Unearthing the Oil

At the turn of the nineteenth century, discovery and control of reliable and secure major deposits of oil was one of the main challenges of British enterprises worldwide. Imperial Russia owned the Baku oilfield, which at that time was the second-largest known oil deposit in the world, after that of the United States oilfields. This ownership equally gave Russia control over the emerging and expanding new energy market.Footnote ² Their British competitors were keen to change that situation by discovering and mining new oilfields around the world. In May 1901, William N. D'Arcy, an Australian entrepreneur supported by the British legation in Tehran, succeeded in gaining a concession which gave monopoly rights to “search for, obtain, exploit, develop, render suitable for trade, carry away and sell natural gas, petroleum, asphalt and ozokerite throughout the whole extent of the Persian Empire, with the exception of the five Northern provinces for no less than sixty years.”Footnote ³

The exemption of the Northern provinces from the deal was obviously a gesture intended to avoid jeopardizing the relationship between Iran and its Northern neighbor, Russia. A year after obtaining this generous concession, the oil company launched its activities for the first time, in the western part of the country. However, the limited oil revenues obtained in the region failed to meet the expected turnover. This persuaded D'Arcy's agent, now called the “First Exploitation Company,” to move to the south of the country, to the province of Khuzestan.

Following a massive increase in oil revenues and a series of complex financial deals in London, APOC was formed on April 14, 1909. APOC, with capital holdings of £2,000,000, monopolized the extraction, production, and marketing of Persian oil. It had the privilege of all rights granted in the D'Arcy concession. Additionally, it formed the provincial Bakhtiyari Oil Company with a capital investment of £300,000 in order to please the local Bakhtiyari tribal chiefs and, simultaneously, to secure their support.

After its success in discovering oil deposits, the immediate task facing APOC was the considerable challenge of transporting oil from the wellhead to the market, in crude or refined form. To maximize profitability, the company decided to refine the oil within Persia, where the proximity of the Persian Gulf offered the APOC easy access to the international market. Along the coastline, the Abadan Island in the Northwestern corner of the Persian Gulf—on the side of the waterway of Arvandroud (Shatt al-Arab River)—offered fine anchorages for shipping tankers. It seemed like an ideal location for building the refinery. The construction of Abadan Refinery began in October 1909. Three months later, in January 1910, an ambitious project was launched to construct some 220 kilometers of pipeline to transport the oil from the fields of Masjid Suleiman to Abadan.Footnote ⁴

Recruiting Labor for the New Industry

Prior to striking oil in Masjid Suleiman, and while the surveying mission was still under way, the fieldwork employees included no more than a “dozen drillers, a few blacksmiths and mechanics, an accountant, a transport overseer, a doctor, an assistant and a number of local muleteers.”Footnote ⁵ The needs of the mission, including a labor supply, were met largely through negotiations with Bakhtiyari tribal chiefs. A 1907 report compiled by engineer H. E. Bradshaw, who was in charge of the road works, refers to the workers sent by Samsam al-Saltaneh (a Bakhtiyari khan) to build the road to Masjid Suleiman.Footnote ⁶ Similarly, Arnold Wilson recalls his days acting as the British political officer in the region, when he often contacted the “small tribal chiefs from whom to draw labor, pack animals and even supplies of straw, barley, wood for fuel and other local supplies” for the oil company.Footnote ⁷ In another agreement, reached in 1908 between Sheikh Khaz'al, a local Arab tribe chief from Muhammareh (later called Khoramshahr), and P. Z. Cox, political resident in the Persian Gulf, the oil company offered the Sheikh “a guarantee that no tribesmen be engaged without [the sheikh's] permission.”Footnote ⁸ However, it turned out that in all the negotiations to recruit labor, the need for manpower guarding the oil company's activities, its machinery, and its personnel was the most troublesome.

Production had to be carried out in a region where the Persian central government could not assert its unmitigated authority, and that was a tricky business. The company realized quickly that in order to proceed, it needed the blessing of the chiefs of the local tribal, particularly the Bakhtiyari, whose cooperation was essential to guard the company against possible attacks by the pastoral nomads and peasants accusing the oil company of seizing their pastoral land. The consecration of the tribal chiefs was also vital for supplying the workface the company needed.Footnote ⁹

In the early twentieth century, the structure of power within the Bakhtiyari tribes, at that time the largest tribal group in southwest Iran, was based on five class positions. These class positions were defined by economic status, the size of herds owned, and the allocated pastoral lands. They included the ilkhan, the chief of confederation of Bakhtiyari tribes, and his deputy ilbeg; the khan, the head of each tribe; the kanatar, the head of the tayefeh (clan or subtribe); the kadkhoda, the head of the tireh (branch or sub-tayefeh); and, finally, the lowest rank within each tribe, known as ‘amaleh, comprising tofangchi (gunmen), Chubaki (stick-holders), tubreh-kesh (bag-holders), and dast-pati (empty-handed).Footnote ¹⁰

The ilkhan/ilbeg had hereditary status in the tribe, although they were accredited by the central government. The position of khan, and sometimes that of kalantar, was also hereditary. The kadkhoda's election was based on his trustworthy position within the tribe. The lowest rank, the ‘amaleh, either had no herd, or owned small flocks of a few sheep or goats. The status of ‘amaleh (the singular form; the plural is ‘amalehjat), applied to those individual nomads who provided the logistical requirements of the tribe. They were amal konandeh, dealing with practical matters in the tribe. Their major tasks included guarding the clan against foreign incursion and organizing regular raids, mainly against the sedentary population of nearby villages. While the tofangchi and chubaki comprised the cavalry, the tubreh-kesh or dast-pati, among other things, collected booty following each raid. As I will show, this class of ‘amaleh were in fact the first group of Bakhtiyaris who joined the emerging oil industry, working at the wellhead or protecting the company's property as guards.

On the eve of the Masjid Suleiman operation, in November 1905, an agreement was reached between the British Consul-General of Isfahan and Sardar As‘ad, “the principal spokesman” for the Bakhtiyaris chiefs (who were all Ilkhans and Ilbegs). According to the agreement, the Bakhtiyari chiefs received £2,000 per annum in return for supplying regiments of guards from their associated tribe and for protecting the company's property against robbery in Bakhtiyari territories.Footnote ¹¹ After the agreement, a regiment of eighty Bakhtiyari men was formed to guard the drilling sites from three positions. The guards were to be paid by Bakhtiayri khan. Their wage was between fifty and one hundred Tumans (the Persian currency) per year, plus fodder for their horses.Footnote ¹² However, it soon turned out that the assigned guards, who were drawn exclusively from the stratum of ‘amaleh in the tribe, received “no penny in hard cash” and were left to meet their needs by “other means.”Footnote ¹³ Only from March 1909, when the oil company finally reached an agreement with the Bakhtiyari chiefs, did the guards receive their wages directly from the head guards, for an allowance of £600. This sum was deducted from the previous annual cost of arrears, which amounted to £2,500.Footnote ¹⁴

When, at last, the oil flared up at Meydan-e Naftun, in Masjid Suleiman—a sparsely populated region—the problem of mass recruitment of labor became one of the biggest challenges the oil company faced. Arnold Wilson recalled, “Much labor is being imported from India, and much from other parts of Persia; some from the Gulf ports and some from Turkey (Ottoman Empire).”Footnote ¹⁵ The Indian workforce comprised the main trunk of semiskilled labor. Along with the activities of road construction and transport, the Iranian workers were mainly employed for unskilled work in the drilling tasks, except for masonry, carpentry, and painting, which was done mainly by Isfahani skilled workers. However, in the following year, the ethnic composition gradually changed in favor of a largely Persian workforce.Footnote ¹⁶

By the end of 1909, as the drilling activities of the oil company expanded, the transport pipeline was laid, and the Abadan oil refinery began production, the newborn industry accommodated a fast-growing workforce. Within one year, the number of Iranian workers in the field had reached 457, while for the pipeline and in Abadan it had reached 770 and 590, respectively.

Anglo-Persian Oil Company Staff and Labor in Iran 1910

Source: British Petroleum Archive (BP). ARC141294, January 1938. Laurence Lockhart, Unpublished Record of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, Vol. I: 1901–1918.

The composition of the workforce in the early stages of recruitment was loosely regulated by the terms of the oil concession of 1901. To understand the pattern of recruitment in the following years, it is essential to take a look at the Agreement of 1901, which refers to the employment of labor under the concession. According to Article 12 of the Agreement, “the workmen employed in the service of the company shall be subject to His Imperial Majesty the Shah, except the technical staff, such as the managers, engineers, borers and foremen.”Footnote ¹⁷ In the terms of this article, APOC was free to recruit skilled and semiskilled labor beyond Iran's borders, which it did—mainly from India. To obtain unskilled labor, APOC looked primarily to the region adjacent to the oil field. The Bakhtiyari peasants and pastoral nomads living there became the main source of the workforce. However, there were some exceptions to this rule. For example, a letter sent by Sadiq al-Saltaneh (the oil commissar of the Persian government) to the Persian Charge d'Affaire in London refers to the employment of some Ottoman coolies, from around Basra and lower Mesopotamia, by APOC.Footnote ¹⁸ In response to Sadiq al-Saltaneh's protest against this practice, Arnold Wilson, at that time the British consul in Mohammareh, stressed the necessity to

The Sadiq al-Saltaneh's protest and Wilson's reply related mostly to the company's recruiting practices in the Southwest, by the shoreline of the Persian Gulf, where the majority of the Iranian Arab community resided. However, in the North of the province near the oilfields of Masjid Suleiman, Persian labor drawn from both the Bakhtiyari pastoralists and sedentary cultivators were the main part of the unskilled workforce.

Recruiting ‘amaleh from the Bakhtiyari pastoralists soon became a major burden for APOC because of the discrepancy between the lifestyle of the pastoralists and the employee requirements of APOC. The Bakhtiyari pastoralists migrated seasonally twice a year. In the late spring, they left the scorching desert plains in the South with their flocks and herds and headed for the Northern highlands and the snow-clad mountain range of Zagros, where fresh pastures could be found. That was their yaylaq or summer quarter. In late autumn, when the grass died in the freezing weather of the elevated Zagros plateau, the Bakhtiyaris descended to the lowlands again, in search of grazing pastures and fresh grass on the plain, which provided plenty of food for their flocks of sheep and goats. That was their qeshlaq, or winter quarter. The qeshlaq was also the season for marketing their surplus and buying what they needed in market towns of Dezful, Shushtar, Ramhormoz, and Isfahan.

The pastoralist Bakhtiyaris routinely followed their seasonal migration every six months. They commonly lived in tents, especially when on the move, or in their yaylaq. When the qeshlaq came, they lived in sandstone or sun-baked mud shelters in nearby villages North of Masjid Suleiman; their winter pastures lay in the vicinity of the oilfield. An eyewitness recounts their simple lifestyle:

The seasonal migration was not compulsory for all members of the Bakhtiyari tribe. For example, when periodic droughts occurred and when the weather in yaylaq or qeshlaq was not favorable, a member of the tribe, usually from the ‘amalehjat, would go to the khan and ask for permission to stay behind. Permission was usually granted. It was among these ‘amalehjat that the APOC enlisted its early unskilled labor employees, first as assistants in the elementary operations of rig-building and drilling, or in road-building and transport, and later in laying the oil pipes, or in constructing the Abadan oil refinery.

Since the oil company operated year-round, the major challenge was obviously how to retain the recruited labor in the off-season, for more than six months at a time. There were

Along with this difficulty of securing a supply of permanent employees, the introduction and acceptance of labor discipline, orderliness, and punctuality became even more challenging, both for the employer and the workers themselves: “It was not sufficient to attract the tribesmen to service with the company by the prospect of regular pay and additional comfort that pay could bring; measures had to be taken to keep them when enrolled.”Footnote ²²

Labor Recruitment and Labor Settlement

The ‘amaleh recruits gradually adopted the new industrial lifestyle. Some of them formed a new cluster of the workforce known as sarkar, an abridged form of sar-kargar (headworkers). The sarkars were distinct from the foremen; the latter represented a labor category exclusively reserved for European skilled workers in the early days of APOC's activities. Among other functions, the sarkar recruited labor for the company. In the early days of oil excavation, it was the Bakhtiyari khan who, through negotiations with the oil company, acted as the main provider of labor. But now there were sarkars who not only supervised the performance of the new recruited labor, but also took charge of recruiting new workers. They were paid bonuses per head of each new recruit hired. Thus, in the formative years of the oil industry in Persia, the function of the intermediary, the sarkar, was not only to conscript men for the new workforce of the expanding industry, but also to ensure their loyalty in performing their new tasks. It was a dual mission: sarkar was both a recruiter and, effectively, a foreman.

The practice of recruitment by Bakhtiyari khan and sarkar lasted until the birth of the Abadan refinery, the construction of which began in October 1909; in May 1912 the first crude oil was refined.Footnote ²³ With the expansion of APOC's activities, and especially with the building of the Abadan refinery, the company decided to consolidate and extend its activities. The range of activities

Within these terms, a new Labor Office was soon established on the premises of the Abadan refinery. One of the main tasks commissioned by this new office was to bring seasonal work to an end, in favor of permanent employment. To reach this goal, the Labor Office utilized ancestral bonding in the organized, networked migration. It encouraged the employment of workers’ descendants “in an elementary apprenticeship in use of lathes and simple machine tools.”Footnote ²⁵ In the long run, this preferred employment policy reshaped social relations among oil workers by trying to get successive generations to work in the oil industry. The impact of this policy went beyond the shop floor and fashioned a new culture in the public space of the Iranian oil towns.

With the expansion of drilling operations and the construction of access roads and pipelines to bring the oil to the Persian Gulf, “gradually a community began to settle on the spot and [the] problem[s] of health and housing came to the fore; carpenters from Isfahan and iron-workers from Dezful and Shushtar, finding employment regular, commenced to settle.”Footnote ²⁶ The Labor Office launched its activities in major cities in the Southern part of Iran, to recruit a workforce—both from tribal Bakhtiyari pastoralists and village-based cultivators, as well as from a non-Bakhtiyari workforce, drawn from other cities: “The great majority of the elaborate machinery both at Abadan and at Masjid Suleiman and Ahwaz [was] worked by these men, as well as by tribesmen, for truth to tell, the nomad has shown a greater willingness and aptitude to take to machinery than has the townsman.”Footnote ²⁷

The human migration to Masjid Suleiman, either to seek employment in the oil industry or to provide services to its employees, extended the frontiers of the newborn city. An oilfield accommodating 523 employees in 1910Footnote ²⁸ gradually developed into a company town with a population of 17,000 around 1920.Footnote ²⁹ While APOC offered housing to its European staff in brick bungalows and to the Indian employees in large common barracks, the Persian recruits had to live in shelters made of sticks or bamboo lashed loosely together and roofed by palm leaves. It was not until later on, during the interwar period, that APOC launched its first housing project for the Persian workers.Footnote ³⁰

As an added inducement to retain workers, the oil company provided free basic medical care for laborers and their families in Masjed Suleiman. Other measures were also taken to make working for the oil company more desirable, such as providing a local market, or bazaar, where workers could spend their wages buying food, clothing, utensils, tobacco, and ornaments, among other things.

The first such market was established in Masjid Suleiman. The migrants from Shushtar were the leading vendors in this bazaar. They were also the pioneer settlers who built a community at the outskirts of the first oil well. The district was called Kalgeh.Footnote ³² Soon other districts with shelters roofed with palm leaves were founded by newly recruited laborers. Districts such as Sarkoureh, or Malkarim, which were divided from each other along the Bakhtiyari tribal structure association lines.Footnote ³³ However, these division lines could not resist the expansion of settlement when new migrants from other parts of the country came to join the fast-growing oil company, and, consequently, a population with various new identities developed.

Labor Recruitment and Labor Discipline

As I mentioned earlier, in the formative years of the Iranian oil industry, the recruiters had a dual function: conscripting a new labor force for the expanding industry and overseeing the new employees' steady, continuing effort at their assigned tasks. Within this context, specific labor disciplines were practiced.

There were numerous reports about individual workers who simply deserted the site after only a few days of work, without giving prior notice.Footnote ³⁴ To overcome this problem, the company adopted some special regulations for wage payments. Instead of making a daily payment, which, in the early days, was made in Indian rupees instead of Persian rials (the Persian currency), remuneration was distributed on a fortnightly basis. This was the first measure implemented by the oil company to ensure the continuity of work. In the long term, however, the new payment rule potentially could have other outcomes, including drawing the workers into indebtedness to bazaar moneylenders, which inexorably secured the continuity of work.

Payday, Masjid Suleiman, 1910

Source: Persian Oil Collection. Archive of the International Institute of Social History. Image used with permission from the BP Archive, University of Warwick.

Some inauspicious measures were also adopted to assert labor discipline. Although there is no direct reference to fines or physical punishments within the APOC work regulations charter, on more than one occasion references can be found to such practices in the company's archive. One confidential report from the field, dated July 24, 1911, concerns a British foreman by the name of Melvie, who kicked an Iranian worker in the chest, accusing him of not working “properly.” The angry reaction of the worker astonished the manager, since “never before has a native dared even to raise his hand to a European, and with all their faults of laziness, etc. they were quite submissive to fines and even to occasional boxing, about which complaints were infrequent.”Footnote ³⁵ Following this incident, records show another case, in which a European engineer—Mr. Ritchie, one of the managers—issued a warning that “a fine of 50 qerans (the Persian currency) would be imposed on any offender, and which would be doubled, for any subsequent offense in the matter of assault.”Footnote ³⁶

Long working days and modern time measurement were among the methods of labor discipline introduced by the oil company. The narratives of Iranian workers in the first cohort of the native workforce all indicate that, in the early years of the oil company's life, there was simply no standard working day for the employees. Persian workers, just like Indian or Ottoman subjects (often referred to as “Turks”), were all expected to work seven days a week, from sunrise to sunset. Some years later, however, on the eve of the First World War, a new workday regime was implemented: six days a week for nine to twelve hours a day, depending on the season. Work started at six o'clock in the morning and ended at six o'clock in the evening during the winter, and from six o'clock in the morning until three o'clock in the afternoon during the summer. In the early days of its activities, the oil company adopted Sunday, and not Friday, as a day off. However, in later years, the day off started at noon on Thursday and included Friday.

Although national culture was directly affected by modernization, the rhythms of modern urbanized life nevertheless could not prevail. Persia was a society composed essentially of an upper class of literati, and a large mass of peasants who counted their time in “days and months, not in minutes or hours,” where “the clock had little chance to play the role of a useful practical contrivance.”Footnote ³⁷ In the oil industry, the daily production period was divided into two shifts, where each shift consisted of a twelve-hour working period.Footnote ³⁸ Given the absence of watches and clocks, the only way to make the workers conscious of time-discipline in the workplace was a horn or claxon, which was usually mounted at the top of towers. Twice a day, the horn was sounded to indicate the start and finish of the working day. This horn was known in the oil industry as the feydus (from fagottist, the bassoon player). It hooted at six o'clock in the morning and six o'clock in the evening.Footnote ³⁹ On Thursdays, due to the shorter working days, it was sounded at noon.

In 1929, the workers of the Abadan refinery launched a strike to improve their working conditions and pay. Among the demands of some nine thousand striking workers—out of an oilfield workforce numbering fifteen thousand—was the reduction of the working day from ten hours to seven hours in the summer, and eight hours in the winter.Footnote ⁴⁰ Since the police crushed the strike, this call for a shorter working day had no effect.Footnote ⁴¹

Representation and Recognition of Labor-Worker, ‘Amaleh-Kargar

In the foregoing, I outlined how the ‘amaleh left his pastoral or sedentary village life, having been recruited by an intermediary; how he joined the oil industry; and how he became subject to specific work disciplines, earning daily wages, and finally settling down in the vicinities of the workplace. Could this process be interpreted as a progression to a new role for labor (‘amaleh)? Or did they leave behind their traditional labor status altogether, to become workers (kargar)? Was their new social status more imagined than real? If it represented a real change in social status, how might this reality be observed? And if it was merely imagined, how did the imaginary change in status relate to their real conditions of life?

The interpretation of working-class formation and representation as a direct outcome of structural economic change and capitalist development is common to the labor historiography of many societies, North and South. Iran is no exception in this regard. In Iranian labor historiography, the standard interpretation of working-class formation and representation can often be found in the narratives mooted by teleological Marxists. The typical argument goes as follows: the rise and expansion of the capitalist relations in Western Europe, embodied in the colossal development of heavy industries and mass production of commodities, the rising European powers were poised to expand the realm of their power—not only to add new markets, but also to acquire raw materials desperately needed for their industries. The results of these processes set the standard for a new division of labor, worldwide. From the mid-nineteenth century, Iran joined this global capitalist relationship, and by the end of the century, with the introduction of capitalist development in Iran and its integration into world markets, the labor force was created as a new working class. However, the consolidation of working-class consciousness was only realized by unionist and political movements that the Iranian workers organized in the early twentieth century. By that time, the making of the Iranian working class had already been accomplished for all intents and purposes.Footnote ⁴²

However, such a “conventional structuralist, objectivist definition of the worker and working class,” as Zachary Lockman puts it, combined with a “narrow sense of what should be classified as authentic activism,” can be challenged as inadequate.Footnote ⁴³ In his study of the formation of the working class in Egypt, Lockman traces out the same kind of paradigm in Egyptian labor historiography, including in his own previous work, which he now believes should be criticized:

In studying working-class formation in the Persian oil industry, which is “as much as discursive as a material process,” I join Zachary Lockman in questioning the validity of the “conventional structuralist, objectivist definition of the worker and working class.” My aim here is not only to avoid presuming the birth of a working class as a direct and automatic outcome of structural economic change and capitalist development. It is also to explore whether, after the lengthy process of recruitment and subjection to a new labor discipline, working people in Persia ended up with a new image of themselves as a distinctive group with a collective social identity. Such an image is meant to reflect an iconic vision of group solidarity—one that brings people together through the cultural contestations of their everyday life: not only forging a collective class-consciousness, but also other forms of consciousness. Borrowing Raymond Williams’ phraseology, we are dealing with the fashioning of a kind of practical consciousness, of what is “actually being lived,” as distinct from that which is “thought to be lived.”Footnote ⁴⁵ Along with an examination of such self-perceptions of belonging to a class, it is, of course, just as important to understand how the social representation of working people was recognized, defined, and marked out by their employer, the oil company, and by society at large.

Such recognition and representation of a new social existence created a new language, a new vocabulary. Moreover, the newly adapted and adopted vocabularies used by the worker and the employer often differed from each other. In my study, the petitions signed by protesting workers are worth examining for evidence of the new vocabulary of the workers.Footnote ⁴⁶ As regards the vocabulary of the employer, correspondence between the different departments of the Persian government and with APOC reveals much about how the working people in the oil industry were actually regarded by both the oil company and the Persian government.

In one of the earliest pieces of correspondence between the oil commissioner of the Persian government and the Persian Charge d' Affairs in London about labor recruitment in the oil industry, unskilled labor—including Ottoman subjects—was referred to both as ‘amaleh and “coolie.” In the same letter, the word kargar is used exclusively for the non-Asian workforce, among them British, Australian, Portuguese, and some Ottoman subjects.Footnote ⁴⁷ In the following years, the unskilled workforce in the oil industry continued to be referred to by the employer and by government agencies as ‘amaleh, and occasionally as “coolie” or tandil.Footnote ⁴⁸ That practice somehow lasted until late 1920s.

In the early period of the oil industry, working people did not regard themselves as any more than the ra‘iyat (subject) or bandeh-e haqir va jan-nesar-e homayouni (“the slightest and most obedient servant of his majesty, the King”). I found no petition during the period prior to the First World War in which the working people called themselves ‘amaleh or kargar. As I mentioned, during this period the term ‘amaleh was exclusively used by the employer and the government to distinguish certain groups within the unskilled workforce. However, during the period following the First World War, some petitions used the term kargar to describe the workforce. In a petition to the national parliament in 1924, for example, in which the working and living conditions of the Abadan workforce are described as “extremely miserable and beyond any human endurance,” the workforce is described in the following terms:

In response to this petition, the head of the national parliament urged the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to use every possible means to guarantee that workers of APOC would get the utmost support of the Persian government.Footnote ⁵⁰

By the end of the First World War—some ten years after the first discovery of oil in Khuzestan, after extensive oil extraction, and with an oil refinery in place—the industry had acquired its own established workforce, which became predominantly nonseasonal. While their ancestral, religious, tribal, and regional identities still survived, the working and living conditions of this workforce forged new class and territorial identities. Reflected in the language adopted by the employee, the employer and the state, the new linguistic icon of “worker” (kargar) replaced the old tribal status of ‘amaleh and the new territorial distinctiveness of Masjid Suleimani or Abadani (resident of Masjid Suleiman or Abadan) juxtaposing the tribal or regional association of Bakhtiyari or Shushtari. The working class in the Iranian oil industry was, gradually, being born.