Cigarette cards in Great Britain

‘Stiffeners’, which evolved into cigarette cards, were an essential part of cigarette packaging and first appeared in the late 1880s. The Bristol firm of Mardon, Son & Hall became Britain's most prolific printers for the tobacco industry. Shortages of paper during World War 1 halted cigarette card production in 1917, but they had reappeared by 1922. Austerity restrictions in World War 2 again stopped card output, which never recovered (Howsden Reference Howsden1995).

Attempts to assess the position of ephemera such as cigarette cards within the spectrum of society, education and literacy standards are necessarily speculative. Improved printing techniques had helped to increase production of trade cards at a time when media sources for those on lower incomes were extremely limited. Newspapers also benefited from the new processes and by the outbreak of World War 1, the circulation of cheap daily papers, some illustrated, was widespread (Stephens Reference Stephens1998). Whilst standards varied, many cigarette cards could genuinely be seen as miniature reference works, offering coloured illustrations and informative text.

Before World War 1 the bigger tobacco companies such as Wills or Player produced about four series a year. ‘Subjects for cards were chosen in many ways – including suggestions from members of the public. Mostly they would be chosen by the issuing tobacco firms or by the larger printing firms . . . response to current affairs could be quite swift’ (G. Howsden, personal communication, May 2009). The two polar exploration series were produced using lithography, with 50 or 60 million cards being printed for the second series (Anon. 1915) resulting in at least two million sets. One notable difference between the two series is the design of the backs. The earlier cards used an intricate style based on flower and leaf motifs, whilst the second series adopted an extremely austere look that was more typical of the mid–1920s. This provided greater space for text; the first series averaging just over 70 words per card, which rose to about 110 words for the second. Both averaged 3 or 4 sentences per card, thus resulting for the second series in well over 20 words per sentence, more than currently used in some British tabloid newspapers.

The first series

The first series had sixteen cards with an Arctic theme and nine of the Antarctic. The heart of the Antarctic, Shackleton's account of his 1907–1909 Nimrod expedition, was the source for both images and text of eight cards. The photographs used to prepare the cards’ illustrations are easily identified, but subtle changes were made, such as altering the position of dogs or poses of men. The text is similarly manipulated, with short phrases copied and others rearranged. Copyright was a sensitive issue so sufficient changes were made to avoid conflicts with the book publishers or with its author. Although Shackleton was a smoker, there is no evidence that he was involved in the series or that an agreement had been made with the publishers.

There are problems in dating the first series as collectors’ catalogues (London Cigarette Card Company 1996; Laker and Berktay Reference Laker and Berktay2005; Murray Cards 2009) variously give June 1911 or 1915. The papers of the Mardon company include a letter which implies that the illustrations had been completed by June 1910. R.H. Mardon wrote ‘Commander Evans . . . knows your present series as when he was here at our works before the last Expedition we showed him the sketches we had made’ (Mardon Reference Mardon1913a). The use of the word ‘sketches’ might seem to imply that the final illustrations had not been prepared, but it was common usage by Mardon in referring to finished artwork (G. Howsden, personal communication, September 2009). The last card in the series features a motor sledge taken on Scott's second expedition with the opening sentence: ‘On Wednesday, June 1st, 1910, there set sail from London the expedition which will, it is hoped, nail the Union Jack to the South Pole.’ The series must have therefore been printed before knowledge of Scott's death reached the wider world in February 1913. However, ‘production’ does not necessarily mean ‘issue’ and no certain date can be established.

Two of the nine Antarctic cards are illustrated in Fig. 1. The text of card 17, ‘The Ferrar Glacier’, includes the only reference to science in the series with mention of ‘a geological survey’ being made. It shows three men at the bottom of a massive cascade of ice, their miniscule size emphasising the vast scale of the landscape. Card 25 is the single card for ‘The British Antarctic expedition, 1910’. It illustrates ‘A motor-sleigh tractor’ and the likely source for the illustration was two postcards issued by the manufacturer of the sledges, the Wolseley Tool and Motor Car Company (Wharton Reference Wharton2007: 225). The text of the card makes no mention of the planned scientific work. Achieving the pole is given as the only goal.

Fig. 1.

Series 1: card 17 The Ferrar Glacier and card 25 The British Antarctic Expedition, 1910.

In summary, production of this first series took place between November 1909 and February 1913, with issue probably in 1915 (G. Howsden, personal communication, September 2009). Shackleton's Nimrod expedition was featured because photographs and information from The heart of the Antarctic were immediately available to Mardon's staff, but the inclusion of the single card for the ‘British Antarctic expedition, 1910’ suggests that there were thoughts about a further polar issue and the card was a trailer for a second series.

The second series and the Mardon/Player papers

In late 1913, letters were exchanged between Player and Mardon discussing the possibility of ‘another series of 25 subjects illustrating Polar Exploration work out of the results of the Scott Antarctic Expedition, 1910. Captain Scott's Diary has only recently been published, and we understand the official history of the Expedition is in course of preparation’ (Anon. 1913).

Again copyright was recognised as an issue and Mardon indicated that he would communicate with the publishers. On 20 November he replied to Player: ‘Commander Evans is lecturing here [Bristol] on Dec. 3rd. and may possibly be staying the night at my Brother's house, as he knows him very well. I think it would be well for me to come and see you next week and have a chat with you before I see Commander Evans’ (Mardon Reference Mardon1913a).

A week later Mardon noted:

An unsigned hand written note follows, dated 27 January 1914: ‘Commander Evans suggested £100, but no doubt would accept £50 including the 5 Amundsen pictures which he thinks he can obtain for us’ (Anon. 1914). Evans was duly commissioned on 17 June 1914 by A.L. Britton, a Mardon's executive.

The book mentioned in this letter would have been the two volume Scott's last expedition published on 6 November 1913. It included photographs by Herbert Ponting, but Mardon's requests for ‘new’ material were probably made to avoid copyright issues. In any case their in house artists would have followed the usual pattern of preparing adaptations of photographs as with the earlier Shackleton cards. On 29 June Evans responded to Mardon:

Evans’ plans did not follow Mardon's proposal for him to act as an editor. There is no record of his previous involvement with Player but occasionally independent experts were commissioned to write the texts (G. Fletcher, personal communication, June 2009). The Player company catalogue for the period 1900 to 1913 lists two series with nautical subjects and it is possible that Evans could have been involved with either or both. In the end he greatly exceeded the request for 60 to 70 words for each card as well as producing the illustrations for them. Evans cannot be accused of failing to give value for money.

Edward Wilson did not mention Evans as one of the sketchers on the expedition, but commended him as ‘excellent at map drawing and surveying. His map making and printing are wonderfully neat’ (Wilson Reference Wilson1972: 165). Evans described his work of coast lining. ‘This meant walking along the edge of the sea ice, fixing one's position by sextant angle every five hundred yards or so, and sketching in a notebook the character and features of the ever changing coast between the various “fixes”’ (Evans Reference Evans1949: 117). Such skills can be used to work from photographs. Many of the illustrations in the second series are derived from Ponting's work but are the efforts of a draftsman, rather than an artist. Nevertheless, they satisfied both Mardon and Player.

Britain declared war on Germany on 4 August 1914. In late August, Evans wrote on paper headed HMS Mohawk: ‘I beg to enclose drawings 12–18, inclusive of the Antarctic series. The others will follow in due course. You will I know pardon the delay – owing to the War I am very much occupied!!!’ (Evans Reference Evans1914b)

Mardon responded personally: ‘We fully realise how much your time must be occupied and our best wishes are with you and we shall wait very patiently till you have time to spare to send the remaining sketches. We hope the German fleet will have received a good licking in the meantime’ (Mardon Reference Mardon1914).

Evans sent the remaining sketches from HMS Mohawk in late September 1914. ‘They have been executed under somewhat trying circumstances, but I think they will come up to your expectations and requirements.’ He received 60 guineas for his labours, rather than the 50 guineas originally suggested. ‘I shall expend the money on providing myself with a winter outfit - I hope my destroyer will not fall into the hands of the Germans, and I sincerely hope that I may participate in giving our bestial enemies a good “licking” Commander Mardon speaks of!’ (Evans Reference Evans1914c).

Mardon wrote to Player on the 2 October:

In the end, the series consisted of 18 cards relating to Scott's Terra Nova expedition, followed by three of Antarctic wildlife, with the final four cards devoted to Amundsen. Thirteen of the cards are shown in a printer's proof (Fig. 2). The portraits are particularly poor even though they were probably derived from Ponting's excellent photographs. They show Evans’ limitations, especially if they are compared with the professionally produced Shackleton portrait in the first series.

Fig. 2.

Printer's proof for 13 cards of Series 2.

All five members of the Norwegian team are included. The sources for the illustrations can be clearly identified as being derived from photographs in Amundsen's book The South Pole. . .. An English translation was published in 1912 that included photographs that were carefully manipulated by Evans. The last card in the series showing ‘Oscar Wisting at the South Pole’ is typical. In the book's photograph (Amundsen Reference Amundsen2001 II: facing page 120) Wisting stands by a sledge with seven dogs resting in the snow in front of him but Evan's illustration changes both his position and also that of the dogs.

Evans was able to work quickly, taking only three months in 1914 to prepare the illustrations and texts for 30 cards. He recycled text from one commission or project to another and similarities with later books are easily found. Amundsen was ‘gallant’ and ‘the modest man of the Viking breed’ (card 24); he is the ‘distinguished’ and ‘valiant’ Norseman with a ‘modest way (Evans Reference Evans1949: 184) and the ‘gallant Norseman’ (Evans Reference Evans1943: 35).

While there are individual cards for four of Scott's final party there is no card showing them at the pole nor any mention throughout the series of Petty Officer Edgar Evans, who also perished. At a distance of over 90 years the reasons for this are obscure. Evans claimed to ‘respect and admire the man in the street’ (Evans Reference Evans1952: 11) but there are few complimentary references to seaman Evans in his books.

Evans, however, featured himself in four cards out of 18, a higher proportion than for any other individual including Scott, and this supports the frequent accusation of his self-promotion. Another example is the 1913 series of 25 cards ‘With Captain Scott at the South Pole’ issued by J.S. Fry & Sons, the Bristol chocolate company. On four cards a letter from Evans is quoted. ‘The series of Antarctic pictures you are publishing I consider to be most instructive and interesting. The details are wonderfully correct, and I must congratulate you on the reproduction’ (Evans, presumed to be Reference Evans1913). It is possible Fry approached Evans for his endorsement (G. Howsden, personal communication, March 2010). His commendation was no doubt appreciated by Fry and in turn Evans received widespread publicity at the time he was addressing audiences throughout the country.

Whilst Evans was working on the second series, Ponting was giving lectures. His photography was of critical, long term benefit for the finances of the whole expedition and he expressed strong views about Evans because his extensive speaking tour had damaged the photographer's commercial arrangements (Jones Reference Jones2003: 128–129). Further disaffection became evident in a letter Ponting wrote to The Times on 11 December 1919 ‘concerning the connexion of Captain Evans with the Scott expedition.’ The newspaper had carried an account of a recent lecture by Evans, when he had been introduced as ‘the right-hand man of Captain Scott’. Ponting credited Evans as ‘a brave sailor’ and ‘nominally the second-in-command’ but then went to great lengths to show that Wilson had been Scott's right hand man. Ponting chronicled events and pointedly detailed the nine months absence in 1912 when Evans had been invalided home because of scurvy. In the letter's last paragraph Ponting wrote: ‘I write this letter in the hope of correcting an erroneous impression that has been current for far too long’ which suggests the matter had been simmering for a considerable time (The Times (London) 11 December 1919).

The author has not found mention of Evans’ involvement with Mardon and Player in any published source, or in the library and archives of the Scott Polar Research Institute. Evans does not refer to it in his autobiography but in the middle of his descriptions of his naval activities (the time he was working on the cards) he made a passing reference to his ‘enduring interest in . . . working men's clubs . . . and others who by mere accident of birth were less endowed with the good things and good times in life’ (Evans Reference Evans1952: 84). Perhaps he saw his work with Mardon and Player as a contribution to the people he called ‘the labouring classes.’ Circulation figures of at least two million sets would please most authors.