The growing sophistication of analysis of contemporary Chinese foreign relations and the ability of this work to illuminate international relations theory are both well documented in these two important volumes. Brantly Womack's study represents the culmination of years of productive work attempting to employ his in-depth understanding of China and Vietnam to construct a new theoretical understanding of the relationship between such asymmetrical powers. The volume edited by Alastair Iain Johnston and Robert S. Ross is dedicated to Allen Whiting, whose career in academic life and government service has combined empirical research with a theoretically rich and policy-relevant analysis of China's international behavior. The contributors honor Whiting with 12 high quality essays on important issues in the foreign policy of contemporary China.
Womack's study has two main purposes. First, the author seeks to explain asymmetrical theory, an approach he has developed in recent years that offers a framework for understanding the relationship between two powers of different size, in this case China and Vietnam. He shows what his theory borrows from other international relations theories and how it improves upon the undeveloped and flawed view of asymmetry in conventional IR theory. Second, Womack develops this explanation by employing an extensive review of the 3,000-year history of Sino-Vietnamese relations. He sees patterns of conflict and normalization, and provides a particularly insightful assessment of the tumultuous Sino-Vietnamese relationship in the twentieth century, leading to what he calls the “mature normalcy” we see today.
The author's theory of assymmetry challenges conventional views in IR theory of how powers of different sizes relate to one another. In particular, it challenges conventional views grounded in the history of European states that interpret asymmetry as an imbalance of capacities and power, a disequilibrium that creates either subordination or a competition for domination. Womack argues that the experience of competitive nationalism in Europe does little to illuminate the dynamics of the China-Vietnam relationship. His theory also appears to have important implications for understanding international relations in today's world, which is characterized by U.S. superpower status and leadership. In particular, it provides insights for those interested in assessing the often contentious and clearly asymmetrical relations between rising China and the U.S. superpower.
Womack's book has two main parts, each of which develops its arguments in a clear and methodical way. Part I contains three chapters that analyze long-standing historical determinants of Chinese and Vietnamese external relations, and explain the politics of asymmetry and its key features. Part II has six chapters reviewing the course of Sino-Vietnamese relations and how the framework of asymmetry emerges from and helps to explain relations between these two powers over time.
Womack acknowledges major similarities between China and Vietnam but finds that a key determinant of their relations is their large differences in power. His asymmetry theory holds that disparities in capacities create systemic differences in interests and perceptions between the stronger and weaker sides of the relationship. The relationships between asymmetric powers are rarely without problems, but he shows that the powers often achieve a type of stability through a learning process where both sides come to accept their unequal relationship as normal. The author sees the larger power as often inattentive and the smaller power as often overattentive to their bilateral relationship. These tendencies can easily exacerbate differences and occasionally result in crises caused by what he calls vicious cycles of misunderstanding. But hostility rarely solves the problem, resulting in stalemate and a learning process leading to normalization.
Illustrating and employing his theoretical insights, Womack traces the Sino-Vietnamese relations through various phases, which he characterizes as different kinds of asymmetry. They range from “subjugated” or “internal” asymmetry (when Vietnam was controlled or occupied by China) to “hostile” asymmetry (when the two powers were at war from 1975 to 1991) and to the “normalized” asymmetry that prevails in recent years. The author's emphasis on surveying the twists and turns of Sino-Vietnamese relations in the modern period makes a significant contribution to an understanding of the emerging order and international politics in Asia in the twenty-first century.
In keeping with Allen Whiting's major contributions as a scholar and government official who has advanced the field of Chinese foreign relations and Chinese security policy, the Johnston and Ross volume devotes six chapters to security issues. This is followed by three chapters on China and globalization and two on the influence of domestic Chinese politics on China's foreign policy. All the contributors are leading experts who follow in Whiting's footsteps in applying theoretical insights and rigorous analysis of available data to come up with insightful and satisfying assessments of important issues of the past and present international behavior of the People's Republic of China (PRC).
As with even many of the best scholarly compendia, the chapters in this volume deal with varied topics and do not present a clear overall unifying theme. The title emphasizes “new directions” in the study of China's foreign policy. This emphasis captures well what is accomplished in the book as each of the authors presents new insights on recent developments or issues from the past foreign behavior of the PRC.
One of the strongest features of Whiting's work were his publications on how and why the PRC has used military force abroad and how and why China has deterred adversaries and been deterred by them. The large section on security issues in the volume under review carries on this work. In particular, Ross and Thomas Christensen conduct an interesting debate on whether one should be optimistic or pessimistic about the danger of conflict caused by China's ambitions regarding Taiwan. Ross's examination of mutual deterrence between the United States and China in both North Korea and Taiwan shows that deterrence works in both cases, and that there is less uncertainty about its continuing to work in the case of Taiwan than in the case of North Korea. Christensen, by contrast, provides a detailed assessment of how and why China has used force since 1949 in order to argue that Chinese leadership's perception of what he calls a “closing window” to achieve important objectives, such as those involved with Taiwan and with Chinese domestic politics, has prompted aggressive Chinese international behavior despite U.S. efforts at deterrence, and could do so again.
Highlights of Whiting's career included important books dealing with Chinese relations and conflicts with India, and Japan, and with the United States in Korea. Thus, other chapters in the security section of the book include John Garver's authoritative review of what has been learned since Whiting's assessment about Chinese motivations in the 1962 war with India. Garver gives special attention to Mao's “worst case” views about the Indian leadership's intentions regarding Tibet. Michael Yahuda reviews the recent Sino-Japanese relationship and rightly points to some weaknesses in the theoretical literature in explaining how China and Japan have experienced worsening relations despite ever stronger economic interdependence. Avery Goldstein provides a well-reasoned and comprehensive assessment of the multiple Chinese interests involved in dealing with the United States on the Korean peninsula. Yong Deng builds on his important work on the salience of status as a driver in recent Chinese foreign policy and behavior to argue that “reputation” has become increasingly important for the Chinese leaders as they seek to advance their interests abroad.
In the section on globalization, Allen Carlson highlights the role of “social learning” as well as state interests in explaining China's change toward greater conformity with international norms that go against its historically strong defense of state sovereignty and noninterference in internal affairs. Margaret Pearson's examination of the lessons of China's early record with the World Trade Organization emphasizes Beijing's seeking of state interests as a new member of the organization. Samuel Kim takes this point further in arguing that China has been compelled to come to terms with globalization. It has found that economic globalization norms by and large work well for Chinese interests and has embraced them. Security amidst political globalization is harder as it compromises Chinese sovereignty. However, China is seen as being compelled by its interests in changing international and domestic circumstances to go along with United Nations and other multilateral actions that go against China's previous strict refusal to compromise state sovereignty or allow interference in states' internal affairs.
The chapters by Peter Gries and Johnston discuss key domestic determinants in Chinese foreign policy. Gries builds on his work on the role of nationalism in China's recent approach toward the United States. Johnston's chapter provides a clear assessment based on relevant concrete data on how public opinion influences China's policy toward the United States. On the basis of his extensive studies of Chinese nationalism, Gries uses interest-based and constructivist theories to argue that China's nationalism is not necessarily conflict prone. There is a danger of zero-sum dynamics in Chinese nationalism and what it means for China's approach to the United States, but such dynamics do not have to apply, according to his analysis. Johnston's detailed review of polling data from the Beijing area shows that economic development, foreign travel, and other trends make middle-class people in the capital city less prone to view the United States from a negative nationalistic perspective.
In sum, Womack's volume provides a major contribution for readers seeking an up-to-date, clearly presented, and stimulating assessment on how IR theory informs an understanding of recent Chinese foreign relations and vice versa. The Johnston and Ross volume tackles a variety of important topics in Chinese foreign relations, offering new insights often based on adroit applications of IR theory, as well as a careful and comprehensive assessment of available evidence and scholarly interpretations.
