No CrossRef data available.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 March 2005
Israel's sacrificial cult has recently received much attention from biblical scholars. The interpretation of Israelite sacrifice has mainly focused on two ritual acts: the slaughter of animals and blood rites. In this essay, however, I concentrate on a different ritual act: the burning of the sacrifice on the altar. The importance and meaning of this ritual step have been surprisingly neglected in the scholarship of the past seventy years. I shall demonstrate that, rather than the slaughter of animals, the burning rite on the altar is the element common to all types of sacrifice, as well as the feature that distinguishes the sacrifice as an “offering for YHWH” (

). Indeed, it is the burning rite that accomplishes the goal of biblical sacrifice—namely, communication with God.
Sacrifice is a basic category of Israelite religion. The Hebrew Bible includes numerous texts that describe sacrificial rituals or mention sacrifice in other contexts. Chief among these is Leviticus 1–7, which presents detailed regulations governing the preparation of the five principal types of sacrifice found in the Priestly texts.1
Both the Priestly literature and Israelite sacrifice have been the topics of various studies by Rolf Rendtorff, including Die Gesetze in der Priesterschrift: Eine gattungsgeschichtliche Untersuchung (FRLANT 62; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1954); and Studien zur Geschichte des Opfers im Alten Israel (WMANT 24; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1967).
What the modern scholar does not find in any of these books, however, is an explanation of how biblical writers understood sacrifices to function, or even a clear indication of what biblical writers considered to be the key element of a sacrifice. The Priestly texts, for example, are primarily concerned with the correct performance of sacrificial ritual, or the allotment of the priest's portion, or even the maintenance of the altar. Presumably, the contemporaries of the Priestly writer(s) shared some understanding of the function of sacrifice, even though it is not recorded in the Priestly texts. What once must have been common knowledge about the nature and function of the sacrificial act in biblical Israel is now the subject of scholarly investigation and conjecture.
Currently, there are almost as many theories on sacrifice as there are scholars studying the subject.2
For a summary of the most prominent theories on sacrifice, see Josef Drexler, Die Illusion des Opfers: Ein wissenschaftlicher Überblick über die wichtigsten Opfertheorien ausgehend vom deleuzianischen Polyperspektivismusmodell (Münchener Ethnologische Abhandlungen 12; Munich: Anacon-Verlag, 1993, 1–2); and Peter Gerlitz, “Opfer I. Religionsgeschichte,” TRE 25 (1995) 253–54.
See René Girard, La violence et le sacré (Paris: Grasset, 1972); and idem, Ausstoßung und Verfolgung: Eine historische Theorie des Sündenbocks (Frankfurt: Fischer Taschenbuch, 1992) 48–69.
The classicist Walter Burkert has developed an anthropological theory of human culture far too complex to be outlined here. Within his theory, sacrifice plays a role similar to that which Girard assigns it.4
Burkert himself states that his main ideas are similar to Girard's; see Walter Burkert, “Glaube und Verhalten: Zeichengehalt und Wirkungsmacht von Opferritualen,” in Le sacrifice dans l'antiquité (ed. J. Rudhardt and O. Reverdin; Entretiens sur l'antiquité classique 27; Geneva: Hardt, 1981) 110.
Idem, Homo Necans: Interpretationen altgriechischer Opferriten und Mythen (Religionsge schichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten 32; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1972).
See ibid., 6–9; and idem, Greek Religion (trans. J. Raffan; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985) 55–59.
Biblical scholars have also described sacrifice as a vicarious process, but in a somewhat different fashion. Hartmut Gese studied the concept of atonement (

) as it is related to sacrifice in the Hebrew Bible. In his essay “Die Sühne” (1977), Gese described two main features of biblical atonement.
7Reprinted in Hartmut Gese, Zur biblischen Theologie: Alttestamentliche Vorträge (2d ed.; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1983) 85–106.
“Der Kult ist zeichenhafte Sühne, denn er ist der Weg zum Heiligen, der nur durch unseren Tod hindurchführen kann” (ibid., 99; my translation).

(“mercy seat”), the place in the most holy part of the sanctuary where God is supposed to reside. Since this blood still contains the identity of the person who offers the sacrifice, the human and the divine spheres are brought into contact.
9See ibid., 95–99.
It should be noted, however, that Gese did not invent this particular theory of atonement. Its main components were published more than a century earlier by K. C. W. F. Bähr (Symbolik des Mosaischen Cultus [2 vols.; Heidelberg: Mohr, 1837–1839]). For a description of Bähr's theory, and for a survey of the development of scholarly theories on atonement prior to Gese, see Christian Eberhart, Studien zur Bedeutung der Opfer im Alten Testament: Die Signifikanz von Blut- und Verbrennungsriten im kultischen Rahmen (WMANT 94; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2002) 192–96.
How does this scholarly consensus fare when we examine the Priestly account of sacrifices in Leviticus 1–7, which I take to be representative of southern Israelite—i.e., Judean—cultic practice? Does the Priestly account support the idea that the slaughter of an animal is the focus of sacrificial ritual, or that the biblical writers conceived of sacrifice as a vicarious process? I summarize the five main types of sacrifice described in the Priestly texts:

Verse references follow MT/LXX.

Like many of the Hebrew sacrificial terms,

is difficult to translate. “Offering” is the most frequent rendering in English Bible translations and scholarly literature, and I shall use it in this essay. However, the Hebrew root

expresses a process of “approaching” God conveyed only partially in the word “offering”; I discuss this point later in the body of this essay. Furthermore, in light of the use of English phrases such as “burnt offering” and “grain offering” to denote the five types of sacrifice, it is important to note that Hebrew,

rendered as “offering” is an interpretative term applied to these types of sacrifice.






See Lev 4:23, 28, 32, 5:11, 7:38, 9:7, 15, Num 18:9.


Thus, according to the laws on sacrifice in Leviticus 1–7, the sacrificial cult consists of five different types of sacrifice. Four of these types include the slaughter of an animal, and we have seen that such slaughter is central to the theories of Girard, Burkert, and Gese. But there is one notable exception among the five types, which poses a challenge to the prevailing scholarly theories on sacrifice. This exception is the grain offering,

. A sacrifice consisting of wheat, oil, and frankincense cannot be killed—and yet it is regarded as an “offering” (

) for God like the four animal sacrifices. Furthermore, according to Lev 5:11–13, the grain offering can even be substituted for the sin offering (

), which usually requires an animal sacrifice. This substitute grain offering is a fully valid sin offering and a proper “offering” (

) for God. Further evidence of the interchangeability of grain offerings and animal offerings comes from the fifth-century B.C.E. letters that document the contemporary sacrificial cult celebrated at a temple in Elephantine, a Judean military colony in ancient Egypt.
14For an edition of the Elephantine documents, see A. E. Cowley, ed., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1923; repr., Osnabrück: Zeller, 1967) 113 (30:25), 123 (32:9–10), 125 (33:10–11).

) and burn frankincense. This historical incident confirms that the Judean sacrificial cult could be performed without animal sacrifices. We must ask, therefore, How does the grain offering function? What is its climax? And why do the Priestly texts call it an offering (

) for God, just like the other types of sacrifice?
To solve this problem, I suggest that we look at a different ritual element shared by all five types of sacrifice enumerated above: the burning of the sacrificial material on the altar. In the Priestly texts, three terms are employed to describe this ritual act. First, there is the Hiphil stem of

, often rendered “to turn into smoke,” although I prefer “to burn (on the altar).”
15The verb

Hiphil must be distinguished from

. Both refer to the burning of certain materials, and both can occur in cultic texts on sacrifice. However,

is always used to describe the burning of leftovers without any cultic significance (e.g., the remainder of the sin offering after the ritual is completed; see Lev 4:12; 21). On the contrary, the verb

Hiphil always describes the burning rite on the main altar. This burning rite occurs as part of the sacrifice and has a specific cultic significance, which is why it is mostly coupled with further interpretive terms such as

and

.

and

. The first one,

, may be translated as “fire offering.”
16The translation of

, however, is disputed. Today, scholars tend to deny any connotation of fire (see Milgrom, Leviticus, 161–162, 394; and Rolf Rendtorff, Leviticus [BKAT 3; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1985–] 64). This opinion is corroborated by the Targumim, which render Hebrew

as Aramaic

(“offering”). The Greek translations, however, point in a different direction. The Septuagint translations

and

are clearly references to fire, whereas

and

connote both fire and offering. Theodotion and Aquila choose the Greek terms

and

, thus understanding

as an exclusive reference to fire. Given this variation among the Greek translations, it may be concluded that

has connotations of both fire and offering. Therefore, the translation “fire offering” seems adequate (for further details, see Eberhart, Studien zur Bedeutung, 40–48).

, is usually rendered “pleasing odor.” It alludes to the smoke of the sacrifice that ascends to heaven. It also conveys the anthropomorphic idea that God actually smells this smoke. This is the way the biblical God is thought to receive the sacrifice. At the same time, it implies the reason why sacrifices to idols have no effect: “Gods of wood and stone, the work of men's hands, do not see nor hear nor eat nor smell” (Deut 4:28). Only the real God of Israel eats and smells, and what he eats and smells are sacrifices.
Thus, in Leviticus 1–7, the three terms “to burn (on the altar),” “fire offering,” and “pleasing odor” refer to the burning rite on the main altar. “Fire offering” and “pleasing odor” occur less frequently in the context of the sin offering and the guilt offering. Nevertheless, the burning of at least some of the sacrificial material on the altar is a constituent part of each of the five types of sacrifice. This element unites all of them, despite the variations in ritual or offering material that obtain among the five types of sacrifice (e.g., only the grain offering consists of vegetable materials; the communion sacrifice allows the offerer to consume meat during a celebration; and blood rites are characteristic of the sin offering). This shared emphasis on the burning rite deserves special attention, and so I shall re-examine these five different rituals, this time with special attention to the burning rite.



For a detailed study on the communion sacrifice throughout different periods of Israelite history, see Christian Eberhart, “Beobachtungen zum Verbrennungsritus bei Schlachtopfer und Gemeinschafts-Schlachtopfer,” Biblica 83 (2002) 88–96.


The burning rite on the main altar occurs in the ritual of each type of sacrifice in Leviticus 1–7. It dominates two of the sacrifices (burnt offering, grain offering) and is an important element in the rituals of the other three. At this point, further remarks shall be made on the fact that every type of sacrifice in Leviticus 1–7 is labelled an offering (

) for God (Lev 1:2, 3, 10, 14; 2:1, 4, 7, 12; 3:1, 7, 12, 14; 4:23, 28, 32, 5:11; 7:13, 14, 16, 38b). Also the Hebrew verb

Hiphil, together with its equivalents

Hiphil and

Hiphil, frequently occurs in the context of sacrificial rituals. The root

describes a dynamic movement through sacred space toward the center of holiness, and thus an “approach” to God. This movement reaches its climax in the burning, which marks the transformation of the material offered by the individual or community, and “transports” it to heaven in the smoke ascending from the altar.
18See Eberhart, Studien zur Bedeutung, 22–24.

. According to this interpretation, the burning rite determines whether any cultic ritual qualifies as an “offering for God”. It is, therefore, the constitutive element of a sacrifice.
At this point, implications of such an interpretation for a theology of sacrifice need to be addressed briefly. First, however, I want to clarify that a sacrifice, being composed of several ritual acts, is always a multivalent process with various functions. As such, its blood application rites can, for example, effect purification (atonement) of sancta and human beings.19
The sprinkling and smearing of sacrificial blood is not a part of the actual offering. It may be regarded as a cultic purification rite (Jacob Milgrom, Leviticus: A new Translation with Introduction and Commentary [3 vols.; AB 3, 3A, 3B; New York; Doubleday, 1991–2001] 1:254–56).
In the space of this brief essay, I can offer only a few examples of non-Priestly biblical texts featuring the burning rite as the climatic moment of the priest's service, or of the temple cult. According to 1 Sam 2:28, God chose members of the house of Eli “to be my priest, to go up to my altar, to burn sacrifices (

), to wear an ephod before me.” According to Deut 33:10, Levi was chosen to teach God's laws, but also to “put sacrifices (

) before your nose, and whole burnt offerings upon your altar” (see also Jer 33:18b). And in later biblical texts, comprehensive statements on the sacrificial cult usually refer to the burning rite; Thus the Chronicler's version of Solomon's letter to Hiram of Tyre reads: “I am about to build a house for the name of the Lord my God and dedicate it to him for the burning of incense of sweet spices before him, and for the continual offering of the showbread, and for burnt offerings morning and evening” (2 Chr 2:4). Finally, it is worth noting that in biblical Aramaic, a general term for “sacrifice” is

(Dan 2:46; Ezra 6:10), an abbreviated plural derived from

, “sweet odor.”
Thus the importance of the burning rite is attested not only in the Priestly texts, but also in other books of the Hebrew Bible. As the above survey of recent scholarship suggests, however, this ritual element has been rather neglected. In his article “Die Sühne,” Hartmut Gese devotes only a single sentence to the burning rite.
20Gese, “Die Sühne,” 93.
D. Kellermann,

, TWAT 6 (1989) 105–24.
Nancy B. Jay, Throughout Your Generations Forever: Sacrifice, Religion, and Paternity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992). For a critical discussion of Jay's notion of sacrifice, see Stanley K. Stowers, “Greeks Who Sacrifice and Those Who Do Not: Torward an Anthropology of Greek Religion,” in The Social World of the First Christians (FS Wayne Meeks; ed. L. Michael White and O. Larry Yarbrough; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995) 293–333; and Pamela M. Eisenbaum, “Father and Son: The Christology of Hebrews in Patrilineal Perspective,” in Hebrews: Contemporary Methods—New Insights (ed. Gabriella Gelardini; Biblical Interpretation Series; forthcoming). I am very grateful to Pamela M. Eisenbaum for the opportunity to discuss Jay's work with her.

, is the process whereby a ritual dominated by the blood rite became reinterpreted as a sacrifice.
23Rendtorff, Studien zur Geschichte, 234. See also Rendtorff Leviticus, 171.

).”
24Gary A. Anderson, “Sacrifice and Sacrificial Offerings, Old Testament,” ABD 5: 873.
Alfred Marx, “Opferlogik im alten Israel,” in Opfer. Theologische und kulturelle Kontexte (ed. Bernd Janowski and Michael Welker; Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 2000) 133–34.
To summarize: In Leviticus 1–7, the burning rite on the altar is a component of each of the five types of sacrifice. I have shown that this element is dominant in two of the sacrifices, and important in the rest. Two interpretative terms explain what happens during the process of burning sacrificial material:

(“fire offering”) points to the crucial fact that a material offering is being transformed while it is burned on the altar. It turns into the

, the “pleasing odor” that ascends to God. The burning rite transforms the sacrifice and makes it rise, thereby rendering it a suitable offering (

) for God. It thus marks the climax of human communication with God. Hence the burning rite can be considered the constitutive element of sacrifices in the Priestly writings: a ritual may be considered a sacrifice if it incorporates the burning rite on the altar. This is corroborated by several non-Priestly biblical texts summarizing the tasks of priests or the purpose of the temple cult, all of which mention the burning rite as characteristic of the sacrificial cult.
Given the central role of the burning rite in biblical sacrifice, it is worth investigating the role of the burning of sacrificial offerings in other ancient cultures. In the Epic of Gilgamesh, for example, when Utnapishtim offered sacrifices after the flood, “the gods smelled the savor. The gods smelled the sweet savor. The gods crowded like flies about the sacrificer.”26
Gilgamesh XI, 159–61, trans. by E. A. Speiser, ANET 95.