Two recently published books have shed new light on the importance of religion in Taiwan's democratic development. Since the end of martial law in 1987, religious movements have been more than passive observers of changing state policies; they now play active roles in political life. Another striking facet of religion in Taiwan is that democratization has not resulted in the decline of religious practice; on the contrary, many men and women who participate in political affairs feel no qualms about joining religious movements (see for example the essays in Philip A. Clart and Charles B. Jones, eds., Religion in Modern Taiwan: Tradition and Innovation in a Changing Society, University of Hawaii Press, 2003).

Each book adds to our knowledge of these phenomena in different ways. Kuo, a professor of political science at National Chengchi University in Taiwan (he also teaches at that university's Graduate Institute of Religious Studies), draws on his expert understanding of Taiwan's changing political environment (see especially the table on pp. 9–10) to ask a number of basic questions pertaining to the ways in which Taiwanese religions contribute to or hinder democratic development. Religion and Democracy in Taiwan convincingly argues that religions do matter, but their actual roles depend on their beliefs, organizations, and interaction with state. Kuo makes the important point that both theology and ecclesiology contribute to the formation of democratic values and behaviour, including at the ideational level (referred to as democratic theology) and the institutional level (democratic ecclesiology) (p. 6). Kuo's work is noteworthy for its broad-based methodology, including statistical analyses, interviews, and questionnaires. Readers will also be struck by his comparative perspectives, including among different branches of a religious movement, between religious movements, and between Taiwan and Korea. Regrettably, this book suffers from inconsistent romanization, including “Lian Zhang” for Lian Zhan, “fengling” for fenling.

Following an introductory section, chapter two focuses on a wide range of Taiwanese Buddhist groups, including Buddha Light Mountain (Foguangshan), Dharma Drum Mountain (Fagushan), Zhongtai Zen Monastery, and the Buddhist Compassion Relief Merit Society (Fojiao Ciji gongdehui). Kuo traces the impact of pre-1949 Chinese Buddhism, especially humanistic Buddhism (renjian Fojiao), and delineates the trials of some Buddhist groups during recent elections, as well as the resulting loss of membership for groups that chose wrong (pp. 20, 25). There is also data on apparent democratization processes inside Buddhist groups as seen in shifting roles of their clergy and lay worshippers (pp. 24–31). The chapter concludes with information derived from interviews with “liberal” Buddhist scholars, most notably Ven. Zhaohui.

Chapter three describes the importance of Christianity in Taiwan's democratic development, particularly the impact of ideals of social justice. Kuo notes that despite the fact that only one per cent of Taiwan's population is Christian, approximately seven per cent of legislators elected in 2003 were members of Christian movements (p. 44). Most notable of these is the Presbyterian Church of Taiwan, which helped lead the drive for Taiwanese democratization through its resistance to martial law. Kuo advances the fascinating hypothesis that the relationship between Christianity and democracy in postwar Taiwan may be similar to processes observed by Alexis de Tocqueville (1805–59) in early 19th-century America (p. 35).

Chapter four (“Daoism and Folk Religions”) deftly deals with the difficulties of defining Daoism, with Kuo properly pointing out that, depending on the definition used, Daoism is either Taiwan's largest or smallest religion (p. 56). This chapter also advances a useful distinction between national and local identity (p. 81), an issue also discussed in Paul R. Katz and Murray A. Rubinstein, eds., Religion and the Formation of Taiwanese Identities (Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). The analysis of “folk religions,” defined as encompassing the Yiguandao (Way of Pervasive Unity; Unity Sect) and Mazu cults, is more problematic, however, including assertions that 42 of 225 legislators elected in 2003 were Daoists or members of folk religions (p. 44), and the identification of the Yiguandao as a “major denomination of Daoism” (p. 64). In addition, some might question Kuo's use of the term “democratic theology” for the religious movements described in this chapter; while they clearly have political theologies very little about these belief systems might be described as “democratic,” with the exception of the Yiguandao.

Chapter five presents a path-breaking statistical analysis of the religious aspects of democratization in Taiwan, which was undertaken with the assistance of Kuan Ping-yin (a Professor of Sociology at National Chengchi University) as part of the 2004 Taiwan Social Change Survey (Questionnaire II), while also making use of 2003 data from Taiwan Election and Democracy Study. While issues of categorization and interpretation of data continue to challenge social scientists, the results presented here clearly represent a solid start. Among the most thought-provoking findings are that people who identify themselves as Presbyterians, Dharma Drum members, Yiguandao members, Daoists, and members of communal religious traditions tend to be more pan-Green, while other Christians and Ciji members more likely to be pan-Blue (Buddha Light and Zhongtai members tend to be centrists). Kuo's data also suggests that Christians are more politically aware and have higher expectations of government responsibility than Buddhists, a finding that merits comparison to those presented by Richard Madsen in the second book discussed in this review.

Masden's Democracy's Dharma differs from Kuo's Religion and Democracy in Taiwan in a number of important ways. Madsen, a professor of sociology at UC San Diego who was first exposed to Taiwanese religions while working as a Maryknoll missionary, also explores the links between religion and democracy, yet devotes considerable effort to exploring the conditions that led to the growth of new forms of religious life. Democracy's Dharma eschews statistical surveys and questionnaires in favour of an interdisciplinary approach combining the reading of historical documents with qualitative fieldwork, including recollections of the author's own experiences during and after the horrific 921 earthquake, as well as participation in various rituals. Both books have extensive information on Taiwanese Buddhism (chapters two to four of this book describe Ciji, Foguangshan, and Fagushan), but Madsen adds a chapter on one of Taipei's most popular temples, the Xingtian gong (here translated as Enacting Heaven temple) while largely overlooking the importance of Christianity (one exception may be found on pp. 12–13).

Madsen's analysis centres on the mutual interaction between Taiwan's democratization and religious development, with the transition to democracy stimulating the rapid growth of Taiwanese religions, which in turn provided a form of spiritual stability during tumultuous times (pp. xxiii, 46, 136). He also draws on the work of Robert N. Bellah and Mary Douglas to elucidate the forms of religious experience many Taiwanese worshippers now favor (pp. xxiv–xxv, 51–57), while arguing that the movements treated in this book promote a form of civil religion that is “supportive of modern democracy, but with different strengths and weaknesses than Western liberal visions” (p. 77). Madsen maintains that the result of these processes is a form of hybrid modernity, which has proven to be additive rather than transformative (pp. 112–114). His research also treats the global aspects of Taiwan's religious movements, which play an invaluable role in promoting its image abroad and legitimizing its place on the world stage (pp. 74–75, 142).

Democracy's Dharma provides extensive background on the social and cultural aspects of Taiwan's religious development, including social class and especially ethnicity, with Madsen advancing the view that the religious movements described in this book help alleviate potentially disruptive tendencies by embracing the expression of manifold identities. This has resulted in a cosmopolitan vision of Taiwanese culture, and contributed to the growth of an “ecumenical nationalism” that counters more controversial forms of Taiwanese nationalism (pp. 8–9, 42, 50, 137). Madsen makes use of this data to formulate a striking conclusion, namely that Taiwan's religious traditions help resolve its geopolitical predicament: developing into a nation that has not been accepted as a legitimate state. In the face of current realpolitik, Taiwan's government has little choice but to accept compromises that often fail to address the subjective needs of its people; in contrast, their ideals and hopes find expression in the religious movements described in this book (p. 141).

Like Religion and Democracy in Taiwan, Democracy's Dharma suffers from occasionally sloppy use of terminology, specifically the use of the term “Daoist” to describe the religious traditions embodied in the Xingtian gong, which are actually closer to those of many redemptive societies (see for example Stephan Feuchtwang, “City temples in Taipei under three regimes,” in Mark Elvin and G. William Skinner, eds., The Chinese City Between Two Worlds, Stanford University Press, 1974, pp. 263–303).

Both Religion and Democracy in Taiwan and Democracy's Dharma benefit from their respective authors' long-term research experiences in Taiwan, with Kuo and Madsen deserving credit for having undertaken in-depth readings in relevant secondary scholarship, with much of the data cited in their books deriving from previous research efforts. These two books are also characterized by a preponderance of data on Taiwanese Buddhism at the expense of analysis on the role of sectarian movements (also referred to as “redemptive societies”) and temple cults. This emphasis on Buddhism is largely justified, however, in light of its pervasive influence in postwar Taiwan, which continues to studied by scholars like Julia C. Huang (see her Charisma and Compassion: Cheng Yen and the Buddhist Tzu Chi Movement, Harvard University Press, 2009) and the contributors to a Journal of Chinese Ritual, Theatre, and Folklore (Minsu quyi) special double issue on “Buddhism and Chinese Communities” published in December 2008 and March 2009, especially Fan Chun-wu, André Laliberté, David Schak and Wang Chien-chuan.

Finally, although neither author actively considers this issue, both books raise important questions pertaining to our understanding of religious traditions in China today, as well as their role in China's modernization during the Republican era. For example, Madsen's observation that religious movements in postwar Taiwan devalue the performance of elaborate rituals in favour of self-cultivation and philanthropy (p. 53) reminds one of similar trends that shaped religious life during the early decades of the 20th century, as has been shown in research by Prasenjit Duara, Thomas DuBois, and Vincent Goossaert. Similarly, the revival of Buddhist and Daoist movements that also borrow extensively from Confucian ethical discourse may have parallels to trends in the Republican era and the present day (see the work of scholars like Sébastien Billioud, David Ownby, and David Palmer). One cannot help noting that one of Ciji's main goals (to “educate the rich and help the poor”; p. 30) has its basis in early-20th century discourse, with similar ideals showing signs of an initial fruition in China following the 2008 Sichuan earthquake. One critical and as yet unanswered question is whether religious movements in China can develop such characteristics in the absence of democratization processes like those that have shaped postwar Taiwan.