1. Introduction
The right to regulate trade for public moral reasons is an embedded feature of the international trade system.Footnote 1 Its significance has been established before the WTO Appellate Body and panels, which have applied the exception to justify measures pursuing largely social objectives, including the prevention of ‘organized crime’, ‘money laundering’ and ‘pathological gambling’,Footnote 2 the protection of ‘seal welfare’,Footnote 3 the protection of ‘cultural goods’,Footnote 4 even bridging a Member's ‘digital divide’, and promoting ‘social inclusion’.Footnote 5 Yet, the outer bounds of the content of ‘public morals’ have never been discerned.
In the US–Tariff Measures report, the limits of the ‘public morals’ exception were explored. The dispute concerned discriminatory tariff measures applied by the United States (US) to products imported from China. In March 2018, the US Trade Representative published its Section 301 US Trade Act 1974 investigation findings on whether Chinese ‘law, policies, practices, or actions … may be unreasonable or discriminatory’, and harmful to ‘American intellectual property rights, innovation, or technology development’.Footnote 6 Consequently, the US adopted ad valorem tariff rate increases of 25% targeting 818 tariff sub-headings on 20 June 2018.Footnote 7 Additional ad valorem tariff rate increases of 10% were adopted for 5,745 tariff subheadings on 21 September 2018, which were set to expire by the end of that year.
While the panel did not concretely define the limits of ‘public morals’ in Article XX(a) GATT and ultimately concluded that the US measures were not ‘necessary’ to achieve the objective, its interpretation vastly expanded the meaning of the exception to cover a swathe of economic interests. These are comprised of ‘the prohibition of theft, extortion, cyber-enabled theft and cyber-hacking, economic espionage and the misappropriation of trade secrets, anti-competitive behaviour, as well as the regulation of governmental takings of property’.Footnote 8 It is contended that the panel interpretation is unsubstantiated, stretching the ‘public morals’ exception without establishing any otherwise legitimate subject-matter constraints.
This research note examines the scope of the ‘public morals’ exception and proposes an alternative framework for defining the scope of the exception ground. While focus is placed primarily on Article XX(a) GATT, the approach is equally applicable to the ‘public morals’ prong of the exception in Article XIV(a) GATS. Section 2 presents the analytical flaws underlying the panel's approach towards interpreting the Article XX(a) exception and its missed opportunity to address the issue of extraterritoriality. Alternative approaches to defining the limits of the ‘public morals’ exception are discussed, and a proposal for a multilaterally defined content restriction is offered in Section 3. The question of extraterritoriality is tackled in Section 4. Finally, the conclusions are summarized in Section 5.
2. Assessment of Article XX(a) in US–Tariff Measures Panel Report
2.1 Framing the Panel's Inquiry
After holding that the tariff measures adopted by the US amounted to violations of Articles I:1, and II:1(a) and (b) GATT, the panel was faced with determining if the measures were justified in light of the ‘public morals’ exception. In framing the inquiry, the report began by summarizing the existing approach to determining the scope of the exception. Consistent with prior Appellate Body and panel reports, the term ‘public morals’ was defined as ‘a set of habits of life relating to right and wrong conduct (i.e. societal values) that belong to, affect or concern a community or a nation’.Footnote 9 The panel thus highlighted several important features of the term's conceptual fluidity, in particular that public morals (i) vary geographically from society to society, (ii) can temporally change, and (iii) are defined by ‘a range of factors, including prevailing social, cultural, ethical and religious values’.Footnote 10
The theoretical contribution stemming from the panel's inquiry becomes more pronounced when addressing the specific international economic interests at issue. It framed its inquiry by first investigating whether Article XX exceptions ‘can pertain to economic interests and concerns’, following which it considered if this was the case specifically vis-à-vis the ‘public morals’ exception, especially in terms of ‘concerns pertaining to unfair competition’.Footnote 11 Conceptually, the framing of issues suggests that the panel drew key distinctions between both the general and specific grounds, as well as between the specific moral values at issue. However, emphasis was only placed on the general economic dimension of general exception, rather than whether they cover trade liberalization specifically, as China contested.Footnote 12 The significance of this conflation is addressed below.
2.2 Panel Interpretation of the Scope of Article XX(a)
In addressing the scope of the term ‘public morals’, the panel adopted somewhat laconic reasoning to justify why it included the contested values. Concerning the first issue, it observed the broad scope of economic justifications found within Article XX, referring specifically to the ‘economic dimension’ of the exceptions for ‘the importation or exportation of gold or silver (Article XX(c)), the protection of intellectual property rights (Article XX(d)), price stabilization efforts (Article XX(i)) and products in short supply (Article XX(j))’.Footnote 13 Even though the argument is logically correct, the panel ultimately avoided addressing the types of economic concerns embodied in the cited sub-paragraphs, which largely regard domestic fiscal and monetary policies (Article XX(c) and (i)), rightsholder protection (Article XX(d)), and meeting ‘essential’ consumer demand (Article XX(j)) respectively.Footnote 14 While the interests embodied have an impact on trade liberalization, they stem from different domestic economic interests, rather than systemic views regarding international economic relations.
In considering the second issue, the panel framed its answer by pointing out that ‘public morals objectives may frequently have inseparable economic aspects’.Footnote 15 This had been supported by references to existing jurisprudence, such as in Brazil–Taxation and US–Gambling, and the US example of how ‘stealing money from a bank’ simultaneously leads to ‘economic harm’ and ‘is contrary to standards of wrong’.Footnote 16 This was further supported by a hypothetical measure to ‘protect against … risks to health’ that also has ‘a clear economic effect and directly affects trade’.Footnote 17 This is broadly consistent with the Appellate Body's approach in EC–Seal Products, where it reviewed the measure holistically under Article XX(a) to determine that the seal products ban and its exception together protected seal welfare, even though the exception de facto served to protect Inuit Community subsistence.Footnote 18 Crucially, however, the panel's examination thus far only considered that public morals may have economic effects, but not whether they also include purely economic values.
Subsequently, the panel maintained that Members retain deference under Article XX(a) to determine the ‘various values prevailing in their societies at a given time’.Footnote 19 In arguing that the economic objectives cited by the US amounted to ‘public morals’, however, the panel was forced to address the exact scope of Article XX(a). On this point, it held that ‘a holistic approach to the various elements of Article XX(a)’ would be able to balance the interests at stake, and in the particular instance was only ‘considering the issue of the public morals objectives invoked by the United States’.Footnote 20 While not directly addressing the substantive issue of whether ‘unfair competition’ constitutes a ‘public morals’ objective, it essentially expanded the scope of Article XX(a) to include the cited values.
In adopting a broad reading of Member discretion without regard to the specific limits of ‘public morals’, the panel implied that there are no concrete legal limits to what the term means. This explanation appears problematic. First, it suggests that essentially any value type can qualify as a public moral. Hence, the panel's earlier distinction between non-economic public morals and economic consequences is rendered moot. Second, the protection of justifiable ‘public morals’ objectives can be prevented entirely under the necessity and Article XX chapeau tests, thus introducing heuristic inconsistency. If a ‘disguised restriction on international trade’ constitutes a legitimate public moral value, it is unclear why the chapeau would prevent Members from protecting it. As such, this highlights the general inconsistency of this approach.
Moreover, the panel's interpretation appears to be inconsistent with the principle of good faith by legitimizing disguised forms of protectionism and unilateralism to circumvent Members’ obligations.Footnote 21 If Article XX(a) legitimizes all values held by a Member, then the remaining requirements must be interpreted in a way that allows Members to be able to protect said values.Footnote 22 As the Russia–Traffic in Transit panel held regarding Article XXI, an exception must not be invoked ‘as a means to circumvent their obligations under the GATT 1994’.Footnote 23 By presenting no limits to what values can qualify as ‘public morals’ – which essentially permits unfettered trade unilateralism to fall under the exception – the panel reading is inconsistent with the object and purpose of the WTO Agreement as established in its preamble (‘to preserve the basic principles and to further the objectives underlying this multilateral trading system’).
Finally, the report presents a missed opportunity to address whether Article XX(a) may be invoked extraterritorially. While List 2 included products that did not directly benefit from the alleged Chinese practices, the issue had only been addressed in terms of whether the measure was ‘necessary’. The panel did not find a ‘genuine relationship of ends and means’ and noted how the ‘Procedures for exclusion for List 2 products’ ultimately ‘undermine’ the moral objective due to their ‘economic considerations’.Footnote 24 This appears to be a further conflation of the material scope of the exception and the determination of necessity.
3. Reconstructing the ‘Public Morals’ Exception
3.1 Existing Approaches
To determine what qualifies as ‘public morals’, it is necessary to first answer how its content is reviewed. Broadly, three approaches have been suggested for resolving this issue. According to the first approach, the phrase maintains a strict collective understanding.Footnote 25 Feddersen has argued for a narrow reading of possible exceptions based chiefly on the GATT travaux preparatoires.Footnote 26 Based on the distinction between ‘public morals’ and ordre public found in the negotiating history, he contends that there should be a conceptual separation between the exception ground and ‘a country's national legal order’.Footnote 27 Alternatively, Gonzalez – who adopts an ambiguous stance on the interpretation that can be derived from the travaux – has argued that such a narrow reading of the exception restricting it only to GATT contracting parties’ concerns at the time of the GATT negotiations, namely ‘sex, drugs, alcohol, gambling, slavery, and animal torture’, is consistent with the trade-facilitation purpose of the GATT.Footnote 28
There are several issues with this approach. Feddersen assumes that a textual interpretation of the treaty is ambiguous.Footnote 29 However, this is not justified given that the phrase ‘public morals’, textually understood to mean ‘standards of right and wrong conduct maintained by or on behalf of a community or nation’, is generic – thus allowing for evolution and Member's discretion – and addresses values pertaining to a range of communities or nations.Footnote 30 Moreover, the travaux themselves are largely ambiguous on this issue.Footnote 31 Likewise, the object and purpose of the GATT are inconsistent with Gonzalez's proposed interpretation of exception provisions. By calling for a narrow teleological reading, he fails to recognize that the trade emphasis in the WTO Agreement preamble also reflects Members’ ‘respective needs and concerns at different levels of economic development’, which is not restricted to trade liberalization. At the very least, there is no clear teleological indication that either a narrow or broad approach must be adopted.Footnote 32 Hence, as Article XX has been construed to reflect the right to regulate trade, such a narrow construction would be unjustifiable.Footnote 33
Alternatively, Howse and Langille have proposed a pluralist reading, according to which Members essentially retain the freedom to invoke public morals claims and panels should refrain from ‘second-guessing bona fide moral regulation’ as it is ‘not part of [the WTO] mandate’.Footnote 34 In essence, this perspective is derived from the distinction between the standard of review for ‘instrumental regulation’ and ‘noninstrumental moral concerns’, where the ‘sincerity’ of the latter is assumed and need not be proved.Footnote 35 In clarifying the legal standard of review required, Howse, Langille, and Sykes propose that this comprises a negative list.Footnote 36 At its core, this approach conflicts with the standard of review adopted in US–Tariff Measures. While the panel adopted no clear parameters delimiting the policy space, but only required an evidentiary burden of proof, a pluralist approach instead limits the set of possible values which can be invoked while providing for a lax standard of factual review.Footnote 37
There are several flaws underlying this approach. It is primarily unclear how it is justified outside of policy grounds, chiefly the ‘institutional role of the WTO’, particularly since a panel refraining from conducting a review of matters of fact conflicts with its institutional duty to make ‘an objective assessment of the facts of the case’ under Article 11 of the Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU).Footnote 38 As such, it is difficult to reach such an interpretation except on extra-textual policy considerations.
Moreover, it is unclear whether the Appellate Body in EC–Seal Products adopted a pluralist approach when defining the standard of factual review as proponents of the approach suggest.Footnote 39 Notably, it did not accept the ‘strict consistency test’ proposed by Canada and instead recognized the panel's conclusion that ‘Members should be given some scope to define and apply for themselves’.Footnote 40 However, the Appellate Body may only review ‘issues of law covered in the panel report and legal interpretations developed by the panel’ per Article 17.6 DSU.Footnote 41 Indeed, the European Union (EU) had previously justified its claim based on survey data and EU legislation before the panel as evidence demonstrating that seal welfare is in fact a European value.Footnote 42 Similarly, this evidentiary burden of proof has been taken into account elsewhere, particularly the panel report in Brazil–Taxes. Footnote 43
Finally, other international courts that have applied pari materia exceptions have adopted evidentiary reviews. The Court of Justice of the European Union, for instance, maintained in Conegate that ‘a Member State may not rely on grounds of public morality in order to prohibit the importation of goods from other Member States when its legislation contains no prohibition on the manufacture or marketing of the same goods on its territory’, even though EU Member States maintained discretionary powers.Footnote 44
It is suggested that the appropriate standard of review by a panel entails objectively reviewing both matters of fact and law, albeit maintaining Members’ limited discretion in determining their own domestic values. Turning to the former, it should involve a review of evidence that there is both a held value and that the measure adopted is intended to protect said value. This standard reflects the distinction between different regulatory objectives, hence respecting the differences between Members’ individual value systems. As suggested, this balance could already be seen in the silence of the panel findings in EC–Seal Products. The panel recognized the moral dimension of the ban and its exception, even if this conclusion differed from the EU General Court's prior determination in Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami.Footnote 45 Some have criticized this as an expansion used to enable ‘moral imperialism’;Footnote 46 however, this reading allows for the underlying values to be objectively ascertained in good faith and protected if observed independently from the domestic legal framework.Footnote 47 Likewise, the reading amounts to a guarantee that values that are not protected by the WTO Agreement and may establish inconsistencies in the treaty's object and purpose fall under the ambit of ‘public morals’. The legal standard of review is addressed in the next section.
3.2 Defining the Outer Bounds of ‘Public Morals’
Fundamentally, there are two possible approaches to understanding which values fall outside the outer bounds of the ‘public morals’ exception. First, as suggested by Gonzalez, this would be to limit the content of the exception to a defined positive set of multilaterally agreed-upon values which can be invoked. However, as already shown, this approach is largely untenable, and inconsistent with the textual interpretation of ‘public morals’ adopted by the WTO Appellate Body and panels.
Alternatively, as this note proposes, a negative set approach could be adopted. Substantively, Members maintain the right to protect any values which do not conflict with the chapeau of Article XX, the object and purpose of the WTO Agreement, and relevant multilateral agreements and customary international law – particularly jus cogens norms and obligations erga omnes – in light of Article 31(3)(c) VCLT.Footnote 48 As such, a balance is struck between Members’ right to determine their own values and legitimate multilateral constraints.
With respect to restraints originating from the WTO Agreement, Article XX(a) GATT can be interpreted to restrict values which would conflict with the chapeau conditions, even if they are comparatively agnostic regarding the values which can be protected. While the Appellate Body has maintained that a conceptual distinction exists between the sub-paragraphs and chapeau,Footnote 49 this distinction has in practice been consistently blurred when applying the provision, particularly by addressing discriminatory effects under the sub-paragraph ‘necessity’ test without an evident justification for this.Footnote 50 Likewise, even if such a distinction exists, there is no reason why a contextual interpretation would be restricted. By treating the chapeau as ‘context’ in interpreting ‘public morals’, it is possible to restrict values which constitute ‘arbitrary or unjustifiable discrimination between countries where the same conditions prevail’, or establish a ‘disguised restriction on international trade’ from being justified.
More significantly, values which frustrate the object and purpose of the WTO Agreement fall outside the protection of Article XX(a) GATT. This is for two main reasons. First, interpreting ‘public morals’ in light of the object and purpose of the WTO Agreement, values including unqualified protectionism and the unfettered unilateral enforcement of international economic values fall outside the ‘public morals’ exception remit.Footnote 51 Second, even as exceptions under Article XX justify measures otherwise constituting breaches of the GATT 1994, and related agreements incorporating the general exception provisions,Footnote 52 they do not extend to violations of the customary obligation to maintain the object and purpose of the WTO Agreement. Framed in narrow terms in Military and Paramilitary Activities,Footnote 53 the obligation entails that ‘the conditions for the viability of the treaty once it has entered into force’ are sustained.Footnote 54 Interpreting ‘public morals’ in this light, per Article 31(3)(c) of the VCLT, affirms the restriction on protectionism or international economic unilateralism qua public morals.
Finally, resort can be made to ‘relevant rules of international law’ by relying on Article 31(3)(c) VCLT. While the Appellate Body and panels have regularly refused to apply non-WTO norms where they conflict with WTO obligations, they have been more open to consider non-WTO sources when addressing issues of interpretation.Footnote 55 To determine whether a rule is ‘relevant’ for interpreting the outer bounds of the ‘public morals’ exception, it would need to be proximate in terms of language and subject-matter.Footnote 56 While the definition of ‘public morals’ adopted by the US–Gambling panel provides a relatively wide textual scope, this is balanced out by the more restrictive subject-matter element. Since the ‘public morals’ exception manifests the right to regulate trade, then generally recognized duties which balance the rights correlating from State sovereignty have a proximate subject-matter.Footnote 57
Clearly, based on the principle of systemic integration, the outer bounds include compliance with obligations erga omnes, which largely stem from jus cogens norms, as they are non-instrumental, owed to the international community, and form part of general international law.Footnote 58 At the same time, other relevant rules include norms expressing positive duties that accompany States’ right to regulate trade for moral reasons. This could be illustrated through the examples of the duties to protect fundamental human rights and the environment.Footnote 59 In brief, fundamental human rights embody positive and negative duties with which States must comply, as a matter of both treaty and customary international law, in exercising their sovereign rights.Footnote 60 The duty to protect the environment, which emerged from the no-harm principle, similarly creates general obligations of prevention.Footnote 61 Hence, values which irresolvably conflict with the fulfilment of general sovereign duties cannot be protected under Article XX(a).
4. The Extraterritorial Scope of ‘Public Morals’
The orientation of ‘public morals’ reflects the exact range of applications of the exception. This is important, as it clarifies whether the exception may be invoked by a Member purely to protect its people from breaching their value systems, or to impose their values on other Members. While this axis is heuristically distinct from the subject-matter limits of the ‘public morals’ exception addressed in Section 3, it is nonetheless important to define the circumstances in which specific values justify the adoption of trade-restrictive measures.
Broadly, there are two categories of applications: where there is an infringement on the values of ‘persons in one's own country’ (‘inwardly-oriented’), or the trade measure is used ‘to promote values in foreign countries’ (‘outwardly-oriented’).Footnote 62 This distinction is admittedly slippery since, for instance, the protection of dolphins abroad could be reframed as domestic moral concerns over animal welfare; nonetheless, it provides a suitable heuristic to address the open-ended text of the exception.Footnote 63 In practice, since Members identify the value which they claim to be protecting when invoking Article XX(a) GATT, this would not be a difficult determination to make.
The grounds for inwardly oriented readings have been based around the Havana Charter negotiations.Footnote 64 To this extent, the exception is a reflection of the right to regulate. By contrast, the issue of whether outwardly oriented values are protected is itself less clear, particularly since the text is generally silent on this question. While Howse and Langille argue that importing a restriction on outwardly oriented values artificially limits the exception, they implicitly read extraterritoriality into the meaning of ‘public morals’, which is not itself well substantiated.Footnote 65 Resort to supplementary sources, such as the travaux of the Havana Charter, would equally be inconclusive. Since the original Contracting Parties had only addressed largely inwardly oriented issues, such as ‘the promotion of temperance’, this could be seen as a restriction on outwardly oriented values from being protected.Footnote 66 Equally, however, this silence could reflect the Contracting Parties’ common understanding that the ‘public morals’ exception had a historically well-defined meaning in the context of international trade preceding the GATT that included outwardly oriented values, such as the international prohibition on slavery.Footnote 67 Neither of these arguments is convincing, with both ultimately relying on the silence of the GATT negotiating history.Footnote 68
The question of extraterritoriality is pertinent to situations where values are used to justify restrictions on importing from, or exporting to, Members owing to their morally reprehensible actions, even though the affected products have no relation to such actions.Footnote 69 In the context of the US–Tariff Measures report, the tariff measures placed on List 2 products arguably fell under this category, although this had only been considered by the panel in the context of the ‘necessity’ test.Footnote 70
Several proposals have emerged to explain the circumstances in which the exception may be invoked extraterritorially. Wu has suggested that the issue may be avoided where the invoked value (i) has been ‘been codified by an international organization through a treaty, guideline, code, or other document that has been explicitly endorsed by a majority of WTO members’, and (ii) the aggrieved Member demonstrates that the value has been ‘embraced’ by the value-breaching Member.Footnote 71 This proposal is perhaps convincing in that it suggests a way of coherently developing the scope of application of the exception. Indeed, the fact that ‘public morals’ is a term which ‘can vary in time and space, depending upon a range of factors’, and can thus be interpreted based on the principle of systemic integration, has been a key implication of the US–Gambling panel report.Footnote 72 Nonetheless, it is unclear whether, under Article 31(3)(c) VCLT, all WTO Members are required to be parties to the treaty,Footnote 73 or only the parties to a particular dispute,Footnote 74 if the treaty obligation can instead form general customary international law,Footnote 75 or if the treaty should merely represent the ‘common intentions’ of the WTO membership.Footnote 76 This issue may limit the degree to which values found in multilateral treaties justify measures against Members that are not parties to these treaties.Footnote 77 Finally, it is unclear to what extent the requirement that the ‘relevant rule’ has to be ‘between the parties’ may be compatible with the emphasis of Article XX(a) on the protection of individual Members’ national and communal values.
Alternatively, relying on Article 31(3)(c) of the VCLT, it has been contended that legislative jurisdiction under customary international law could clarify the exception's extraterritorial scope.Footnote 78 It is well-established that different States’ jurisdictions often overlap vis-à-vis the same subject-matter.Footnote 79 Bartels argues, based on a reformulation of Mann's classic reappraisal of the customary rules on jurisdiction,Footnote 80 that Members may exercise their legislative jurisdiction where there is a ‘legitimate [S]tate interest’ under international law.Footnote 81 Accordingly, in line with customary international law, it is still possible for a Member to adopt measures ‘in itself promoting respect for’ the legal interest even where the aggrieving Member is not a party to the specific convention.Footnote 82 Of course, this would further restrict the types of values that can be enforced extraterritorially, including purely religious values, or domestic economic and political interests, such as those invoked in US–Tariff Measures.Footnote 83 In light of this, Bartels notes that there are two main restrictions which delimit the extraterritorial situations where ‘public morals’ may be enforced. First, particularly where human rights obligations are invoked, this would usually be subject to ‘balancing’ principles, such as a proportionality assessment, being applied.Footnote 84 Second, where the specific value is actually complied with, extraterritorial jurisdiction may not be invoked.Footnote 85 Accordingly, such a reading provides a more consistent explanation of the circumstances in which particular ‘public morals’ may be invoked extraterritorially, and additionally reflects Members’ discretion in determining their own values.
5. Conclusion
This note has sought to examine the limits of the ‘public morals’ exception in WTO law. It critically examines the approach adopted by the panel in US–Tariff Measures and its implicit suggestion that no concrete legal standard exists restricting certain types of values from being enforceable. Accordingly, a range of inconsistencies in this reasoning are identified, in particular using mutually contradictory arguments to justify the different types of values invoked, adopting only an evidentiary standard which establishes inconsistencies over the operation of the exception, and failing to ensure its approach conforms with the principle of good faith.
It is suggested that an alternative approach should be adopted to define the outer bounds of the ‘public morals’ exception. The proposed standard of review should involve objective review of matters of both fact and law. Given Members’ discretion in defining their own values, this is crucial as it can both ensure that the value is invoked in good faith and guarantee that this determination is made independently of domestic legal constraints.
Finally, it proposes that the outer bounds of Article XX(a) operate as a negative list. This solution protects Members’ discretion to invoke values in exercising their right to regulate trade, so long as the values do not conflict with core WTO principles of non-discrimination, the object and purpose of the WTO Agreement together with relevant rules of international law reflecting sovereign duties. In terms of the extraterritorial limits within which the ‘public morals’ exception may be invoked, a reading of the provision in line with the principle of legislative jurisdiction offers a reasonable solution to protecting Members’ values while recognizing relevant multilateral constraints.
Acknowledgements
The author is grateful to Lorand Bartels, Oliver Hailes, Maria Laura Marceddu, Akbar Rasulov, and the two anonymous reviewers for comments and discussions. All errors are his own.