For the most part, debates surrounding the Irish Free State period and the postrevolutionary decade have centered on two principal narratives: the “heroic” narrative of state building and state stability on the one hand and the “counterrevolution” narrative (the “revolution betrayed,” as it were), on the other. In the process, alternative perspectives have been somewhat neglected. Accordingly, Gavin Foster's new volume, The Irish Civil War and Society, is a welcome addition. His thought-provoking book provides some valuable insights, particularly his underlying thesis that deep-rooted social animosities and divergent notions of status and respectability (as opposed to rigid concepts of class) played a critical part in the political and military split of 1922–1923.

Foster's study draws together a body of existing literature with extensive new research. In a fashion similar to Jason Knirck in Afterimage of the Revolution, he opens with a useful, scene-setting chapter to contextualize the work and, in this case, to emphasize the importance the “play of social forces” (223) had in Irish society. While this opening gesture may be less significant for specialists in the field, Foster's engagement with the work of other historians demonstrates a clear understanding of the historiography. Equally, his evenhanded treatment of the language used by both sides of the civil war divide to describe the social character and motivation of their opponents will be especially beneficial to students unfamiliar with the vocabulary, social perceptions, and “politics of respectability” (83) that pepper the writings, commentaries, and official sources of the period. Publishing restrictions may have prevented the reproduction of a selection of the cartoons Foster uncovered in the Plain People. Nonetheless, readers would have enjoyed studying them, especially the depiction of the “Saorstat Twins” (Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith) (78) or the “cigar-smoking, fur-coat-wearing ‘fat-cat’” portrayal of Collins (69). But this is a rather trivial objection, and accurate references are provided in the footnotes.

Some of Foster's themes are novel, and he is innovative in his approach. He makes very striking use, for example, of the way symbolic manifestations of class, status, and political identity could be expressed through clothing.

Foster's point that social attitudes had a vital role in the treaty split is a valid one, and he supports it with recent regional research on the period. (In the west of Ireland, for instance, socioeconomic motivations were prevalent in many peoples’ minds and played a critical part in how the treaty debate was framed by the local political representatives.) In addition, Foster's discussion of social conflict and his desire to revisit the political and social aspects of the civil war to create a more detailed picture of the dynamics of the struggle and its after-effects is important. However, there are occasions when the reader is left longing for more information. Further integration of the rich Department of Justice H5 Series, along with the inclusion of other sources, such as urban and rural district council deliberations and letters to local clergymen and members of parliament—which often describe the existing socioeconomic conditions and offer diverse perspectives on the activities and motivations of local republicans, land agitators, the Special Infantry Corps, and Civic Guards—could help provide a more sustained scrutiny of the full range of experiences during the period and the expectations and frustrations that came with the establishment of the new state. But this task, as Foster readily admits, falls outside the scope of this book.

Of particular appeal are the chapters on the financial victimization and emigration of republican soldiers and supporters. Of most interest is the refreshing way in which Foster has approached some of these questions. In elucidating the economic discrimination suffered by the republicans, for instance, Foster challenges the democratic credentials of the incumbent Cumann na nGaedheal administration. Further, he emphasizes that the perceived jobbery, self-advancement, and shoneenism of Cumann na nGaedheal were central to republican criticisms of the Free State and proved to be critical factors in perpetuating the bitterness and political animosities of postrevolutionary Ireland. Nonetheless, it is also important to note that the Cosgrave government was operating in a period of unprecedented economic depression. While this undoubtedly made the vulnerability of opponents of the treaty all the more acute, constrained by a stringent fiscal policy, many loyal Free State supporters suffered equally and did not get their share of the spoils.

Valuable information is provided on the Irish Republican Army's emigration policy, but further work on what happened to the men and women of no property, and the emotional tragedy for the remnant of Irish history who were eventually jettisoned by Irish Free State economics, would be useful. One hopes that this material might feature in Foster's forthcoming oral history project.

Foster has opened up a number of new avenues for future research and interpretation, and some of his findings will encourage further interrogation. For this he should be commended. Anyone with a scholarly interest in the crisis period of 1920s Ireland will benefit from reading the book.