Press Release from the Department of Homeland Security, January 8, 2010Footnote 1
New Zealand and the United States have agreed to enhance cooperation in science and technology research to improve the shared capabilities of both nations to protect against acts of terrorism and other threats to domestic and external security.
“International collaboration in science and technology is a major part of our ongoing efforts to counter threats of terrorism,” said Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Janet Napolitano. “This agreement will enhance our ability to collaborate on research and share innovative technologies to ensure our mutual security and protect the public.”
“The Agreement on Science and Technology Cooperation Contributing to Domestic and External Security Capabilities strengthens New Zealand's longstanding relationship with the U.S. in research science and technology,” said New Zealand Foreign Affairs Minister Murray McCully. “Under the Agreement New Zealand transport security and civil defense emergency management researchers will now benefit from collaborative project work with their U.S. counterparts.”
The Agreement calls for close cooperation between the US and New Zealand on the development of threat and vulnerability analyses and new technologies, and strengthened collaboration on border and transport security and civil defense emergency management.
The Agreement draws on the collective technical expertise of government scientists from both countries, and encourages robust participation by universities, nonprofit organization and the private sector through public-private partnerships and collaborative funding.
It was signed today in Washington by Secretary Napolitano and New Zealand Ambassador Roy Ferguson. The United States has recently concluded similar agreements with Spain, Germany, France, Israel, Australia, the United Kingdom and Canada.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Japanese Foreign Minister Okada, January 12, 2010Footnote 2
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada delivered these remarks in Honolulu, Hawaii
Secretary Clinton. Well, welcome to this incredibly beautiful day here in Hawaii, and it's a great pleasure to welcome the foreign minister here. These beautiful islands are the birthplace of President Obama and they serve as a reminder that the United States is a Pacific nation that shares the challenges and the opportunities of our partners around the Asia-Pacific rim. As the President said in Tokyo in November, we are not separated by this great ocean; we are bound by it.
In this first year of the Obama Administration, we have renewed American engagement and leadership in Asia and the Pacific. The President and I have worked bilaterally and multilaterally to ensure that the United States is not only back, but here to stay. By the end of this week, I will have made four trips to the region and touched every corner from Northeast Asia to Southeast Asia, from China and India to the Pacific islands, Australia, and New Zealand. And it was my great honor to visit Japan on my first official trip as Secretary of State, a testament to the enduring importance of our relationship.
The alliance between the United States and Japan is a cornerstone of America's engagement in the region and an essential pillar of the Asia-Pacific security architecture. It continues to underwrite regional stability and prosperity and enhances our own national security as well. This is not a pact directed against any adversary. It is a partnership that supports our shared interests and values and is rooted in our common commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and universal human rights.
In the past year, both the United States and Japan have sworn in newly-elected governments, a democratic ritual we sometimes take for granted but that is still too uncommon in too many parts of the world. Our democratic values give the Japanese and the American people the strength, resilience, and flexibility to meet the challenges of a changing world. This month—in fact, next week, one week from today—we are celebrating the 50th anniversary of the signing of the treaty that has provided our alliance's unshakable foundation.
These bonds of commerce and culture bind us together. And they will only grow stronger, thanks to the recent Open Skies Agreement which will make it easier for both business travelers and tourists to fly between the United States and Japan.
Our partnership depends on close cooperation, coordination, and consultation, and I look forward to working with Minister Okada to ensure that the next 50 years of our alliance are as fruitful as the last. We are working together to meet the challenges of the 21st century. From reconstruction efforts in Iraq, to combating piracy off the Horn of Africa, to significant economic assistance to Afghanistan, Japan is providing crucial contributions to global security and stability.
Japan's Self-Defense Forces have donned blue helmets to promote peace in troubled lands, and Japanese development programs have helped millions of people from Sub-Saharan Africa to Southeast Asia break free from the chains of poverty and take control of their own destinies. Bilaterally and through multilateral organizations such as the G-20, APEC, and others, the United States and Japan have worked to respond to the global financial crisis to start rebuilding the world economy and put in place necessary financial reforms.
And last month in Copenhagen, the United States and Japan joined together with other partners to reach an agreement that represents a meaningful step forward in the global commitment to combat climate change. Now we have to work to operationalize the accord and to put in effect all of the effective ideas for us to combat this global challenge.
Through our partnership, the United States and Japan seek to ensure that Asia's evolving multilateral organizations are inclusive, transparent, and solutions-oriented. A strong U.S.-Japan alliance is not only consistent with robust Asia-Pacific multilateralism; it is crucial to its success. For decades, our security guarantees have provided the stability needed to grow the region's economies and diplomatic structures, and we are committed to building a strong foundation for the 21st century.
We continue to work together for a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula within the framework of the Six-Party Talks. And I will, as I told Minister Okada, never forget the families of the abducted, whom I met in Japan last February. I heard their stories, I looked at their pictures, and I carry that in my heart.
Let me repeat what American officials have said ever since President Eisenhower signed our treaty 50 years ago: The commitment of the United States to Japan's security is unwavering. To ensure that our alliance is well positioned to adapt and respond to evolving challenges, we must bolster our diplomatic engagement and security arrangements and ensure that our military posture can continue to provide the security that has been so instrumental in the region's stability for so long. We must do this while reducing the impact on local communities by American military bases, particularly in Okinawa. Our two governments drew up the realignment roadmap with these dual goals in mind, and we look to our Japanese allies and friends to follow through on their commitments, including on Futenma.
So Minister Okada, this was a long and comprehensive meeting with a very substantive, serious agenda. We have much work to do together, but I'm confident that our alliance is up to the task, just as it has been for the last 50 years. Thank you.
Foreign Minister Okada. Thank you. Let me—under this strong sunlight of Hawaii, I feel like staying one more day and take a little bit of rest. But over the past 80 minutes, I had a meeting with Secretary Clinton, and let me discuss that.
This is the third time that I meet with Secretary Clinton in the setting of bilateral foreign ministers meeting since our first meeting in September at the UN General Assembly. And I think we had a very good meeting. We look forward to meeting as frequently as possible to discuss Japan-U.S. alliance and other matters as well.
With regard to U.S. alliance, it is important for its own security and for the peace and stability of the Asia-Pacific. That is my awareness and is the perception of Prime Minister Hatoyama as well, and I conveyed that message to Secretary Clinton. And this is what I also said at our first meeting in September as well—that we must make the Japan-U.S. alliance sustainable for the next 30 or 50 years, and further deepen this alliance. And we would like to make efforts to that end mutually.
One week from now, we'll be marking the 50th anniversary of the signing of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. And on that memorable day, we would like to launch consultations for the purpose of further deepening that alliance. And we confirmed that, and I think in fact we have marked our first step towards that, and for the security of Japan and to further bolster the Japan-U.S. alliance that is functioning for Japan's own security, as well as for the peace and stability of the Asia-Pacific region.
Apart from the Japan-U.S. alliance, we also discussed more global issues. As the Secretary just mentioned, we discussed Afghanistan, Iran, North Korea, and also global warming, nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament, Myanmar, et cetera. I'm not going to delve into details, I believe, but the mere fact that these diverse issues came up in our discussions I think is a testament to the importance of our Japan-U.S. alliance, and that it is meaningful under this alliance for our two countries to discuss these various issues.
I'll maybe go into further details if there are questions, but basically, we've been able to share our awareness, recognition, and we also confirmed the importance of further stepping up our cooperation. So, that's all for me. Thank you.
Moderator. The first question is from Bob Burns from the AP.
Q. Madame Secretary, good morning.
Secretary Clinton. Good morning.
Q. You mentioned in your opening remarks that you were looking for Japan to follow through on its commitments, in particular on Futenma. I'm wondering, in your talks today, did you receive specific explicit assurance that Futenma would not be actually forced off of Okinawa entirely? Were you given any commitments about timing of a decision? And more broadly, are you reassured that the new Japanese Government is fully committed to the security side of the alliance?
Secretary Clinton. Well, Bob, as we celebrate the 50th anniversary of our alliance, security is at the heart of it. And in my conversations, not only today but going back to our very first one in September with the foreign minister, I know that Japan understands and agrees that our security alliance is fundamental to the future of Japan and the region, as well as the common interests that we have in stability, prosperity, and a better future.
I have stressed again today, as I have in previous meetings, that it is important to move on Futenma. The Japanese Government has explained the process that they are pursuing to reach a resolution of the issues that they are working through, and we respect that. We remain of the opinion that the realignment roadmap is the way forward. It is an agreement that was reached between prior governments of each of our countries, but it reflects a lot of serious thought and analysis by our respective militaries as well as others—other aspects of each of our governments.
But I think, as both the minister and I said, we have lots of other business to conduct. This is an issue that we view as very important, but it is part of our comprehensive partnership, and it is one that we pay great attention to. But we also are working on so many other aspects of the global challenges that we face, and we're going to continue to do that.
Q. So you did not receive any explicit commitment that it would not be eventually forced off of Okinawa?
Secretary Clinton. We are respectful of the process that the Japanese Government is going through. They understand very well our position that we want to see the realignment roadmap carried through on. But we also have an appreciation for some of the difficult issues that this new government must address.
At the end of the day, I am confident that we will resolve this matter in a way that reflects the very best of our alliance, the strength of that alliance for the next 50 years, and provides the security guarantees that the Japanese people are looking for.
Q. I'm from NHK. A question for Foreign Minister Okada, please. As was stated in your remarks by both of you, you'll be launching bilateral consultations to strengthen the alliance, but I wonder if you really can have substantive talks while the Futenma issue remains unresolved. What do you think is necessary to—for the Japanese Government to make the talks more than just formality?
Foreign Minister Okada. The Futenma issue—resolving that issue certainly is very important. What I explained to Secretary Clinton today is that the already existing—the importance of the existing Japan-U.S. agreement, and we fully are aware of that. But we now have a change in government in Japan and there are different views within the coalition government. And against that backdrop, we have a set of timeline of May and that within the coalition government we are working on studying this replacement site. We will come up with a conclusion by May, so that there will be a minimum impact on the Japan-U.S. alliance.
To the extent that—and I don't think it is right to say that we cannot engage in other discussions because of the Futenma issue on Japan-U.S. alliance. First, we have to recognize the current status of that alliance or we have to analyze the situation in East Asia, in the Asia Pacific region, the existing security environment. We first have to share the perception about that current status and engage in further discussions between our two countries, so that at the end of the day, between our two countries, we'll be able to further deepen our alliance and come up with a conclusion through the talks.
Moderator. The next question is from Mark Landler of The New York Times.
Q. Good morning, Madame Secretary. Good morning, Minister Okada. A question first for Madame Secretary. China announced late on Monday that it had successfully conducted a test of a land-based missile defense system. It's being widely perceived as a symbol or an expression of Chinese unhappiness about arms sales to Taiwan. Are you—could you, first of all, give me a reaction to that missile test, whether you have a response? And secondly, are you concerned that indeed we are seeing a series of steps that could foretell a bumpier relationship with China?
And then to the minister, as China is such a close neighbor of yours, I'd be interested whether you have a reaction to the missile test.
Secretary Clinton. Well, Mark, we are in the process of gathering information and analyzing the test, so I do not want to prematurely express any opinion about it. I do think it is not connected to any other action or event. We have followed the Chinese development of aerospace capacity for quite some time and this had been foreshadowed some weeks ago.
As I said yesterday, we have invested over the past year in developing a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship with China. We believe there are many issues on which we have common views. There are obviously with any two nations, like any two people, some where we have differences of opinion, but the relationship is on a firm foundation and we will be able to engage in open consultation and conversation with the Chinese. And we'll have more to say about the specific test when we have some factual information on which to base an opinion.
Q. This is (inaudible) with Jiji Press. A question for Secretary Clinton on Futenma. The Japanese coalition government has started studying a possible new site for replacement. And what impact would there be on Japan-U.S. relations if the Japanese coalition study group on Futenma relocation decided on a site other than Henoko that was agreed between U.S. and Japan, and will U.S. engage in negotiations over that site?
Secretary Clinton. Well, I don't want to answer a hypothetical question. We know that there is a lot of concern, as Minister Okada said, within the new coalition. The Japanese Government is working to respond to those concerns and obviously examining the decisions that were made by prior governments.
Our position remains that in terms of both the security arrangements needed to protect Japan and to limit the impact of bases on local communities, particularly on Okinawa, that the realignment roadmap presents the best way forward. But as Minister Okada said, we are going to be meeting, we're going to be consulting, we're going to be asking experts for their advice. And we want to get a decision by May because much of the rest of the work around the realignment roadmap has already proceeded.
The United States has already made decisions based on that roadmap, which was accepted by prior governments. So we want to work closely with our alliance partner and reach the best outcome for Japan and the United States. And as I have said several times already, we think that the realignment roadmap provides the best way forward. Thank you.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton, January 12, 2010Footnote 3
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Honolulu, Hawaii
Introductory Remarks Omitted
Secretary Clinton. We start from a simple premise: America's future is linked to the future of the Asia-Pacific region; and the future of this region depends on America. The United States has a strong interest in continuing its tradition of economic and strategic leadership, and Asia has a strong interest in the United States remaining a dynamic economic partner and a stabilizing military influence.
Economically, we are inextricably linked. American companies export $320 billion in goods and services to the Asia-Pacific countries every year, creating millions of good-paying jobs. Hundreds of thousands of our servicemen and women provide the region with security—a task that our military has shouldered for generations. As Secretary of Defense Robert Gates has noted, the United States is not a visiting power in Asia, but a resident power.
And conversely, Asia is an important presence in the United States. More than 13 million Americans trace their ancestry to this part of the world. Asian countries that were destitute a generation ago now boast some of the highest living standards in the world. East Asia has already surpassed the Millennium Development Goal of reducing extreme poverty to half its 1990 levels by 2015.
Asia is also indispensable to meeting global security and humanitarian challenges. Asian nations are helping to prevent nuclear proliferation in Iran, build schools and clinics in Afghanistan, keep peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and combat piracy off the Horn of Africa.
Yet at the same time, Asia's progress is not guaranteed. Asia is home not only to rising powers, but also to isolated regimes; not only to longstanding challenges, but also unprecedented threats. The dangers of nuclear proliferation, military competition, natural disasters, violent extremism, financial crises, climate change, and disease transcend national borders and pose a common risk.
And we must acknowledge that different countries in the Asia-Pacific region face their own different challenges. Some have made more progress politically than economically, and others the reverse. Some are consolidating reforms, others are struggling with ongoing or renewed instability. Regional cooperation must account for these diverse challenges and create more opportunities for broad-based prosperity and political progress.
A core strategic fact is that this region confronts these challenges and opportunities with a dynamic mix of influential actors, from rising powers like China and India, to traditional leaders like Japan, South Korea, and Australia, to the increasingly influential states of Southeast Asia, like Indonesia. And the United States not only continues to have dynamic and durable bilateral ties, but plays a central role in helping to deal with the difficulties that individual states and this region confront. This new landscape requires us to build an institutional architecture that maximizes our prospects for effective cooperation, builds trust, and reduces the friction of competition.
For years, Asian leaders have talked about strengthening regional cooperation, and Asia's economic, political and security architecture is evolving. Regional institutions have already played a significant part in Asia's evolution. Yet looking forward, we know that they can—and I would argue must—work better. That's a common message I have heard from many of my conversations with Asian leaders and citizens during this past year. There is now the possibility for greater regional cooperation, and there is also a greater imperative.
Now, like any architecture of this building and anywhere else, regional architecture among and between nations requires a firm foundation. And today, I would like to outline the principles that will define America's continued engagement and leadership in the region, and our approach to issues of multilateral cooperation. In formulating this approach we have consulted widely with our Asia-Pacific partners, and these are discussions that I look forward to continuing during my upcoming trip and the months ahead.
First, the United States' alliance relationships are the cornerstone of our regional involvement. The United States' alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand, and the Philippines are among the most successful bilateral partnerships in modern history. The security and stability provided through these relationships have been critical to the region's success and development. Our shared values and strategic interests enabled generations to grow up and prosper in a region largely at peace, and they remain key to maintaining stability and security. Our commitment to our bilateral relationships is entirely consistent with—and will enhance—Asia's multilateral groupings.
Beyond our treaty alliances, we are committed to strengthening relationships with other key players. We are pursuing a strategic dialogue with India, a strategic and economic dialogue with China, and a comprehensive partnership with Indonesia. We are working on strengthening our partnerships with newer partners like Vietnam and longstanding partners like Singapore. Strengthened multilateral cooperation should and must respect and build on our already proven bilateral partnerships.
Second, regional institutions and efforts should work to advance our clear and increasingly shared objectives. These include enhancing security and stability, expanding economic opportunity and growth, and fostering democracy and human rights.
To promote regional security, we must address nuclear proliferation, territorial disputes, and military competition—persistent threats of the 21st century.
To advance economic opportunity, we must focus on lowering trade and investment barriers, improving market transparency, and promoting more balanced, inclusive, and sustainable patterns of economic growth. Regional organizations such as APEC have already shown considerable progress in these areas. In addition, the United States is engaging in the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations as a mechanism for improving linkages among many of the major Asia-Pacific economies.
And to build on political progress, we must support efforts to protect human rights and promote open societies. We applaud ASEAN's decision to establish a new Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights when the Association's new charter went into effect in December of 2008. Over time, we hope the Commission and other regional initiatives will enhance respect for fundamental freedoms and human dignity throughout the region.
Third, our institutions must be effective and be focused on delivering results. This has been a priority for President Obama and me since Day One. Because we believe that Asia's rise over the past two decades has given the region an opportunity for progress that simply didn't exist before.
The formation and operation of regional groups should be motivated by concrete, pragmatic considerations. It's more important to have organizations that produce results, rather than simply producing new organizations.
Now, dialogue is critical in any multilateral institution. But as Asian nations become regional and global players, we must focus increasingly on action. Groups should assess their progress regularly and honestly, and emphasize that all participants are responsible for playing a positive role.
For example, in the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami that devastated South and Southeast Asia, the world witnessed how concrete collective action and a relentless focus on results can provide hope in the face of tragedy. Beyond immediate assistance to areas hit by the tsunami, the disaster response was a catalyst for cooperation across the broader region. It helped to forge enduring political, military, and civilian relationships that have enhanced our ability to respond collectively to natural disasters. We should learn from this example, and act with similar urgency and efficiency in dealing with challenges such as climate change and food security. I am proud that the United States has been and will continue to be a leader in this area. Just this last year, we played a critical role in the civilian-military response that helped bring relief to areas ravaged by cyclones, such as the Philippines and others.
Now, to produce consistent results, institutions need effective governance. That doesn't mean that every organization will use the same mechanism to make decisions. But it does mean that they should embrace efficient decision-making processes and, where appropriate, differentiated roles and responsibilities. At the same time, building serious multilateral institutions requires us to share the burden of operating them. Systems that reward free riders and minimalist contributions are designed to fail.
So on security matters, we are eager to strengthen the ASEAN Regional Forum. The United States will continue to participate in the Forum, and we hope to build on some recent successes, including an inaugural civil-military disaster relief exercise last May. The ASEAN Regional Forum should make good on the vision laid out at our meeting in Thailand last July for it to assume greater responsibilities for disaster relief and humanitarian operations. And the United States stands ready to assist in facilitating that. It should also build on the Forum's demonstrated recognition that Burma and other regional human rights issues will have a substantial effect on regional peace and security. One reason I have established an ambassadorial post to ASEAN in Jakarta is to strengthen this institutionalized process.
Fourth, we must seek to maintain and enhance flexibility in pursuing the results we seek. Now, in some instances, large multilateral institutions may lack the tools necessary to manage particular problems. Where it makes sense, we will participate in informal arrangements targeted to specific challenges, and we will support subregional institutions that advance the shared interests of groups of neighbors.
Another example of that is the Six-Party Talks, which show the potential of an informal arrangement to advance shared interests. Key regional actors have joined together to pursue the verifiable denuclearization of North Korea. Now, making progress toward the complete and irreversible denuclearization of North Korea we know will strengthen security across Asia-Pacific countries, and we are working with our Six-Party partners for a resumption of the Six-Party Talks in the near future.
We have engaged in an enhanced relationship the Lower Mekong countries. We have a Trilateral Strategic Dialogue with Japan and Australia, with Japan and South Korea, and we have informal arrangements guiding cooperation in the Straits of Malacca. And these are each examples of how this kind of multilateralism can produce effective outcomes. And I'm on my way to Australia, where Secretary Gates and I will be meeting in a 2+2 setting with our counterparts there. So we welcome further opportunities to engage this way, for example in trilateral dialogues with Japan and China, and with Japan and India.
When it comes to sub-regional institutions, we really believe that ASEAN is an important success story. It has made a bold decision to integrate across the economic, socio-cultural, and political-security spheres. We believe that a strong, integrated ASEAN will serve broader regional interests in stability and prosperity. And so we will continue to support ASEAN and we will continue emphasize capacitybuilding activities under the enhanced U.S.-ASEAN Enhanced Partnership and the economic-focused U.S.-ASEAN Trade and Investment Framework Agreement. President Obama had that valuable firstever meeting with ASEAN's ten leaders in Singapore.
Now, I know some people, their eyes may glaze over when you hear all these acronyms, but we need to recognize that these regional organizations are very important to the actors who are in them. And the failure of the United States not to participate demonstrates a lack of respect and a willingness to engage. And that is why I made it very clear upon becoming Secretary of State that the United States would show up. I don't know if half of life is showing up, but I think half of diplomacy is showing up.
And as we've also seen new organizations, including the ASEAN Regional Forum, ASEAN+3, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, we hope that we will be able to participate actively in many of those.
Fifth, we need to decide, as Asia-Pacific nations, which will be the defining regional institutions. So although we respect and will work with the organizations that countries themselves have created, some of recent vintage, it's important that we do a better job of trying to define which organizations will best protect and promote our collective future.
Now, each may have its place and its purpose. But the defining ones will include all the key stakeholders. And these may be well-established, like APEC, or they could be of more recent vintage, like the East Asia Summit, or more likely, a mix of well-established and new. This is a critical question that we must answer together through consultation and coordination.
During his visit to Tokyo last year, President Obama conveyed the United States' intention to engage fully with these new organizations. And as a part of this strategy, we propose to begin consultations with Asian partners and friends on how the United States might play a role in the East Asia Summit, and how the East Asia Summit fits into the broader institutional landscape, and how major meetings in the region can be sequenced most effectively for everyone's time.
There is also a continuing need for an institution that is aimed at fostering the steady economic integration of the region based on shared principles and objectives. I think APEC is the organization that we and our partners must engage in, ensuring that it moves toward fulfilling that responsibility.
U.S. involvement and leadership in Asia-Pacific institutions, ranging from our support for and contributions to APEC to our response to the Indian Ocean Tsunami, can benefit everyone. We can provide resources and facilitate cooperation in ways that other regional actors cannot replicate or, in some cases, are not trusted to do. No country, however—including our own—should seek to dominate these institutions. But an active and engaged United States is critical to the success of these.
As we reexamine our structures for cooperation, we should remember that power is not just concentrated in governments. We should develop organizations that harness the positive role of non-state groups such as civil society movements, NGOs in development enterprises, and businesses that play important and constructive roles in development. We should look for more ways to enhance militaryto-military cooperation and decrease mistrust and misunderstanding.
Q. It's an honor, Secretary Clinton. My name is Evelyn Pusal. I'm a citizen of Papua New Guinea, I place I know that you'll be visiting, so thank you very much. I am also funded by the U.S. State Department here at the East-West Center to study. Leading up from your talk on women, out of the 109 seats in our parliamentary system, one seat is held by a woman in our country. Now, we have a very—our cultural system there is predominantly male-oriented and dominated, and so my question to you is for the women who want to take on more responsibility in leadership positions and also to make that transition to have more participation for women, how do you propose that we overcome these challenges to break through and have more women representation in our parliamentary system? Thank you.
Secretary Clinton. Well, I'm very excited about going to your country. I'm looking forward to being there. I will be talking about women and women's roles while I am in Papua New Guinea.
Let me just make three general points and then one specific about your country. First, the barriers that restrain women's rights and responsibilities are legal in many places still. They are definitely cultural and to some extent political and social. And they are not easily removed unless there are enough women exercising leadership so that the barriers begin to just dissolve as people see what is possible.
So first, you have to tackle any remaining legal barriers in society. There are still countries where women can't vote, where women can't drive, where women can't inherit property, and other challenges like that. And I think it's imperative to have a full analysis of those kinds of barriers.
Now, with respect to cultural, political, social, it has been my experience over many years working in this field that there has to be a critical mass of men and women in a country speaking out. And what you will find in a number of societies that there is a sort of thin crust of the elite where women have all kinds of opportunities, where they get advanced education, where they have business opportunities, they travel, but then there is a big drop-off where most of the rest of women live and where they're still most likely to be underfed, unschooled, unhealthy, and so much else.
And I think you have to go at that both politically, but also in a person-to-person approach. One of the reasons you may notice that the State Department is funding disproportionately women on some of these scholarships from some of these countries is because we hope you'll go back and be able to make the case and be a model and be an example of what is possible. And of course, the NGO community, the United States Government, other institutions and individuals stand ready to help.
But finally, it seems that the old habits that prevent women from participating just have to be taken head on. There's no way around it. You just have to be willing to confront it, and at some times at great personal cost. This is something that is not easy in many societies.
I will be meeting in Papua New Guinea with a new group of women military officers and security officers who have been recruited. Never happened before. And what we've seen is that there are ways of opening up opportunities for women by identifying problems that within the cultural norm of a society women are better able to address. So that for example in Pakistan, which has a very serious problem with domestic violence, as Papua New Guinea does, there was very little sympathy for women going to police stations. So part of the solution to deal with what is a crime was to train more women police officers and to have special sections of police stations so that women could go and report these crimes.
And I think that there's lots of ways once you identify the problem of going straight ahead and saying this is the only way we're going to solve it. Now, some countries have set quotas, as you may know, in electing women. And in some places it's worked. Rwanda now has the highest proportion of women. Part of it is because with the massacre, disproportionately men were murdered, but it was also because the leadership of Rwanda concluded that having more women in positions of responsibility would create a better atmosphere for making some of the tough decisions on reconciliation to move the country forward.
So there are many different ways of approaching it, but I will be discussing it and speaking about it when I am Papua New Guinea.
Press Release from the Department of the Treasury, January 15, 2010Footnote 4
The U.S. Government commenced discussions this week with the Government of Indonesia toward conclusion of a second debt-for-nature agreement under the U.S. Tropical Forest Conservation Act (TFCA). Grants provided under the TFCA program will support activities such as conserving protected areas, improving natural resource management and supporting the development of sustainable livelihoods for communities that rely on forests. The U.S. Department of the Treasury has provisionally set aside more than $19 million for the treatment of eligible debt.
The first TFCA agreement with Indonesia, signed on June 30, 2009, will reduce the country's debt payments to the U.S. Government by nearly $30 million over eight years. In return, the Government of Indonesia will commit these funds to support grants to protect and restore tropical forests in Sumatra. The agreement was the largest debt-for-nature swap under the TFCA thus far and was made possible through contributions of $20 million by the U.S. Government and a combined donation of $2 million from Conservation International and the Indonesian Biodiversity Foundation (Yayasan Keanekaragaman Hayati Indonesia, or KEHATI).
To date, 13 countries have entered into debt-for-nature agreements under the TFCA: Bangladesh, Belize, Botswana, Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Indonesia, Jamaica, Panama (two agreements), Paraguay, Peru (two agreements) and the Philippines. Over time, these 15 debt-for-nature programs will together generate more than $218 million to protect tropical forests.
Statement by Secretary of State Clinton, Secretary of Defense Gates, Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs Okada, and Japanese Minister of Defense Kitazawa, January 19, 2010Footnote 5
Secretary Hillary Clinton, Secretary Robert Gates, Minister Katsuya Okada, and Minister Toshimi Kitazawa delivered this statement in Washington, DC
On this the Fiftieth Anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security, the Members of the Security Consultative Committee (SCC) affirm that the U.S.-Japan Alliance plays an indispensable role in ensuring the security and prosperity of both the United States and Japan, as well as regional peace and stability. The Alliance is rooted in our shared values, democratic ideals, respect for human rights, rule of law and common interests. The Alliance has served as the foundation of our security and prosperity for the past half century and the Ministers are committed to ensuring that it continues to be effective in meeting the challenges of the twenty-first century. The U.S.-Japan security arrangements underpin cooperation on a wide range of global and regional issues as well as foster prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. The Ministers are committed to building on these arrangements and expanding into new areas of cooperation.
In the last half century, the global security environment has changed dramatically as exemplified by the end of the Cold War and the rise of transnational threats. Unpredictability and uncertainty in the Asia-Pacific region continue, with new threats emerging in the international community as a whole, such as terrorism and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction as well as their delivery systems. Given such a security environment, the U.S.-Japan security arrangements will continue to play an essential role in maintaining both the security of Japan and the peace and stability of the Asia-Pacific region. The Ministers place particular importance on sustaining the high degree of public support for the Alliance. They endorse ongoing efforts to maintain our deterrent capabilities in a changing strategic landscape, including appropriate stationing of U.S. forces, while reducing the impact of bases on local communities, including Okinawa, thereby strengthening security and ensuring the alliance remains the anchor of regional stability.
The Alliance provides a context of peace and stability for East Asia that has enabled all nations of the region to develop and prosper. The Alliance will remain alert, flexible and responsive in the face of the full range of emerging twenty-first century threats and persistent regional and global challenges. The most important common strategic objectives within the region are to ensure the security of Japan and to maintain peace and stability in the region. The United States and Japan will continue to strengthen their ability to respond to contingencies that could threaten those objectives. The United States and Japan are working closely together and cooperating with their partners through various international fora including the Six-Party Talks to deal with the threat from North Korea's nuclear and missile programs as well as to address humanitarian issues. The Ministers stress that the United States and Japan will work to advance cooperative relations with China, welcoming it to play a constructive and responsible role in the international arena. The United States and Japan also will enhance regional cooperation in the Asia-Pacific Region. The United States and Japan will work together to respond to natural disasters and to provide humanitarian relief in the region and beyond. The United States and Japan will continue to deepen their cooperation, including that between U.S. forces and Japan's Self Defense Forces, in wide-ranging areas of common interest in the changing security environment.
Recognizing the significance of the Alliance in the global context, the Ministers reaffirm their commitment to closely cooperate in responding to global threats. The United States and Japan will strengthen their efforts to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons, while maintaining necessary deterrence. The United States and Japan are committed to cooperating closely to combat global terrorism. The United States and Japan's ongoing efforts and cooperation in combating piracy are vital for the continued maintenance of freedom of navigation and safety of mariners.
As the Treaty marks its Fiftieth Anniversary, the Ministers commit themselves to further building an unshakeable U.S. Japan Alliance to adapt to the evolving environment of the twenty-first century, learning from the challenges the Alliance has faced in the past. For this purpose, the Ministers will intensify the dialogue which is underway to further promote and deepen security cooperation in wide-ranging areas.
The United States and Japan recommit themselves to internationally recognized standards of human rights, the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and to the objectives of the Treaty, namely to promote mutual cooperation and security, to strengthen the bonds of peace and friendship that exist between them and to uphold the principles of democracy, individual liberty, and the rule of law.
White House Statement, February 3, 2010Footnote 6
Text of a letter from the President to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President of the Senate
Dear Madam Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)
Pursuant to section 1255 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2010 (Public Law 111-84), and in order to keep the Congress fully informed, I am providing a classified report prepared by my Administration. This report includes information on our examination of the conduct of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) from June 26, 2008, through November 16, 2009, and concludes that the DPRK does not meet the statutory criteria to again be designated as a state sponsor of terrorism.
Sincerely, BARACK OBAMA
White House Statement, February 18, 2010Footnote 7
The President met this morning at the White House with His Holiness the XIV Dalai Lama. The President stated his strong support for the preservation of Tibet's unique religious, cultural and linguistic identity and the protection of human rights for Tibetans in the People's Republic of China. The President commended the Dalai Lama's “Middle Way” approach, his commitment to nonviolence and his pursuit of dialogue with the Chinese government. The President stressed that he has consistently encouraged both sides to engage in direct dialogue to resolve differences and was pleased to hear about the recent resumption of talks. The President and the Dalai Lama agreed on the importance of a positive and cooperative relationship between the United States and China.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and South Korean Foreign Minister Yu, February 26, 2010Footnote 8
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Yu Myung-hwan delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. [W]e just finished a very in-depth, comprehensive discussion of a number of critical issues. Our bilateral relationship is strong and durable, and we are so appreciative of the leadership shown by Korea on a range of important matters, both regional and global.
As you might guess, we covered the usual topics of North Korea, the larger regional Pacific-Asia area's concerns, Iran, and many other matters. But I am very pleased that Minister Yu could be here today.
Foreign Minister Yu. Thank you. Well, I had a very good, (inaudible) consultation with Madam Secretary. And just let me say that this year marks the 60th anniversary of (inaudible) Korean War. And I want to say that our alliance (inaudible) has been the (inaudible) for the peace and prosperity and other (inaudible) in the region as a whole, and we appreciate (inaudible).
Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much. Thank you.
Q. Madam Secretary, if I may ask, did Sung Kim come back with a very pessimistic report that talks would not resume anytime soon on North Korea? And two, did you raise with Minister Barak the Haaretz report about 600 new homes in East Jerusalem and how that might affect efforts to restart the peace negotiation?
Secretary Clinton. Well, Ambassador Sung Kim and Ambassador Stephen Bosworth are quite heartened by the movement that we see in our joint efforts. Obviously, we are closely cooperating with our allies—Korea and Japan—in anything we do toward North Korea. And we are working with the Chinese to bring about the resumption of the Six-Party Talks. Ultimately, it's up to the North Koreans. But we are encouraged by signs of progress to return to the talks that we are seeing.
And on the other matter that you asked, we discussed all of the challenges to the resumption of peace negotiations, but the imperative of beginning to so do so as soon as possible.
Press Release from the Department of Homeland Security, March 13, 2010Footnote 9
Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Janet Napolitano today was in Tokyo at the invitation of the Japanese Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism to meet with top officials from the Asia/Pacific region and the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) to discuss ways to bolster global aviation security.
“The attempted terrorist attack on Dec. 25 had global ramifications—demonstrating the need for enhanced security standards, information sharing and screening measures throughout the international aviation system,” said Secretary Napolitano. “Today's meetings with partners from nations throughout the Asia/Pacific region underscore our commitment to working together to strengthen the ways we protect the traveling public.”
In Tokyo, Secretary Napolitano stressed the need for collaborative international action to prevent terrorists from boarding commercial aircraft during meetings with ministers and representatives from Australia, Burma, Cambodia, Canada, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Malaysia, Nepal, New Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam—the third in a series of major international meetings intended to build consensus on strengthening global aviation security.
Secretary Napolitano underscored the vital importance of the Asia/Pacific region as the world's largest aviation market—with approximately 647 million passengers traveling in 2009 alone—and emphasized the Obama administration's commitment to strengthening information sharing with international partners about terrorists and other dangerous individuals who pose a threat to the global aviation system.
In 2010, the United States and New
Zealand signed an agreement strengthening security through increased cooperation on science and technology. In 2008, DHS, the Department of Justice, and the Department of State also worked together to forge an agreement to prevent and combat crime with the Republic of Korea by allowing for the exchange of biometric and biographic data to bolster counterterrorism and law enforcement efforts while ensuring privacy protections.
Following today's meetings, Secretary Napolitano and participating officials issued a joint declaration on a way forward to strengthen the international civil aviation system through enhanced information collection and sharing, cooperation on technological development, and modernized aviation security standards—viewable at http://www.dhs.gov/xabout/international/gc_1268482529313.shtm.
While the U.S. Transportation Security Administration (TSA) does not conduct screening at foreign airports, Secretary Napolitano is committed to strengthening coordination with international partners to implement stronger and more effective measures to protect the integrity of the global aviation network. Today's discussions in Tokyo build on recent international meetings attended by Secretary Napolitano that have also resulted in joint declarations to strengthen the international civil aviation system between the United States and Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Chile, the Dominican Republic, Mexico and Panama on Feb. 17, and between the United States and the European Union on Jan. 21.
Last week, Secretary Napolitano met with CEOs of member airlines of the Air Transport Association of America (ATA), the largest airline trade association in the United States, and the International Air Transport Association (IATA), which represents approximately 230 airlines and more than 90 percent of the world's air traffic—building on previous meetings with domestic and international private sector and ICAO leaders in Europe and Washington since January—as part of her ongoing efforts to bring together major domestic and foreign air carriers to work on ways to bolster international aviation security.
White House Statement, March 29, 2010Footnote 10
President Obama received the credentials today of China's new Ambassador to the United States, Zhang Yesui. During their meeting, the President stated his determination to further develop a positive relationship with China. He reaffirmed our one China policy and our support for the efforts made by Beijing and Taipei to reduce friction across the Taiwan Strait. The President also stressed the need for the United States and China to work together and with the international community on critical global issues including nonproliferation and pursuing sustained and balanced global growth.
White House Statement, March 31, 2010Footnote 11
The President called President Lee Myung-bak of the Republic of Korea today to offer his support and condolences following the sinking of the South Korean Navy vessel Cheonan on March 26. The President told President Lee that the thoughts and prayers of the American people are with the families of those missing and with the family of the South Korean Navy diver who died trying to rescue them. The President noted that the US Navy had extended assistance to South Korea's ongoing search and recovery effort and said we were prepared to provide further help if needed. They also discussed the upcoming Nuclear Security Summit in Washington, DC on April 12-13.
