The rise of China has generated endless speculation and debate in global politics. In Eros of International Relations, Chih-yu Shih offers a critical and gendered interpretation of China's rise. As a well-established international relations scholar based in Taiwan, Shih has published extensively on international relations theory, contemporary China and anthropology of knowledge. This book represents his new research on gender and Chinese international relations. Assuming the identity and institution of sovereign nations are typically gendered, Shih analyses how some Chinese sovereign actors have historically taken advantage of their images of femininity. Employing gendered identities to cope with the pressures of globalization and nationalism, these actors have the potential to deconstruct the binaries of masculine competition in the postcolonial global order. The book adopts interpretive and descriptive methods using rich historical and contemporary materials. Through theoretically informed dialogues with Chinese, cultural and history studies, the book aims to provide “nuanced provocations on which the readers may reflect” (p. 12).
The first two chapters introduce the theoretical framework and contextual background. The “self-feminizing” refers to a relational strategy of adopting a feminine identity to oblige interdependent relations of mutual caring. Shih differentiates feminine sovereignty and masculine sovereignty: the former is defensive and dependent while the latter is strong and independent. The book tells the story of a “purported modern China having a postcolonial, feminized sovereignty” (p. 16). The three empirical chapters include (a) the first lady, Madame Chiang Kai-shek, and her representation of China in the US during the Second World War; (b) wearers of cheongsam, who represent Shanghai in modern and contemporary China; and (c) professional women in multinational firms, who represent their local branches in Taiwan. The conclusion offers some reflections on the feminist potential for emancipation.
The book makes significant contributions to international relations theory and China studies. First, Shih offers a distinctive and innovative perspective on China and broader international relations theory. His postcolonial feminist approach challenges the conventional view of balance-of-power politics. In particular, Shih rediscovers the historical and theoretical meaning of a feminizing image of China, and such an image is in sharp contrast to the masculine “China threat” narrative. Second, Shih's theoretical reflection and historical analysis offer a refreshing perspective on the Taiwan Strait and Sino-US relations. For instance, in analysing Madame Chiang's interaction with an American audience in the 1940s, Shih writes, “Madame Chiang portrayed China as an about-to-be Westernized society … To save China was to save the hope of American civilization in Asia, and she herself was the testimony that there was no difficulty in mixing American and Chinese values” (p. 42). Suppose we replace “China” with “Taiwan” in the description. In that case, Shih's analysis of Madame Chiang perfectly matches how some woman leaders in Taiwan approach the US in the contemporary era. From such a perspective, we should go beyond conventional material interests to understand enduring relationships and unresolved tensions among Beijing, Taipei and Washington.
While recognizing the contributions of the book, I have two quibbles. First, while Shih highlights the dichotomy of feminine sovereignty and masculine sovereignty, I wonder if such a dichotomy is always accurate in describing Chinese foreign policy. While the feminine–masculine dichotomy seems to imply an inferiority–superiority complex, one of China's enduring struggles seems to be how to overcome such a mindset. China does not seek to dominate the West, but it does not want to be dominated by the West either. In such a context, there might be various degrees to which Shih's framework could be applicable in analysing Chinese diplomacy. Madame Chiang's diplomatic approach might reflect a self-feminizing strategy, and contemporary Chinese diplomacy (especially in the Xi Jinping era) might reflect a masculine style. It is unclear how Shih's framework is applicable in characterizing some legacies of Chinese diplomacy, such as Zhou Enlai's diplomatic style. As the founding father of the People's Republic's diplomacy, Zhou was often neither overbearing nor self-effacing. Was Zhou's diplomacy masculine, self-feminizing, or neither? Second, while the book's argument is innovative and exciting with broad implications, Shih has done little to explore the overall impact of his argument. In particular, the book has important implications for understanding the contemporary Taiwan Strait and US–China tensions. However, the author only briefly mentions the impact without detailed elaborations (for instance, see p. 42 and pp. 96–99). The conclusion chapter also seems to be too short.
Above all, Shih makes a unique contribution to the growing literature on China and global politics. Theoretically interesting and empirically rich, the book offers a refreshing reinterpretation of China and international relations theory.
