The Black Officer Corps examines the US Armed Forces' black officer corps during an important period of change. It focusses on the critical years from 1946 through 1973, or roughly from the beginnings of integration in the military until the end of the Vietnam War. The author contends that despite the personal and institutional racism encountered by most black officers in their careers, they reshaped race relations in the armed forces, culminating with the establishment of the Defense Race Relations Institute in 1971. The book examines a wide spectrum of experiences that black officers dealt with on a regular basis, including their educational and Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) experiences, cultural differences and racist attitudes in the military and civilian society, a biased promotion system, and the impact of the black power and civil rights movements.
The majority of black officers personally supported the more moderate civil rights movement over the more militant black power and black nationalists movements, but remained silent in fear of jeopardizing their careers. They also appeared reluctant to challenge directly racism within the military, which opened them up to charges by more militant African Americans of being “Uncle Toms” and careerists. Black officers chose to meet these challenges by excelling as officers and at any given assignment. Their contribution to the movement, and to overcoming bigotry, was to prove their detractors wrong, and pave the way for the next generation to advance. They were not radicals, and chose to work within the system because it was the only system they had. As one black officer phrased it, it was “more effective to evolutionize than to revolutionize” (xiv). This approach to their careers and to social change was due in part to values instilled by their families, but also in a very large part to the education and moral foundation provided at historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs).
The chapter on HBCUs is particularly insightful and informative, not only due to the educational and cultural impact, but because of the sheer number of black officers who graduated from these institutions. Approximately 75 percent of the black officers in the Army during the period under study attended ROTC programs at, and graduated from, HBCUs. ROTC instructors did not discuss racial issues or offer advice on how to adapt and survive in a white-dominated military racked with racial unrest. Despite these omissions, most students felt that, overall, the college and ROTC program prepared them very well for their future careers. This opinion was not shared by the majority of white officers who believed that HBCUs provided a substandard education compared to traditional universities. This bias in turn then affected a black officer's chance of promotion. Another problem affecting promotion was low scores on their initial officer efficiency reports (OER). This often meant that they were passed over for assignment to prestigious military schools like the Command and General Staff College, whose graduates are generally considered on the fast track for promotion.
Hampton relies heavily on the Army's 1971–72 “Butler Report” that studied the efficiency scores and promotion rates for African Americans from 1957 to 1971. It revealed that black officers routinely scored on average ten to fifteen points below their white counterparts. The Butler Report and other studies helped illustrate the racial problems facing the Army, and contributed to reforming the system. There was also new leadership with a strong commitment to equal opportunity and diversity. Beginning in July 1971, Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird and Secretary of the Army Robert Froehlke initiated a series of new policies in conjunction with the advent of the All-Volunteer Armed Forces to ensure a more diverse and representative officer corps. Beginning the following year, the results of the Butler Report were used to unofficially brief members of promotion and selection boards.
Hampton conducted over seventy-five oral-history interviews with officers, officers' wives and black enlisted personnel, and uses these accounts effectively to underscore his analysis of the black officer corps, and the pervasive nature of personal and institutional racism in the military. Despite the title, however, the focus is almost exclusively on graduates of HBCUs, and it would have been helpful to include viewpoints from African American officers from West Point, or traditional colleges, as well as some black officers who were on the fast track to promotion. Also, there is not enough on the impact of the Vietnam War. Serving in combat was known as “getting your ticket punched,” and usually provided a faster route to promotion regardless of race. Overall, The Black Officer Corps is an important addition to the study of the black military experience in America.
