalmaciji posljednjih godina XIX. stoljeća (povodom 40-godišnjice S.K. Jugoslavije)” [The socialist labor movement in Dalmatia the last years of the nineteenth century (on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia)], Radovi instituta Jugoslavenske Akademije Znanosti i Umjetnosti u Zadru [Proceedings of the Institute of the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts in Zadar], eds. Novak, Grga and Maštrović, Vjekoslav, vols. 6–7 (Zagreb, 1960), 5–33Google Scholar.

24 Irvin Lukežić, “Riječki bibliopolis,” 135. The author does not mention that the attempt failed. See Folder Società di mutuo soccorso dei tipografi, Year 1883, Category S21, Magistrato civico, DARi-22. State Archive of Rijeka.

25 Antonio Chiuzzelin founded his own printing firm and published the Autonomist Party newspaper, La Voce del Popolo, and Giuseppe Lengo after the mentioned foreman experience became a clerk in a Workers’ bank. I could find no information on Antonio Usigovich. Lukežić, Irvin, Književnopovijesne vedute [Literature-historical views] (Pula, 2010), 67–69Google Scholar.

26 Klen, Povijest Rijeke, 264.

27 Folder Società tipografica fiumana, 1902, Category F19, Magistrato civico, DARi-22. State Archive of Rijeka; and “Quale è la vera causa?,” Il Tipografo, 1 May 1912, 2.

28 Participants in the 1900 Fiumian Typographic Society Congress agreed to a reciprocity treaty with other organizations. “Società tipografica fiumana,” La Bilancia, 17 Apr. 1900, 2. For example, in 1901 a member of the Fiumian organization received a fee in Zagreb. “Abbonio Quaranti za veljaču. Izkaz primitka vanjskih članova (Abbondio Quaranti for February: Acceptance statement of outside members),” Hrvatski tipograf, 28 Feb. 1901, 4.

29 “Società tipografica fiumana,” Il Popolo, 9 Oct. 1905, 1.

30 “Cose di Fiume,” Il Risveglio, 24 Mar. 1905, 2; and “Corrispondenze da Fiume,” Il Risveglio, 26 Apr. 1905, 2–3.

31 See “Corrispondenze da Fiume,” Il Risveglio, 25 July 1902, 3–4; and “Società di soccorso fra tipografi e fonditori di caratteri dell'Ungheria. Distretto di Fiume. Movimento dei soci dal 16/9 al 29/9,” Il Risveglio, 11 Oct. 1906, 4.

32 On Pressburg, see Babejová, Eleonóra, Fin-de-Siècle Pressburg: Conflict and Cultural Coexistence in Bratislava 1897–1914 (New York, 2003)Google Scholar. Babejová does not mention the printers’ union, but their professional association is quoted by the Fiumian correspondent in “Corrispondenze da Fiume,” Il Risveglio, 25 Oct. 1905, 2.

33 Kende, János, A magyarországi szociáldemokrata párt nemzetiségi politikája 1903–1919 [The Hungarian social democratic party nationalities politics] (Budapest, 1973), 69Google Scholar.

34 “Commemorazione funebre,” La Bilancia, 2 Nov. 1900, 2.

35 “Ringraziamento,” La Voce del Popolo, 7 Feb. 1905, 3; and “Javna zahvala” [Public thanks/acknowledgement], Novi List, 3 Apr. 1913, 3.

36 “Società professionale fra tipografi e fonditori di caratteri dell'Ungheria. Filiale di Fiume,” Il Risveglio, 25 Sept. 1906, 4.

37 “Corrispondenza da Fiume,” Il Risveglio, 25 July 1902, 4; “Una commemorazione,” Il Popolo, 30 Sept. 1904, 2; “La festa dei tipografi,” La Voce del Popolo, 3 Oct. 1904, 2; “Il comitato festeggiamenti fra tipografi di Fiume,” Il Tipografo, 1 Apr. 1913, 3; “In famiglia,” Il Tipografo, 1 June 1913, 3; and “La cena sociale,” Il Tipografo, 1 Nov. 1913, 3.

38 “Sulle malattie professionali degli operai tipografi,” Il Popolo, 1 Nov. 1902, 1.

39 “Giubileo d'un proto-Banchetto,” La Bilancia, 6 Nov. 1899, 2.

40 Panfilo Castaldi was a fifteenth-century physician and typographer; see Veneziani, Paolo, “Castaldi, Panfilo,” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, vol. 21 (Rome, 1978)Google Scholar, accessed 11 Dec. 2017, http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/panfilo-castaldi_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/.

41 “Il V centenario della nascita di Giovanni Gutenberg,” La Bilancia, 16 June 1900, 2; and “I tipografi in festa. La solenne commemorazione di Giovanni Gutenberg,” La Voce del Popolo, 25 June 1900, 1.

42 “Cronaca del carnevale,” La Bilancia, 15 Feb. 1904, 2; “Comunicati,” La Bilancia, 16 Feb. 1904, 2; “Il grande ballo dei tipografi,” Il Popolo, 14 Feb. 1904, 1–2; and “Il ballo dei tipografi,” La Voce del Popolo, 14 Feb. 1904, 2.

43 Emidio (erroneously Emilio in the newspaper text) Capudi is mentioned in the direction of the Confederazione operaia, see “Cronaca di Fiume,” La Confederazione operaia (Trieste), 13 June 1890, 3–4; and Prima guida generale di Fiume (Congiuntivi gli Almanacchi) per l'anno 1891 (Fiume, 1891), 109.

44 On the second Confederazione operaia, see Jozséf Székeres, “Prvi generalni štrajk u Rijeci i djelatnost riječkog radničkog saveza (godine 1901–1902.)” [The first general strike in Rijeka and the activity of Rijeka's workers alliance (years 1901–1902)], Dometi, nos. 7–9, (Rijeka, 1979), 39–50.

45 “I telegrammi da Fiume,” Il Lavoratore, 6 May 1902, 1; “Il Compianto,” Il Lavoratore, 13 May 1902, 2; and “Fiume,” Il Lavoratore, 17 Feb. 1903, 2.

46 On the organization of Hungarian Social Democratic Party see Hitchins, Keith, “Hungary,” in The Formation of Labour Movements 1870–1914: An International Perspective, eds. Marcel van der Linden and Jürgen Rojahn (Leiden, 1990)Google Scholar, 347–66; and Kabos, Ernő, “The Links between the Social Democratic Party of Hungary and the Trade Unions from 1890 to 1914,” in Studies on the History of the Hungarian Trade-Union Movement, eds. Kabos, E. and Zsilák, A. (Budapest, 1977), 42–67Google Scholar.

47 “I tipografi e il 10 ottobre,” La Bilancia, 8 Oct. 1907, 2; and “Proglas riečkih tipografa” [The announcement of Rijeka typographers], Novi List, 8 Oct. 1907, 2.

48 “Le elezioni di ieri,” La Bilancia, 14 Apr. 1910, 1–2.

49 “Quale è la vera causa,” Il Tipografo, 1 May 1912, 2.

50 The Croatian-language professional paper, republishing an article from the Hungarian-language professional paper, wrote that the Fiumian workers have abandoned their previous local patriotic loyalty, in “Rijeka,” Hrvatski Tipograf, 27 Jan. 1912, 1–2.

51 “La festa dei tipografi,” La Voce del Popolo, 3 May 1905, 2; and “Il primo maggio. La festa dei lavoratori,” La Bilancia, 2 May 1905, 2.

52 As Otto Bauer wrote: “After all, we are all affected by national ideology, by national romanticism; few of us would be able even to say the word ‘German’ without its resonating with a peculiar emotional overtone.” Otto Bauer, The Question of Nationalities and Social Democracy, trans. Joseph O'Donnell (Minneapolis, 2000), 19.

53 “Riečko-Sušačko društvo tipografa!!” [Rijeka-Sušak typographers’ society], Hrvatski Tipograf, 16 June 1900, 43.

54 Oštrić notes that Sušak was a weak printing center and until 1914 not organized in unions, in Vlado Oštrić, “O počecima radničkog pokreta u Senju 1874–1914,” 29.

55 “Corrispondenza da Fiume,” Il Risveglio, 25 July 1902, 4.

56 Korać, Vitomir, “Sindikati na Rijeci-Sušaku” [The trade union in Rijeka-Sušak], in Povijest radničkog pokreta u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji, 2:424–32Google Scholar.

57 See the language knowledge per mother tongue in A Magyar Szent Korona Országainak 1910. évi, Népszámlálása, vol. 61 (Budapest, 1910), 122–23, 127–29, 132–33, 136–37, 140–41, 144–45, 148–49, 152–53, 156–57, and 160–61.

58 On this figure, among the founders of the union of the typographic workers of Yugoslavia and chief editor of the professional paper, see Kolar-Dimitrijević, Mira and Mujadžević, Dino, “Bogoslav Jošt,” in Hrvatski biografski leksikon, ed. Macan, Trpimir (Zagreb, 2005), 6:521Google Scholar.

59 “In casa nostra,” Il Tipografo, 1 June 1913, 2–3.

60 “In casa nostra,” Il Tipografo, 1 Mar. 1913, 1–2.

61 Zimmermann, Susan, Divide, Provide and Rule: An Integrative History of Poverty Policy, Social Policy, and Social Reform in Hungary under the Habsburg Monarchy (Budapest, 2011)Google Scholar.

62 “Dokažimo, da nas ima! Glasovnice za današnjeizbore okružne blaganje” [Let's prove that we are here! Ballots for today's District Company elections], Novi list, 25 May 1913, 1–2.

63 “I candidati per le prossime elezioni della Cassa distrettuale,” Il Popolo, 24 May 1913, 2. Unlike the Croatians’ list, the socialist list did not include professions of the candidates.

64 Birth record N. 876 from 1909, Giulia Linda daughter of Francesco Himmelreich. Birth records from Mar. 1909 to Mar. 1910, Book 1320, DARi-275, State Archive of Rijeka. “Slavenski radnici i izbori riečke okružne blagajne” [Slavic workers and the elections of Rijeka district fund], Novi List, 16 May 1913, 2.

65 “la disdegnosità e l'indifferenza di una razza superiore,” in “Nell'imminenza del Congresso,” in Il Tipografo, 1 Jan. 1914, 2.

66 Ibid.

67 “si spengono tutti i rancori e che italiani, ungheresi e croati si uniscono nel tributo d'omaggio,” in “L'ommaggio a Emidio Capudi,” Il Tipografo, 1 Feb. 1914, 3–4.

68 “In casa nostra,” Il Tipografo, 21 Sept. 1914, 2–3.

69 The Prefetto commissioner to the Prefetto, Fiume, 14 Apr. 1926, Subfolder Società tipografica fiumana, folder 13-7 Unioni e società diverse, Box 130, Cabinet acts, Prefettura di Fiume, DARi-8, State Archive of Rijeka.

70 “Giubileo di lavoro,” Il Risveglio, 15 May 1922, 3; and “Ringraziamento della famiglia Emidio Capudi,” La Vedetta d'Italia, 17 June 1922, 4.

71 “L'unione dei colleghi di Fiume alla nostra Federazione,” Il Risveglio, 15 Dec. 1922, 1.

72 “Tra di loro regna un encomiabile spirito di collegialità e di stima reciproca. Gli anziani fungono da guida ai principianti nelle questioni riguardanti la loro professione, i disoccupati hanno il pieno appoggio di tutti gli altri colleghi,” in The Prefetto commissioner to the Prefetto, Fiume, 17 Dec. 1926, Subfolder Società tipografica fiumana, folder 13-7 Unioni e società diverse, Box 130, Cabinet acts, Prefettura di Fiume, DARi-8, State Archive of Rijeka.