2.1 Nations of Belarus: the Dregavichi, Radimichi, and Krivichi

The appearance of Slavs, who diverged from the Indo-European ethnic group, resulted from huge migrations of people throughout the third to seventh centuries. Moving along the rivers, the Slavs settled near the Balts. According to geographers Bawarski and Konstantin Parfirorodny, tribes such as the Krivichi, Dregavichi, and Radimichi occupied the territory of modern Belarus. The Dregavichi were among the most developed tribes in terms of social relations, were close to the disintegration of the clan system, and had their own political association named the “princely.” They engaged in agriculture, horticulture, animal husbandry, hunting, fishing, gathering, as well as spinning and weaving; trade and commerce were also well-developed (Lysenko, Reference Lysenko1991, p. 244). The emergence and growth of cities in the territory of the Dregavichi is evidence of their high level of development.

The Radimichi lived in the confluence of the upper reaches of the Dnieper and Sozh rivers. The basis of the economy of the homelands was agriculture, as evidenced by the excavation materials of rural and urban settlements. Various crafts were developed, among which blacksmithing was the most important (Vergei, Hanetskaya and Gurin-Marazovsky, Reference Vergei, Hanetskaya and Gurin-Marazovsky2000, p. 29).

The Krivichi was a tribe that lived in the upper reaches of the Dnieper, the Western Dvina, and the Volga, in the south of Chudsky Lake. Archaeological research allows assumptions about the community’s formation on the basis of the local Baltic and immigrant Slavic populations, and even suggests that it belongs entirely to the Baltic population, whose Slavization occurred through cultural and linguistic imitation. Temporal bracelet-like wire rings with tied ends are thought to be an important characteristic of material culture. Long barrows with cremation ceremonies are replaced by round barrows with the funeral rite of burial at the end of the tenth century (Sedov, Reference Sedov1982, p. 158).

Paganism was the main religion of the ancient Belarusian tribes. They maintained the cult of Mother Earth who was the female goddess of fertility; this was one of the first religious cults. In the beginning, fertility symbols were magical images of female ancestors; these images were later used in rituals such as Maslenitsa and Kupala, symbolising the invocation of spring.

Another tradition is to consider a person who died at any age as a “grandfather” or “ancestor.” The ancient population of Belarus had long practised ancestor worship associated with funeral customs. The celebrations such as “Grandfathers,” “Dziady” celebrated in autumn and “Radunitsa” celebrated in spring are still considered important holidays in Belarus. People still carefully prepare for them, cleaning the house and making special dishes. The belief in the “domovoy”—a fairy creature that served as a family’s invisible protector—is a remnant of the ancestor cult.

Belarusian ancestors also believed in magic, as well as totemism. The wolf, falcon, and bear were usually the totem animals. The totem was admired, even idealised at times, and was never harmed. Pagans performed specific magical rituals, chants, spells, and totem dances, which frequently imitated the behaviour of totems, to serve and bring delight to the totem animal.

2.2 Nations of Latvia: Curonians, Semigallians, Latgalians, and Selians

The ancestors of the Latvians, Lithuanians, and Prussians, who lived along the Baltic Sea, are called the Ancient Balts. The term “Balts” only came into use in 1845; the ancient Romans had called the Balts Aisti. The Baltic tribes did not call themselves Aisti or Balts, but divided into several tribes with different names (Baumerts, Kurlovičs and Tomašūns, Reference Baumerts, Kurlovičs and Tomašūns1998, p. 18). Some Baltic ancestral tribes, such as Prussians, Yotvingians, Lithuanians, Curonians, Semigallians, Latgalians, Selians, and others started to unite between the sixth century BCE and the twelfth century CE (Vasks, Reference Vasks2024). The territory of Latvia was inhabited by Eastern Balts (Latgalians) and Western Balts (Semigallians, Curonians, and Selians). An analysis of the anthropological traits of the Baltic tribes during this period reveals that the Balts were a homogeneous group in anthropological terms. The morphological variances within the Northern European race might be interpreted as the distinctions observed between the tribes throughout this period (Denisova, Reference Denisova1995).

The Curonian tribe was considered the most ferocious, aggressive, and pagan of all the Baltic tribes. From the beginning of their existence, they were dreaded by many and became known as the “Baltic Vikings” due to their ferocity. The Curonians had alliances, conflicts, and raids with the Scandinavians to their north and northwest—specifically the Vikings from Iceland, Denmark, and Sweden—from very early times. They regularly travelled to the coast of Sweden, which they successfully pillaged each time. These assaults were frequently carried out in tandem with the Oeselians, who resided on the adjacent Estonian island of Saaremaa (Vučkovic, Reference Vučkovic2020). However, in his work on the Curonians, Blomkvist suggests that their bad reputation may be due to crusading propaganda. Although it is difficult to determine the political stance of the East Baltic Vikings, there is sufficient evidence to suggest that their hostile actions were not instances of irrational, “barbaric” rage, but rather, were carried out within the confines of international agreements, with the tribes having peace treaties with some but not all of their neighbours (Blomkvist, Reference Blomkvist2005, pp. 80–4).

Historical sources point out that the lands of the tribes were rich in natural resources and that their paganistic practices, such as their oracles, were widely known; hence they were quite wealthy (Evans, Reference Evans1925, p. 590; Blomkvist, Reference Blomkvist2005, pp. 80–4). A large part of tribal culture consisted of having a deep connection with nature. Tribal society was organised into regions, with fortifications in hills. They were governed through the formation of a council of elders, and through meetings in which the community would gather to decide on communal matters. As formulated by Evans:

These four tribes lay the groundwork of the Latvian nation, and four regions of Latvia were named after them—Latgale (Latgalians), Zemgale (Semigallians), Kurzeme (Curonians), and Sēlija (Selians). These are outlined in the Latvian Historical Lands Law. Latgalians are said to be the root of the name of Latvia (Land of Letts, Lettland, Lettigallia, Lethia). Several features of the tribes were prevalent when the nation of Latvia was forming, such as the languages of Latgalian, Curonian, Selian, and Semigallian, living in homesteads, “dainas” (folk songs, poems), traditional dances, celebration of summer, spring, autumn and winter equinoxes and solstices, celebration of “veļu laiks” (a period during which people took the time to remember one’s family and deceased loved ones), use of tribal symbols and runes in clothing and home design, as well as other traditions.

2.3 Similarities between tribes

Having come from an Indo-European ethnic group, Latvian and Belarusian tribes had similar languages and lifestyles. The predominant forms of economy were agriculture and animal husbandry, with hunting and fishing also playing an important role (Shtykhov, Reference Shtykhov2009, p. 143).

The Belarusian and Baltic tribes had paganism in common, as did many tribes within this geographic region. The Baltic tribes’ belief can be classified as henotheism, as they believed in one supreme god “Dievs” (the god of the sky), while other deities were also worshipped, such as “Māra” (goddess of earth), “Laima” (goddess of fate and destiny), “Auseklis” (deity of dawn), among others. In its turn, the religion of the Belarusian tribes was marked by polytheism, or the worship of multiple gods. This process began with the ancestor cult and eventually led to the emergence of various forms of the pantheon, a group of worshipped gods serving various functions. Among these were Pyarun (the god of thunder), Khors (the Sun god), Veles (the god of animal husbandry), Svarog (the god of sky), among others.

Both cultures also had homestead living in common, which has persisted to later ages through “vioska” in Belarus and “lauku mājas” in Latvia—homes in the countryside in rural areas which nowadays are visited during summers. Baltic tribes were also usually presided over by a council of elders, and decisions were reached through community discussions, which is mirrored in the Belarusian “stareyshina” who were the representatives of the older generation, seen as wiser and more knowledgeable, and hence sought after for their advice (Shtykhov, Reference Shtykhov2009, p. 354).

These are some of the elements common to both Original Nations. However, there were also many cultural features such as songs, foods, and traditions that differed greatly even between the regional tribes. The following section explores how the modern states of Belarus and Latvia developed from the tribes, observing the various historical situations of occupation and state-building, and analysing how the culture and nature of existence of the Original Nations was impacted throughout this.

3.1 The first wave—aggression and a religious push

Both the Belarusian tribes and the Baltic tribes began forming into more state-like organs. In the case of Latvia, this manifested as four regions; in the case of Belarus, as the formation of two principalities integrated in Kievan Rus. One of the first waves impacting both nations arose with a religious push. The formation into principalities signifies a shift towards the formation of states.

Belarus was the first to be faced with a religious conversion, in this case a conversion to Orthodoxy, whereas Latvian regions faced a religious conversion later and pushed back against Catholicism. As Belarusian tribes had been formed into becoming a part of the Kievan Rus, the religious conversion came comparatively peacefully; however, Latvian tribes were reluctant to give up their pagan beliefs, and as such, were faced with the Crusades.

In Belarusian territories, paganism was exterminated as soon as the so-called “Baptism of Rus” happened in 988, which meant the conversion to Christianity. The Christian Church became an important institution influencing the religious, social, and political life of Belarusians. Orthodoxy contributed to the development of writing and education while also influencing religious traditions and values such as icons, church rituals, liturgies, and so on. Although Orthodoxy became the main religion, Belarusian ancestors still tried to preserve some traditions formed by paganism, for example, ancestor worship and the cult of nature, and attempted to mix them with Christianity (Rauschenbach, Reference Rauschenbach and Hamant1992, p. 44).

While the Crusades began in the eleventh century, the Baltics were one of the last regions to be converted to Christianity. In modern Latvian territory, the Crusades were dubbed the Livonian Crusades, and they began at the end of the twelfth century, seeing large masses of casualties, as this was a brutal military operation involving bloody combat, forcible conversion of conquered populations, and, often, the brutal murder of those who rebelled. The Crusades were initiated to recover shrines and territories formerly ruled by Christians, but this pilgrimage tradition was only a legal fiction when it came to the Livonian Crusades, for these were conducted as a war against the Baltic pagan tribes and had a strong missionary emphasis (Brundage, Reference Brundage1972, pp. 2–8). In fact, Selart argues that the Crusades were not of a religious nature in their motivations at all, and that the pagan tribes of the Baltic shore were seen as the occupants of lands that were strategically vital to the territorial and religious ambitions of both Eastern and Western Christianity, rather than as aberrant religious groups in need of conversion (Selart, Reference Selart and Selart2017, p. 90).

Crusaders were faced with some resistance, as in many cases the four regions would fight against them. The example of the Curonian resistance is highlighted in Latvian history books. The first clash between Curonians and Crusaders took place in spring of 1210, resulting in the defeat of the Crusaders. In July 1210, the Curonians attempted to conquer Riga, the Crusaders’ main centre of support, but failed. In 1228, the Curonians, together with the Semigallians, destroyed the Daugavgriva monastery, which guarded the entrance to the Daugava from the sea. Not all resistance was as successful, however. Following the Latgalians’ loss of their lands in Autine in 1212, the Latgalians and Livs organised a rebellion with the Dabrelis castle in Satezele serving as its focal point, but due to the imbalance of power, the rebels had no choice but to agree to Crusader demands of surrender (Purēns, Reference Purēns1998, p. 241). Tamm notes that in the collections of stories of the Livonian Crusades that have been preserved, an important aspect can be determined even through Christian-based sources—that the conversion to Christianity was not easy, and after Christianisation, the culture of confession was very difficult to establish (Tamm, Reference Tamm, Nielsen and Schmidt2016, p. 378).

Similarly to the Belarusians, after the Crusades, Latvians would openly position themselves as Christians, while behind closed doors many maintained the traditions of the pagan tribes. However, the newly formed territory of Livonia did not officially allow the tribes to openly follow their religion and culture. Thus, Livonia marks the first instance of one of the important hallmarks of state oppression of Latvian territories—religious control.

While Kievan Rus may have accepted Orthodoxy comparatively peacefully, it still faced violence. Unlike the Baltics, in the twelfth century it was not faced with the threat of crusades, but rather a threat from a different side. In the thirteenth century, Kievan Rus suffered the invasions of the Mongol-Tatar Yoke. While their first invasion passed Belarus, almost all modern Russian and Ukrainian lands were devastated and subjugated by Batu Khan. This is how one version emerged about the origin of the name Belarus, that is, clean from the Tatars (Bela Rus is literally translated as White Rus) (Taras, Reference Taras2013, pp. 112–5).

However, Belarus was unable to avoid later invasion, with the first Tatar invasion of Belarus occurring 20 years after the Batu Khan attacks. Khan Burundai led a massive Tatar army that damaged broad areas of Western Belarus. The Mongol-Tatar Yoke was looking for new areas in which to mine and to collect taxes. The invaders were interested in the region’s riches, which included agriculture, crafts, and trade. These raids were repeated three more times—in 1275, 1277, and 1287. Although in each instance they caused much harm, they never could completely capture Belarus (Orlov, Reference Orlov2001, pp. 21–2) The Mongol-Tatar invasion was one of the causes for the formation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, as there needed to be coordinated defence against both the Yokes and the Crusader knights.

3.2 The second wave—from one state to another

Facing aggression from forming states, both the Latvian and Belarusian territories came under the influence of the state formation project, as they themselves became part of other forming states, which clearly impacted the Original Nations of the territories.

As noted, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was founded in part due to the need to organise defence against both the Mongol-Tatar invasion and the Crusader knights. Economic factors also contributed to the unification, in terms of crafts and agriculture, and the development of trade relations between different territories. The events linked with the Crusades influenced many aspects of European history and culture, although they had little direct impact on the territory of Belarus (Niedźwiedź, Reference Niedźwiedź2019, pp. 3–16).

The Grand Duchy of Lithuania was a multicultural duchy that allowed the principality’s components to retain their cultural and political autonomy. Both the Kievan Rus and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania were feudalistic unions with Orthodoxy as the main religion. The official language of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was Old Belarusian.

The Grand Duchy of Lithuania was thus an independent state with Old Belarusian as its official language and Orthodoxy as the majority religion. However, it was forced to join the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth after the Union of Lublin in 1569, due to a difficult economic situation and numerous wars. The Polish language, culture, and traditions had been gradually adapting. As a result, Polish replaced Old Belarusian as the state language, and moreover, Catholicism became the state religion of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Despite the influence of Polish culture, most of the population of modern Belarusian territories remained Orthodox and continued to speak their native language. Nonetheless, this situation highlights a state-building and nation-destroying aspect, as identified by Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz: the culture of opposition includes adjustments to the colonising social order, such as assimilating Christianity into already existing religious practices and using the coloniser’s language (Dunbar-Ortiz, Reference Dunbar-Ortiz2014, p. 79).

Several wars exploded in Europe during that period. For instance, from 1700 to 1721, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth fought against Sweden, with the majority of battles occurring on Belarusian territory. These circumstances had significant impact on the defensive capabilities of the local lands. Feudal fragmentation, characterised by constant wars, as well as religious conflicts between Catholicism and Orthodoxy, led to the weakening of the central apparatus. Strong neighbours such as the Russian Empire, Prussia, and Austria took advantage of this federation’s weakness and made diplomatic moves. Consequently, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth collapsed, and Belarusian lands were gradually annexed to the Russian Empire. This process is known as “Three Partitions,” taking place in 1772, 1793, and 1795. A similar fate awaited Latvian territories, some of which were also part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Stone, Reference Stone2014, pp. 268–89).

In contrast to the Belarusian nation, the Latvian nation during these years faced several changes in governance, including the separation of territories within different empires and duchies. After the Livonian Crusades, the conquered lands of the Livs, Latgalians, Curonians, Semigallians, Selonians, and Estonians formed into Livonia. The Livonian states were vassal states of the Pope of Rome or of the German nation’s Holy Roman Empire emperor. The majority of Livonians lived on homesteads, cultivated and tended the land, and gave part of the harvest to the landlords (Goldmanis, Reference Goldmanis2007, p. 205). A minority of the native population, known as the “fief men,” continued to enjoy some rights and acquired small holdings of land, also fulfilling military service requirements as well as other duties. They were dubbed “Curonian kings” and were the most well-known fief men in Livonia. The vast bulk of the native population, however, were peasants who either paid the fief owners or performed tasks for them. The distinguishing aspects of the pre-Christian natives who had inhabited Latvia were progressively vanishing during the Livonian era, although some aspects of their traditional attire and ornamentation persisted alongside new customs. Livonia ceased to exist in the sixteenth century due to the Livonian war, after which the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia was formed.

During the Early Modern era, the state that endured the longest on Latvian territory was the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia. There was no internationally significant centre for trade, but there was lively trade and shipbuilding in the minor port cities of Ventspils and Liepāja. In an attempt to increase the duchy’s revenue, various avenues for economic profit-making were explored in the seventeenth century. Duke Jacob Kettler encouraged the local manufacturers to produce iron and copper items, textiles, and glass. He furthermore aimed to expand the Courland fleet and shipbuilding industry, and in an attempt to turn his duchy into a colonial force, Jacob Kettler briefly had control of Tobago Island, as well as a fort at the mouth of the Gambia River in West Africa (Jakovļeva, Reference Jakovļeva2022). This highlights an interesting situation in which a territory defined by two Original Nations engaged in colonisation. This case is not unique, as a similar example is seen in the Basque nation, which engaged in colonisation in South America. It also connects to the argument related to the “European thinking,” as developed in Russell Means’ speech titled “For America To Live Europe Must Die”:

The ideology in which all countries strive for more progress, development, and control becomes apparent in the state-making project. Edmundson indicates that the colonisation by Courland was very short-lived, as this colony withered away due to the sickness of those not suited to living in a tropical climate (Edmundson, Reference Edmundson1901, p. 644). Nonetheless, it illustrates how widespread colonial thinking had become in Europe, so much so that a duchy with a population of 200,000 wanted to “try their hand” at it. The Duchy of Courland and Semigallia maintained its independence up to its annexation to Russia, when modern Latvian territories became a part of the Russian Empire.

When the Duchy was formed, the territories of eastern Livonia became a part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, as many authors observe, not much changed as a result, as the lands were still owned by German nobles, and the majority of Latvians remained peasants.

This hierarchy between the German nobility and the Latvian peasants relates to a point made by Merry about how the original inhabitants of the territory are placed in a lower class than that of the coloniser (Merry, Reference Merry1991, p. 890). The example outlines the ongoing trend of European societies as they sought to expand, dominate, and control culturally different societies.

Lastly, Sweden also had control over Livonian territories, those being the central and northern parts. Sweden invaded Livonia in 1600 and won territories in 1629; however, Swedish rule led to one of the most “prosperous and peaceful” decades in Latvian history, as Sweden invested in the expansion of public education, Latvian language publishing, and reduced the power of the nobility as well as attempting to eliminate serfdoms (Wilson, Reference Wilson2023). The peasants residing on the fields that became crown property were subject to Swedish labour rules, which were far more humane than the regulations issued by an independent noble class, which typically involved harsh labour practices such as overworking labourers and administering corporal punishment. Sweden even went so far as to demand that serfdom be abolished in the provinces of the Baltic region, but this met with too much resistance to be successfully implemented (Raun, Reference Raun2001, pp. 70–3). Through these opposing interactions between the colonised and the coloniser we can observe how a colonising state could internally justify taking over these lands, as it was providing growth, development, and protection. As noted by Fukurai and Krooth, the state’s security and cohesion are almost always maintained through legalised coercion, and its centralised government, therefore, must be justified through self-certifying political-judicial institutions and self-justifying legal pronouncements (Fukurai and Krooth, Reference Fukurai and Krooth2021, p. 38).

In any case, just as with the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia, those territories that had been part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and of the Swedish Empire came to be annexed by the Russian Empire, and thus began a new historic era for the Latvian nation.

3.3 The third wave—the Russification of Latvians and Belarusians

Belarus was indeed able to retain its independence while being a part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, but it was far more difficult to do so as part of the Russian Empire. This was due to the “Russification” policy which aimed to destroy Belarusian language, political independence, culture, and identity. Just as with the Belarusians, the process that crushed the Baltic peoples and the Latvian opposition to Russian domination was “Russification,” which firmly suppressed any movement towards independence and stifled the expression of Baltic culture by imposing the dominance of Russian culture.

During its imperial era, Russia had a large, multi-ethnic empire whose governing class was predominantly Russian. They understood the difficulty and impracticality of trying to force Russian culture on the large numbers of non-Russians; however, proficiency in Russian language and familiarity with Russian culture were prerequisites for anyone hoping to work for the Russian government, essentially leading any non-Russians interested in governance to become “Russified” (Weeks, Reference Weeks1996, pp. 12–4). Russian became the official language in bureaucratic and administrative affairs, further heightening the need for most people to learn the language and the culture. Unlike in later periods, the “Russification” measures were more relaxed during the Russian Empire in the nineteenth century, as nationalism began to sprout among Latvians, who held national song festivals which celebrated their national culture (Tulun, Reference Tulun2013, pp. 142–4).

Like Latvia, Belarus was also impacted by “Russification,” since institutions, establishments, and schools were strictly controlled and functioned in the Russian language. The Russian tax system and administrative procedures were implemented, as well as the principles of Russian municipal self-government. Furthermore, use of the name “Belarus” was prohibited, and the name of the Russian province had to be used instead. Despite these attempts to demolish Belarusian autonomy and impose Russian identity, Belarusians persisted in fighting to preserve their nation, as in the Kastus Kalinowski Riot of 1863. Kastus Kalinowski was a Belarusian and Polish revolutionary who led a protest against Russian imperialism. The aim of the protest was independence and the restoration of sovereign states. But a riot erupted and was suppressed, and Kalinowski was apprehended and killed by the Russian Empire government.

3.4 Latvian independence—a Baltic pushback

The year 1905 marked an enormous shift in the history of the Baltic people, as Russia saw a wave of protests in response to the shortcomings of Tsarist rule. Both Latvians and Estonians participated in these protests, but Russia violently put an end to them. During World War I, Russia became embroiled in the 1917 revolution, after the Russian people had ultimately succeeded in overturning Tsarist tyranny. Because internal power conflicts kept Russian attention focused on domestic issues, Russia failed to react to developments taking place abroad. Latvia seized the opportunity provided by these circumstances, and by 1918, all three Baltic states, in a movement led by Lithuanians, declared themselves to be independent.

After gaining independence, Latvia made education mandatory, and one of its goals was to increase literacy rates. This successful effort resulted in Latvia having one of the highest adult literacy rates in the world (Bociaga, Reference Bociaga2023). The question of Latvian history textbooks was a particular focus in education, for they had to be rewritten from new points of view, including a different interpretation of historical events. Until the establishment of Latvia as an independent state, the German-Baltic historians’ perspective had dominated the presentation of the history of the Latvian territory, a view which differed significantly from the Latvian view.

This support for education was essential for a nation that had gained independence after being occupied, and it may have also served as a “self-serving script,” asserting the history of Latvia and the Latvian identity as a newly formed independent state (Fukurai and Krooth, Reference Fukurai and Krooth2021, p. 39).

During the state’s period of independence, Latvia had a significantly better degree of socioeconomic development than did the Soviet Union. According to Krūmiņš, comparing the development of different regions and nations at different times, research indicates that Latvia’s GDP per capita was 40%–50% higher than that of the Soviet Union. However, after its invasion by the Soviet Union in 1940, the development of not only the Latvian state, but also the Latvian nation, was clearly impacted (Krūmiņš, Reference Krūmiņš2018, p. 52).

3.5 The fourth wave—Sovietization, the erasure of Latvian and Belarusian identity

As noted by Alexander Etkind: “With gunpowder, alcohol, and germs on their side, the Russians exterminated, absorbed, or displaced many of their neighbors.” (Etkind, Reference Etkind2011, p. 65) This is an especially apt description of the process of “Russification” undertaken by the Soviet Union, which was far harsher, more systematic, and far-reaching in its imposition, than the actions of its predecessor, the Russian Empire, which had been stricter in terms of political control but less systematic in terms of cultural suppression (Tulun, Reference Tulun2013).

While a part of the USSR, Belarus was called the Belorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) and Latvia was called the Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic (LSSR), with both states being strongly influenced by Soviet ideology. The government maintained rigorous control over many elements of life under the Soviet system, centralising the economy, media, and political activity. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) wielded vast political power.

The USSR also enforced its ideological, cultural, and linguistic perspective. The concept of the “New Soviet Man” and the philosophy of Marxism-Leninism had a deep influence on the BSSR. Also influential were such collective historical memories as Stalin’s repressions and victory in World War II. The “New Soviet Man” theme was prevalent in all of the Soviet states, including Latvia. According to Soboleva, this refers to a human being created by the conditions of Communist society, who maintains the ideals of this way of life and its inter-collective links through the manner in which he lives (Soboleva, Reference Soboleva2017, p. 65). The “New Soviet Man” was the result of adaptation to unique social circumstances and was inherently intertwined with the philosophy of “Marxism-Leninism,” embodying the principles of collectivism, unselfishness, and cognizance of one’s responsibilities to the revolution and to the CPSU (Chen, Reference Chen1969, p. 88).

The newly formed USSR made it clear that religion and Communism cannot coexist, and thus, the critical role of schooling in dealing with religious practice. Religious organisations were required to hand over control of their schools to the new “Commissariat of Enlightenment,” religious instruction was prohibited in any school offering a general curriculum, and religious images were prohibited in all state institutions (Holmes, Reference Holmes and Ramet1993, pp. 127–8).

The Belarusian people, who had inherited Orthodoxy as their primary religion, were forced to live under the Soviet atheistic policy, which was actively implemented by church closures, clergy arrests, the burning of religious texts, and the prohibition of religious ceremonies. However, despite these anti-religious actions, many believers continued to practise their religion in secret and to engage in church rites.

For the Latvian people, Lutheranism was the prominent religion, and the participation in the Latvian Lutheran church declined from over one million to 350,000 by 1980 (Sawatsky, Reference Sawatsky and Ramet1993, p. 336). After the death of Stalin, the suppression of religious education began to fade, and in 1989, a handful of Lutheran churches in Latvia discreetly reopened Sunday schools, despite the fact that they were still formally illegal (Ramet,Reference Ramet and Ramet1993, p. 37).

Another notorious aspect of control by the Soviet Union was language repression. The implementation of language policy in the BSSR was carried out by two means, which taken together, consistently led to the erasure of the Belarusian language. First, the scope of use of the Belarusian language in public life was narrowed, as it was replaced with Russian. Second, there was comprehensive Russification of the Belarusian language that was admitted for public use. In the Baltics, language had been an important element of ethnicity. Before World War I, the Baltics had the highest literacy rates across the Russian Empire. Thus, concerns about the shared Baltic cultures prompted more intensive Russification programmes by the Soviet regime. These included mandates on the use of the Cyrillic alphabet, mandatory Russian in schools, and allowing only national Russians as officials in education systems, among the other ways in which the Soviet regime repressed the Latvian language (Brazel, Reference Brazel2012, pp. 15–7). Russian was determined to be the language of “high culture,” as well as the “language of socialism” (Green, Reference Green1997, p. 245). This echoes one of the features of the predatory programmes against Original Nations as formulated by Fukurai and Krooth:

This formulation of Russian as a language of culture became a prevalent method by which the native languages were being devalued and destroyed.

The most harrowing aspect which plagued the members of the Soviet Union were the Stalinist repressions, which began in 1917 and lasted until Stalin’s death in 1953, were carried out for so-called “counter-revolutionary” state crimes, and involved deportation and referral to special settlements outside the BSSR by judicial or extrajudicial bodies for political, social, national, religious, and other reasons.

One of the largest human rights atrocities committed against Latvians were the 1941 and 1949 deportations. These deportations happened in all three Baltic states and were an operation of “dekulakization”—“kulaks” being wealthy farmers who were often reluctant to join the collective farms of the Soviet Union (Strods and Kott, Reference Strods and Kott2002, p. 4). In 1941, 2% of the ethnic Latvian population was deported from the country (Bleiere, Reference Bleiere2023), and in 1949, at least another 3% of the ethnic Latvian population were deported (Strods and Kott, Reference Strods and Kott2002, pp. 20–1). Many of those deported did not fit the term “kulak” and in 1949, 72% of those deported were women and children (Spridzāns, Reference Spridzāns1995). The Soviet Union’s forced population transfers not only severely suppressed Baltic culture in all its forms, but also significantly altered the ethnic makeup of the Baltic nations. As a result of these deportations and Russification measures during the Soviet Union, Latvia now has the highest proportion of ethnic Russians out of all three Baltic states—almost 25% (Coolican, Reference Coolican2021, p. 6).

The deporting of Latvians in order to replace them with Russian citizens illustrates an aspect of Soviet rule which fits the definition of settler colonialism, a process which aims to terminate the Original Nations to make way for settlers (Dunbar-Ortiz, Reference Dunbar-Ortiz2022, p. 5).

Michel Foucault, in his lectures at the College de France, highlighted this important aspect of European colonialism:

This aspect of colonialism as used within Europe was especially prevalent in the hegemonic state that was the Soviet Union, providing an example of a power repressing multiple Original Nations while applying the colonial model. The Soviet Union’s colonialism was predatory and abusive, taking the form of a purposeful campaign of supplanting the Original Nation population with patriotic Soviet men and women in particular parts of the Soviet Union (Harris, Reference Harris2020, pp. 6–9). Eventually, the Soviet rule came to an end, and with it, came independence for both Belarus and Latvia.

3.6 The fifth wave—independence and statehood

With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, new states were formed, including those of Belarus and Latvia. Although Belarus gained its independence in 1991, the governmental system remains heavily influenced by Soviet ideology and modern Russia. In 1999, the Belarusian and Russian governments reached an idea of the formation of the so-called Union State, which would include the establishment of a shared economic space, common currency, and authorities, as well as the unification of energy systems, etc. (Kurakina and Barshova, Reference Kurakina and Barshova2020, pp. 137–59). However, full integration has not yet been completed, and the process is still ongoing. Belarus remains an autonomous country with its own currency and legislation, but continues taking steps towards Russia, such as in a 2021 agreement on an updated military doctrine and migration concept between the two countries. Furthermore, the boundaries for the purpose of mobile communications were erased in 2022, thus abolishing fees for incoming international calls in both countries.

According to the 1994 Constitution of the Republic of Belarus, there are two official languages in Belarus: Belarusian and Russian. Based on a 2020 survey, 61.2% of Belarusians consider Belarusian to be their first language, although they noted speaking Russian regularly at home, work, etc. (BELTA, 2020).

Moreover, Belarus retains a large number of Soviet Union-era holidays, such as 9 May (the day of the end of the Great Patriotic War), the Day of the October Revolution 1917; 23 February (the Day of Defenders and the Armed Forces of the Republic of Belarus); 1 May (Labour Day); 26 April (the Day of the Chernobyl tragedy), among others. In addition, such cultural elements as Soviet cinema, music, and cuisine are still an important part of the cultural heritage in modern Belarus.

The impact of Soviet ideological and political methods can also be seen. Despite its claim to be a “unitary democratic state,” Belarus still adheres to Soviet ideology. The most recent example is the civil society protests in Belarus in response to the falsification of the 2020 presidential elections. As a consequence, civilians who disagreed with government policies faced repressions. The government wields political, economic, and social power in the same way that the Soviet Union did, and thus many Belarusian people want to distance themselves from Russian influence.

Unlike Belarus, Latvia has taken many actions in order to distance itself from the Soviet past and align itself with the “Western” world. After gaining independence in 1991, Latvia was quick to begin implementing various new policies to restore its culture and to “de-Russify” itself. These were seen as essential measures, for Latvians feared becoming a minority in their own country, since Russians had become the largest ethnic community in Latvia’s capital by 1970. Russians made up 47% of the population of Latvia’s capital, while only 36% of its population was Latvian (Heleniak, Reference Heleniak2006).

Latvia also initiated language policies after regaining independence, and while it maintained bilingual schooling, with school curriculums in Russian and Latvian, after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, Latvia was quick to implement a shift towards a monolingual schooling system. Similarly, after the invasion of Ukraine, Latvia has begun to move towards an educational system without Russian included as one of the foreign languages. Latvian moves towards language policy reflect its fears and the cultural trauma of the Russification of its nation, and the country does what it can to preserve its language and thus to lessen Russian influence.

In 2004, Latvia joined the European Union (EU) and NATO, in hopes of both distancing itself from its Russian neighbour and protecting itself against them. Following the annexation of Crimea in 2014, one of the big questions was whether NATO would protect Latvia if Russia suddenly decided on the Baltics as the next target, and it may very well be that its membership in NATO is what has deterred Russia so far from making a move towards the Baltics (Ekmanis, Reference Ekmanis2020, p. 491).

The actions of Belarus clearly differed from those of Latvia after the gaining of independence. Where Belarus saw Russia in “Big Brother” terms, as represented by Putin, Latvia wished to distance itself from its oppressive Soviet past by all means necessary.

4.1 Original Nation remnants within Belarus

Throughout their history, Belarusians have fought to preserve their native language. Despite the attempts of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union to destroy it, the Belarusian language has managed to survive. Although it is a modified version of Old Belarusian, it is an important part of Belarusians’ identity and has roots in the Original Belarusian nation. Even though Christianisation had spread quickly and was strongly enforced, it had to compete with paganism on Belarusian lands. Even those people who became Christians continued to worship pagan gods for a long time. The ancestors’ desire to preserve their original traditions has resulted in the presence of paganism influence in modern Belarus. For instance, such celebrations as Yanka Kupala, Maslenitsa, Radunitsa, and Dziady are still relevant even today. Moreover, Belarusians still believe in the so-called home spirit that protects every family and household. The rites of burial of the dead provide an illustration of the ancestor cult. In Belarus, there are also some movements associated with the revival of traditional folk rituals, music and songs, crafts, ancestral customs and celebrations, military reconstructions, local history, and the protection of historical and natural monuments, known as “neopaganism” (Martinovich, Reference Martinovich2015, p. 523).

4.2 Original Nation remnants within Latvia

Like Belarus, Latvia also has taken action to preserve its language, helping it to persevere during the time spent as a part of other states, and even preserving the Latgalian language, which is now considered a dialect of Latvian. Curonian, Semigallian, and Selian are now considered to be dead languages. However, Latvia is still organised according to most of the historic regions—Zemgale, Kurzeme, and Latgale. Very recently, the region of Sēlija was re-recognised by the state in the Latvian Law on Historic Lands.

Along with Latvians, Livs (a Baltic Finn population) are regarded as indigenous to Latvia, according to the Minority Rights Group International World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples (Minority Rights Group International, 2018). In an effort to revitalise and advance the ancient Liv way of life, Latvian authorities named a portion of this region Livöd Randa, or Liv Coast. The majority of Livs are elderly, with only a small percentage still speaking the original tongue. Livonian was never used in places of worship or educational institutions, even though it was recognised by Latvian domestic law.

One of the ways in which tribal cultures have prevailed in modern Latvian society is through celebrations, such as those accompanying seasonal customs (solstices, equinoxes, and festivities between). According to a survey by Latvian organisation “Kantar,” summer, spring, and winter seasonal customsFootnote ¹ are popular, whereas the autumn equinox and most of the festivities between the solstices and equinoxes are celebrated by less than 15% of the population (Kantar, 2018). The winter and spring celebrations have been “Christianised,” Christmas and Easter respectively; nonetheless, many families still engage with some forms of pagan traditions, such as fortune telling and laimes liešana (which translates to “pouring of happiness”), a tradition where little tin figurines are melted and then poured into water, after which the fortune of the following year is told according to the shapes formed by the tin.

The Latvian state has taken many steps to preserve and develop the culture of its various regions. One government initiative is the Cultural Canon, a collection of 108 “pieces of culture” which define the Latvian nation. Latvia’s Cultural Canon was developed in 2007 by then-Minister of Culture Helna Demakova, who urged the public and experts to give extensive consideration to the question of what the cornerstones of Latvian culture are, as well as how to name them, justify their status, and place them alongside one another (Demakova, Reference Demakova2007). The Cultural Canon also organises a competition for school pupils in which school children learn about the Cultural Canon and complete various tasks related to it.

The case of Latvia may be seen to highlight the fact that statehood has become necessary for survival in the twenty-first century, for without becoming a state, a nation could continue to be repressed by other states, and international recognition as a state is what permits it to protect its culture and language to some extent. In line with Fukurai and Krooth’s arguments, it is precisely because of the colonial past of “state-building” and “nation-destroying” initiatives being the foundation of international law and of the notion of the autonomy of the contemporary state, that a nation must become a state in order to be protected (Fukurai and Krooth, Reference Fukurai and Krooth2021, p. 51). Such recognition constitutes the essence of international law and its principles.