Too often, historiography in expanding areas of study – in this case, the American Conservative Movement since the 1940s – is hindered by the absence of general histories to pull together so much disparate work. Here Critchlow offers a useful antidote with his general history of the American conservative movement since the 1940s and 1950s. He mostly integrates, rather than adds to, the existing literature, but reflects the transformation experienced by that once-barren field and adds usefully to it in his own right. The book is further enlivened by excellent footnotes that in themselves are a valuable source for scholars.

Critchlow avoids the extremes of hagiography and demonization which unsurprisingly have vexed the historiography of conservatism. In fact, the reader would probably find it very hard to guess Critchlow's own (progressive) politics. He is happy to allow conservative activists to be considered in terms of their own self-understanding, as, for example, when he highlights the success of Young Americans for Freedom in racially integrating the hotel where they held their 1963 conference (60).

The well-written main narrative starts with the anti-statist intellectuals of the 1940s and ends with the second term of the younger Bush, covering a wide range of issues from abortion to welfare reform. In parts he adds to, as well as draws together, the historiography – for example, he shows how the Reagan administration, despite pressure by conservative activists, heavily expanded AIDS research and funding (216–19), contrary to the impression given by much of the literature.

There are a few questionable assertions in this work – for example, when Ross Perot is flatly asserted to have taken “votes mostly away from Bush” (239), contrary to most polling evidence. Similarly, Critchlow states that Nelson Rockefeller would have been “assured the nomination” (69) had he won the 1964 California primary – very unlikely given the weakness of Rockefeller's delegate support by that stage. The flaws in this formidable summary are mostly those of the existing historiography. The book, as suggested by the title, tends to downplay the huge number of issues, from abortion to emissions regulation, that have moved in a “progressive” direction and even been accepted to a degree by movement elites, race being an example.

Similarly, intellectual changes, policy changes and political campaigns are all much better covered than the links between them. For example, Critchlow accepts the view of most historians that Watergate “encouraged the Democratic Party's march to the left” (102) without reconciling this with the vastly declining pace of new progressive legislation. In places the need for the current wave of grassroots studies is also shown – for example, Jesse Helms is treated as the eminence grise of “his” Congressional cub in a way that exaggerates his links to and control of it (205). No doubt all these and other gaps will lead to further work. Regardless, Critchlow's book is a valuable contribution to the discipline and for now must be considered the definitive general history of the conservative movement.