Kenyan politics are always interesting, though all too often for the wrong reasons. From political intrigues and breath-stopping vote counts to possible crimes against humanity, a constant factor is ethnicity. In too many accounts, though, ethnicity (or ‘tribalism’) gets reified and portrayed as an oversimplified causal factor. In reality, ethnic identity is as much an explanandum as it is an explanans. It is a historically constructed political variable and frequently acts as a mediating factor in local and national political struggles.

Serious analysis should rest on a historicised understanding of the place of ethnicity in politics. A recent edited volume, Our Turn to Eat: Politics in Kenya since 1950, provides a valuable contribution in this regard. Not to be confused with journalist Michela Wrong's similarly titled book, It's Our Turn to Eat: The Story of a Kenyan Whistle-Blower (2009), this edited volume is an ‘attempt to revisit the creation of the Kenya post-colony from a range of perspectives in order to assess the significance of independence and the legacy of Kenyan nationalism’ (p. 5). The main themes that link the book's 11 chapters are the limited success of nation-building and of the creation of a robust civic national identity, and the persistence of ethnic nationalism(s). Central to the concept of the book is the recurring notion that certain groups often alleged that it is their ‘turn to eat’, which can be applied not only to ethnic groups, but also class interests. Another central topic is the state's centralised, coercive power that endures despite decolonisation and the democratisation process.

Most of the volume's 11 contributors, including the three editors, are based in the UK, but Kenyans are relatively well represented, along with an American and a German scholar. Together, they provide a nuanced, suitably contextualised analysis of a range of issues from the late colonial period (c. 1950) to the mid-2000s (when most chapters were written), with some additional references to the 2007 elections and the ensuing crisis that indelibly marked the country.

David Anderson's chapter, on the historical roots of majimbo (quasi-federalism), traces the use and misuse of this contested concept, which can be seen as a legitimate desire for decentralisation of power but one that has also contributed to localised ethnic chauvinism. Susanne Mueller's contribution, originally published in 1984 and the only one not written specifically for this volume, explores how Jomo Kenyatta's government suppressed an important opposition party and its supporters, as well as marginalised his challenger Oginga Odinga – a rivalry, incidentally, that has been visited on their sons Uhuru and Raila, respectively, who were the two frontrunners in the 2013 presidential elections. A complementary chapter, by Ben Knighton, traces how generally coerced secret oathing helped Jomo Kenyatta cement his power, especially among his ethnic Kikuyu base.

In her chapter, Gabrielle Lynch explores the construction and occasional deconstruction of ethnic identities and their relationship with political and economic power. Sebastian Elischer traces the place of ethnicity in political parties and elections. Shadrack Nasong'o examines the failure of successive attempts to change Kenya's constitution over a period of two decades. Whereas most contributors are historians or political scientists, Joyce Nyairo analyses how a Kenya's musician's work reflects an imagined ethnic landscape and its relation to money and power. Two chapters focus mainly on the question of development: Leigh Gardner's examination of pre-independence taxation and Cosmas Ochieng's analysis of agrarian policy under the governments of Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi.

Two of the editors, Daniel Branch and Nic Cheeseman, authored the introduction and conclusion. The former includes a strong conceptual overview of Kenyan politics and the literature that analyses it, while the latter returns to overarching themes of the book and links them to the 2008 crisis. Every chapter is original, very well argued and convincing, which is rare in an edited volume.

Of course, not every possible topic is covered. I felt that insufficient attention was paid to ‘ethnic’ violence and other readers will no doubt find some of their own interests under-represented. Still, future historically grounded research will no doubt draw on the insights of this volume. It will also help inform analyses of the events that have transpired since the book's publication, notably how the 2010 constitution plays out in practice, including its provisions for decentralisation; the 2013 campaign, elections and aftermath; the evolution of ethnic relations; prospects for justice and reconciliation; relations between elites and ordinary Kenyans; and progress in nation-building and the construction of a civic Kenyan identity. Our Turn to Eat is a very important contribution to a better understanding of Kenya's past and therefore its present and future.