I. POLITICAL CONTROVERSY AND THE LEGAL TUSSLE OVER CHINESE INVESTMENTS IN SRI LANKA
Over the past decade, there has been an increased Chinese presence in Sri Lanka's economic sphere, primarily through large-scale infrastructure development projects funded either by loans obtained from China or as direct investments by Chinese enterprises.Footnote 1 As a consequence, Sri Lanka has become an important juncture in the twenty-first century Maritime Silk Road; one of the main trajectories of the Belt and Road Initiative [BRI]. It represents the Chinese vision for deeper integration through an extensive network of infrastructure projects connecting East Asia with the Middle East and Europe.Footnote 2 Nevertheless, some of the Chinese-funded infrastructure development projects in Sri Lanka have provoked considerable disquiet at domestic, regional, and international levels.Footnote 3 Concerns at the domestic level centre around the implications of Chinese-funded infrastructure development projects on Sri Lanka's socioeconomic fabric, in particular contesting their suitability, sustainability, procedural propriety, and economic viability.Footnote 4
For example, the Hambanthota Deep Seaport and Mattala International Airport projects were criticized for their economic unviability as they encumbered Sri Lanka with considerable loan commitments as the projects were not sufficiently profitable to offset the huge repayments.Footnote 5 Criticisms of the Lakwijaya Coal Power Plant project were based on the environmental repercussions and considerable economic loss resulting from frequent failures in its operation.Footnote 6 The Colombo Lotus Tower project was alleged to have procedural irregularities relating to the awarding of construction contracts to the relevant Chinese company.Footnote 7 The Colombo Port City and the Grant Skyline Hotel projects were contested because of their alleged threat to Sri Lanka's sovereignty and national security, whilst the Colombo Port City project was challenged based on its alleged negative impact on the marine environment.Footnote 8 Indeed, these allegations became a matter of intense political debates, particularly during Sri Lanka's 2015 presidential and parliamentary election campaigns, in which the opposition used these development projects to discredit the former Rajapaksha administration.Footnote 9
As such, reviewing Chinese-funded infrastructure development projects undertaken by the Rajapaksha administration was one of the election pledges of the opposition, which promised to establish a new administration under the slogan of “good governance”. Keeping with its campaign promises, the “good governance” administration came to power in 2015, unseating the allegedly pro-China Rajapaksha administration, and put the Chinese-funded infrastructure development projects under review.Footnote 10 The projects funded as direct investments were not excluded from this process of reconsideration, and thus Chinese investors in Sri Lanka encountered uncertainties and difficulties derived from political considerations and legal alterations therein. The foremost example in this respect is the Colombo Port City project, the purpose of which is to reclaim the sea to build an ultra-modern city at a strategic point in the Indian Ocean.
This project was one of the biggest Chinese direct investments in Sri Lanka welcomed during the Rajapaksha administration. It was, however, challenged on the basis of its alleged threat to Sri Lanka's sovereignty and national security. These allegations were raised based on the investment agreement which stipulated that the relevant Chinese investor was to be provided with a plot of land on a freehold basis from the newly reclaimed landfill.Footnote 11 In addition, the allegation that the reclaiming work commenced without a sufficient environmental impact assessment was at the centre of increased public objections to the project.Footnote 12 All these allegations mounted into an intense political debate, leading the “good governance” administration to suspend and review the project in line with its campaign promises. After almost one year of suspension, a new agreement was concluded, replacing the initial agreement entered into between the Chinese investor and the Sri Lankan government, and thus the project was recommenced on different terms under the auspices of “good governance”.Footnote 13
The Colombo Port City project thus provides for a sound example to demonstrate the political and legal risks faced by Chinese investors in the context of the BRI, as well as the challenges faced by the countries hosting Chinese investments along the Belt and Road. Indeed, the turmoil faced by Chinese investors and the manner in which the Sri Lankan government dealt with the allegations against the Colombo Port City project brought the tension between the interests of foreign investors and the host state to the fore. This is because, on the one hand, the legitimate interests of the Chinese investors should be protected, whilst, on the other, public interests must be maintained in the context of increased Chinese investments in Sri Lanka. This scenario demonstrates the fundamental legal tussle over Chinese investments in Sri Lanka. It becomes an issue of great complexity due to the dilemma as to whether the tension can be neatly expressed in terms of the orthodox dichotomy between the private interests of the foreign investors and the public interests of the host state, particularly with respect to investments by China's state-owned enterprises [SOEs].
This is because the involvement of an SOE in a given investment project, as in the case of the Colombo Port City project, blurs the conventional private-public division in the realm of foreign investment.Footnote 14 SOEs are generally viewed as “agents of their home-country governments, pursuing political agendas and implementing government strategies that are outside of normal business considerations”.Footnote 15 Chinese SOEs are, in particular, seen through this prism due to their traceable relationship with the Chinese government, favourable governmental treatment, and subsidies that are not offered to private investors.Footnote 16 This argument is accentuated specifically in the context of the BRI as it is a Chinese-government driven policy initiative that is primarily to fulfil China's mission to create an integrated world in which China is at the centre.Footnote 17 This scenario ultimately gives rise to the question of whether or not the existing investment treaty regime, created to protect the private interests of foreign investors, should be available to Chinese SOEs and their policy-driven investments against an infringing host state, the discussion of which goes beyond the scope of this paper.
However, the recent past has seen China's SOEs utilizing the existing investment treaty regime to safeguard their interests by invoking dispute settlement clauses in China's international investment agreements [IIAs].Footnote 18 In the case of Beijing Urban Construction Group (BUCG) v. Yemen, the claimant before the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes [ICSID] was a Chinese SOE, and the claim was brought under the 1998 China-Yemen bilateral investment treaty [BIT].Footnote 19 Likewise, in the case of China Heilongjiang International Economic & Technical Cooperative Corp., et al. v. Mongolia, two of the claimant investors were SOEs and the case was brought under the 1991 China-Mongolia BIT.Footnote 20 These arbitrations may thus indicate an increasing reliance of Chinese SOEs on the country's IIAs to protect their outbound investments, perhaps within the context of the BRI. Moreover, the fact that the BRI is not yet been backed by a common legal framework has, by default, made the existing investment treaty regime one of the legal platforms available to Chinese investors carrying out BRI investments to protect their investments against allegedly infringing states, such as Sri Lanka.Footnote 21
This scenario accordingly calls attention to the 1986 China-Sri Lanka BIT, the primary international legal framework that will be concerned with the protection of Chinese investors in Sri Lanka. This is because, hereto, it remains the only investment treaty concluded between China and Sri Lanka which stipulates treatment standards that Sri Lanka has consented to afford Chinese investments, and the corresponding prerequisites that Chinese investors should satisfy to invoke treaty protection, subject to the stated exceptions.Footnote 22 Sri Lanka's domestic laws applicable to inward foreign investment become less significant in this respect as none of them provides for treatment standards and thus are silent on the investment protection available for foreign investors against political and legal risks that they would encounter when operating in Sri Lanka.Footnote 23
However, the investment contracts entered into between Chinese investors and the Sri Lankan government would include provisions which are important to safeguard investor interests as contractual terms specific to a given project. Such contracts would further include dispute settlement clauses which can be relied on by Contracting Parties to bring contractual claims alleging a breach of contract, as well as exceptional circumstances in which parties would not be liable for violating relevant contractual obligations.Footnote 24 Nevertheless, investment contracts do not constitute a common legal framework to which every Chinese investor can have recourse in protecting their interests against risks posed by Sri Lanka's political considerations and legal alterations. Further, they cannot be considered as a common legal framework that provides for the exceptions which allow Sri Lanka to take measures otherwise inconsistent with its contractual obligations with respect to all Chinese investments in the country.
Against this background, the next part of this paper seeks to test the hypothesis that the 1986 China-Sri Lanka BIT provides Chinese investors with enhanced treaty protection, leaving inadequate policy space for Sri Lanka to regulate them for public welfare objectives. This assumption was based on the year in which China and Sri Lanka concluded this treaty: 1986. According to the prevailing trend in the 1980s, BITs were predominately focused on providing foreign investors with the greatest possible protection under international law against non-commercial risks posed by the host state.Footnote 25 Therefore, providing host states with appropriate regulatory space was not amongst the concerns seriously addressed by the 1980s BITs, in general. Testing this hypothesis necessarily begins with looking to the context within which the China-Sri Lanka BIT was concluded. And thus the next part of the paper provides a brief overview of the history of foreign investment in both China and Sri Lanka, which paved the way for concluding the China-Sri Lanka BIT in the late 1980s.
II. HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE CHINA-SRI LANKA BIT
Historically speaking, the European colonial encounter resulted in firmly assimilating foreign investment into both the Chinese and Sri Lankan economies. With respect to Sri Lanka, it was British rule that marked the commencement of foreign investment by establishing a modern plantation sector in which investors financed capital under the auspices of colonial government.Footnote 26 Consequently, Sri Lanka, formerly Ceylon, became an exploitation colony, the economy of which was based upon export-oriented plantation agriculture, primarily tea and rubber.Footnote 27 Similarly, the European colonial encounter alongside the Japanese invasion marked the beginning of foreign investments in China through the establishment of treaty ports and foreign concessions within which foreign entrepreneurs were allowed to undertake industrial ventures after the conclusion of the Treaty of Shimonoseki between China and Japan in 1895.Footnote 28 Consequently, China's economy was exposed to foreign capital, increasing investment in numerous sectors such as mining, railways, shipping, banking, export processing, and manufacturing, while rapidly assimilating foreign investments into the modern sector of China's economy.Footnote 29
Therefore, when the People's Republic of China [PRC] was established in 1949, China's modern economy was dominated by foreign treaty powers, whilst the Ceylonese modern plantation sector was largely owned by foreign investors when Sri Lanka gained independence from British rule in 1948. As targets of the European colonial encounter, China and Sri Lanka hold common ideologies pertaining to the postwar world order in general, and foreign investments in particular, as they belonged to the Global South—the group of states which was dissatisfied with the postwar international order in which the US and its Western allies were at the forefront of global governance.Footnote 30 For example, China and Sri Lanka initially supported the idea that the nationalization of private property for public purposes was a proper exercise of state sovereignty under international law, for which compensation should be paid at the discretion of the nationalizing state.Footnote 31 Therefore, foreign investors in China who were aggrieved by the measures taken by the People's government immediately after the establishment of the PRC were not awarded compensation.Footnote 32 Likewise, Sri Lanka nationalized foreign-owned companies operating in such sectors as transport and petroleum without paying compensation, under an administration influenced by nationalism and socialism.Footnote 33
As a consequence, since the late 1950s, both the Chinese and Sri Lankan economies saw a diminished role for foreign investment, particularly in the context of the closed economic policies that were adopted to promote statism and to reject market capitalism. These instances added to the North-South debate which, inter alia, revolved around the standard of compensation for the nationalization of foreign property that prevailed in the Global South during the post-colonial era.Footnote 34 China and Sri Lanka perceived foreign investment to be a form of neocolonialism, since it involves a significant foreign presence in the host state's territory and foreign control over the means of production.Footnote 35 Moreover, import-substitution industrialization policies were given priority, perceiving trade between developed and developing countries as a process of exploitation.Footnote 36 Against this backdrop, China and Sri Lanka supported the project driven by the Global South to establish a “new order” of international economic relations to ensure fairness in international trade and increased control over foreign investment.
However, the late 1970s saw a paradigm shift in Chinese and Sri Lankan policies, with both countries changing their development strategy from autarky to integration with the global economy. In 1978, Sri Lanka adopted an open economic policy under the right-of-centre government in Sri Lankan politics, due to the need to address deteriorating socioeconomic conditions.Footnote 37 This economic reform programme was, inter alia, focused on export-oriented investments in order to increase the country's export revenue, and thus resulted in restoring the significance of foreign investments in Sri Lanka's economy. Similarly, in 1979, China embarked on its “open door” policy, focusing on improving the country's economic performance and living standards, while responding to inefficiencies within the closed economy that was characterized by low productivity and widespread poverty.Footnote 38 Successful implementation of this policy required China to integrate its economy into the world economy through foreign investments and international trade. Thus, encouraging foreign investment and liberalizing international trade were amongst the primary concerns addressed by China's economic policies formulated in the late 1970s. Globally, the newfound preference of China and Sri Lanka for foreign investments indicated the gradual departure of the Global South from economic nationalism with regard to foreign investment, which was typical of the post-colonial era.Footnote 39
This movement developed into a consensus on a liberal investment policy at the beginning of the 1990s, as almost all communist and developing countries started to perceive foreign investments as an effective vehicle for achieving economic development.Footnote 40 Consequently, they welcomed a foreign presence in their economies in the form of international investment, liberalizing their economies and creating a favourable legal and business environment for foreign investments. In this context, concluding BITs was of vital significance to indicate their willingness to host foreign investments, while enhancing the credibility of their policy shift by accepting long-term international commitments with respect to the promotion and protection of foreign investment.Footnote 41 This scenario resulted in a proliferation of BITs concluded between developed and developing countries based on the assumption that foreign investment should be provided with the greatest possible protection under international law, since this enhanced protection encourages foreign investment flows into host states which, in turn, brings economic development.Footnote 42
Against this backdrop, Sri Lanka concluded its second BIT with the UK in the 1980s, indicating the country's willingness to welcome foreign investments as opposed to its previous hostility.Footnote 43 Sri Lanka's BIT programme was envisioned to promote the economic liberalization programme initiated in 1978, which welcomed foreign investors and their capital under the aegis of an open economic policy. Similarly, the PRC embarked on its BIT programme, concluding its first BIT with Sweden in 1982.Footnote 44 Since then, it has been increasingly engaged in concluding BITs with both developed and developing countries. In this context, China and Sri Lanka entered into an investment treaty in 1986 which came into force in 1987, and which is officially known as the “Agreement Between the Government of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and the Government of the People's Republic of China on the Reciprocal Promotion and Protection of Investment”. Historically speaking, this treaty belongs to the early BITs of the 1980s—the era in which BITs were concluded predominantly between developed and developing countries to protect foreign investments from the former in the latter.
However, in 1987 both China and Sri Lanka were developing countries and thus the China-Sri Lanka BIT is an example of an early South-South BIT concluded between two states that had adopted different ideologies with respect to governance and the economy. According to China's BIT programme, the China-Sri Lanka BIT belongs to its very first phase of BITs lasting from 1982 to 1989—the period in which China concluded twenty-four BITs.Footnote 45 These treaties were driven by two main considerations.Footnote 46 First, BITs concluded with developed countries focused on attracting an increased volume of foreign investment into the manufacturing sector by signalling that the country was a legally secured destination for Western investors. The main goal of attracting Western investors into the manufacturing sector was to develop a manufacturing industry in the special economic zones, while learning from foreign enterprises with relevant expertise, and acquiring intellectual property that could stimulate future growth. The second motivation was to fulfil geopolitical aims by concluding BITs with important allies despite the fact that they were unlikely to become dynamic sources of inward investment or attract an increased volume of outward Chinese investments in a context where China's outward investment was limited.
Amongst these two considerations, the China-Sri Lanka BIT was essentially driven by the geopolitical considerations of strengthening China's relations with strategic partners in Asia, for which an increased alliance with Sri Lanka was vital to hem in India.Footnote 47 Perhaps, Sri Lanka was also driven by geopolitical concerns due to the civil war that erupted in 1983 which, inter alia, resulted in disturbing Sri Lanka's relationship with India due to India's intervention therein, particularly in the late 1980s.Footnote 48 Even if the China-Sri Lanka BIT was encouraged by geopolitical considerations, it had been structured on the conventional North-South BIT template advocated by developed countries to provide foreign investors with the greatest possible protection against the political risks involved in cross-border investments. However, a closer look into the treaty shows that the China-Sri Lanka BIT includes provisions which are distinctive from more conventional BITs, particularly those that were concluded in the 1980s. The next part of this paper thus seeks to explore the content of China-Sri Lanka BIT so as to understand the treaty from the disposition of treatment standards provided for, and exceptions thereto.
III. FUNDAMENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE 1986 CHINA-SRI LANKA BIT
The fundamental characteristics of the China-Sri Lanka BIT can be distilled into four main elements: a strong emphasis on the principles of equity, mutual benefit, and state sovereignty; de-emphasizing private business activities whilst encompassing state-owned enterprises; limited substantive and procedural treaty protection; and enhanced policy space for the host state to regulate investments under certain circumstances. It is worthwhile to have a detailed discussion on these traits which make the China-Sri Lanka BIT unique in Sri Lanka's network of BITs, but commonplace in China's First Generation BITs.
A. A Strong Emphasis on the Principles of Equality, Mutual Benefit, and State Sovereignty
The China-Sri Lanka BIT gives emphasis to particular principles which were uncommon for investment treaties concluded during the 1980s. For example, regard for “equality” and “mutual benefit” was explicitly articulated in the Preamble, which begins with the conventional neoliberal idea common in almost all early BITs, that reciprocal encouragement, promotion, and protection of investments will be conducive to stimulating business activities and increasing prosperity in both states. One of the secondary clauses contained in the Preamble provides that the treaty has been concluded with the desire of creating favourable conditions for greater economic co-operation between China and Sri Lanka in general, and investments by nationals and companies of each party, in particular. This secondary clause specifically mentions the Contracting Parties’ desire to create favourable conditions for greater economic co-operation based on the principles of equality and mutual benefit. Conjoining equality with the concept of mutual benefit results in combining juridical and economic equality “making equality substantive rather than merely formal”.Footnote 49 And thus, the principle of equality and mutual benefit included in the Preamble of the China-Sri Lanka BIT requires maintaining the balance of the rights and obligations of the State Parties to the treaty.Footnote 50
In addition, the treaty contains some substantive provisions drafted with a greater emphasis on the principle of state sovereignty than was traditional for investment treaties concluded during the 1980s. The first example in this respect is the definition of the term “investment”, which provides for an “asset-based” definition of investment, accompanied by a non-exclusive list of covered investments.Footnote 51 The definition further stipulates the need to “permit investments by the host state in accordance with its laws and regulations”. As such, an investment that has been made in violation of any applicable law or regulation of the host state would not be protected under the China-Sri Lanka BIT due to its illegality.Footnote 52 The requirement of legality thus manifests that the China-Sri Lanka BIT is based on the principle of sovereignty as it obliges the host state to admit an investment by a foreign investor only if the investment in question is made in compliance with its laws and regulations.Footnote 53
However, the requirement of “making investment in accordance with host state law”, the common specification with respect to the legality of investments, is not included in the China-Sri Lanka BIT.Footnote 54 Instead, the treaty's definition of investment includes “an asset permitted by each contracting party in accordance with its laws and regulations”. The prima facie difference of the wording of these two phrases raises the question of whether the China-Sri Lanka BIT includes an exceptional specification which is different from the standard found in many other BITs. In the scholarship, however, the common specification has been identified as a liberal drafting pattern compared to the requirement of “permitting an asset by the host state in accordance with its laws and regulations”.Footnote 55 It can be thus argued that the standard included in the China-Sri Lanka BIT is not substantively different from the common specification, yet it deliberately indicates the emphasis given to the principle of state sovereignty by employing strong wording which refuses the right of entry with respect to foreign investment.
The applicability of the China-Sri Lanka BIT has also been drafted with an emphasis on the principle of state sovereignty. The treaty's applicability is expressly limited only to investments that are approved in writing, upon any condition as such authorities deem suitable, by the competent Sri Lankan or Chinese authorities.Footnote 56 Accordingly, other than being permitted according to the host state law, investments should be approved in writing by the relevant governmental authorities in order to become a protected investment under the China-Sri Lanka BIT. This prerequisite thus further safeguards the host state's right to screen foreign investments, and expressly withholds an absolute right of entry.Footnote 57 The explicit permission given to the competent authorities to impose any condition as such authorities deem suitable particularly provides the host state with an enhanced policy space to regulate foreign investment at their entry, and in doing so maximizes state sovereignty.
As such, the promise given by the Contracting State Parties to encourage and create favourable conditions for investment for each other's nationals and companies, which are in line with the host state's general economic policy, becomes a provisional undertaking subject to the host state's right to screen foreign investments.Footnote 58 At the same time, the requirement of written approval exists independently from the legality requirement of the investment.Footnote 59 The host state thus has an additional jurisdictional objection, the successful assertion of which will exclude even lawful investments from the purview of the China-Sri Lanka BIT, on the basis that they have not been approved in writing by the host state's authorities. It shows the legal significance of the requirement of written approval in the context of the China-Sri Lanka BIT, leaving an essential imprint on the principle of state sovereignty.
The protection afforded against uncompensated expropriation is another provision which reveals the greater emphasis given to the principle of state sovereignty.Footnote 60 It allows the host state to expropriate investments for, inter alia, “any purpose authorized by law” rather than a public purpose,Footnote 61 the latter of which is the generally used criterion for determining the legality of an expropriation under international law.Footnote 62 Public purpose has been further accepted in the investment treaty jurisprudence as a hallmark condition which prevents host states from taking foreign property for purely private benefits or an illicit end, but only for legitimate welfare objectives.Footnote 63 This common criterion has been replaced in the China-Sri Lanka BIT with “any purpose authorized by law”, yet the treaty does not specify whether the term “law” refers to the domestic law of host state or to international law or both. However, through a holistic approach, it can be argued that the term “law” denotes the domestic law of the host state since the China-Sri Lanka BIT expressly articulates that all investments should be governed by the law in force in the host state.Footnote 64
By allowing the host state to expropriate investments for “any purpose authorized by law”, the treaty explicitly asserts the legislative power of the host state. It ensures the host state's ability to enact laws at any time to declare any purpose as an authorized ground for expropriating foreign properties, perhaps including purposes which go beyond a conventional understanding of public purpose. As such, the China-Sri Lanka BIT accentuates the “fullness of legislative power” of the host state, which is an essential element of state sovereignty.Footnote 65 Likewise, the treaty ensures the “fullness of judicial power” of the host state by vesting its domestic courts with the authority to review the legality of any measure of expropriation, at the request of the nationals and companies of the other Contracting Party.Footnote 66 The China-Sri Lanka BIT thus prevents foreign investors from bypassing the national court system of the host state to resolve their investment disputes regarding the legality of an expropriation, safeguarding the supremacy of the national court system and thereby underscoring an important element of sovereignty in the form of judicial powers.
The dispute settlement clause of the China-Sri Lanka BIT provides another example in this respect as it requires investors to have recourse to the competent courts of the host state to resolve any investment disputes only after being unsuccessful in their attempts to resolve them through negotiations within six months.Footnote 67 The provisions thus constitute an outright bar which precludes investors from bypassing the national court system of the host state regardless of whether or not local courts can deliver justice to aggrieved foreign investors. A dispute involving the amount of compensation resulting from expropriation, which cannot be settled with six months through negotiations, constitutes the only exception, as the treaty allows either the investor or host state to have recourse to international arbitration.Footnote 68 Yet the foreign national or company concerned will lose this opportunity when they first initiate a case in the domestic courts to resolve the issue.Footnote 69 Thus, the dispute settlement clause asserts the supremacy of the national court system of the host state in resolving investment disputes and thereby the principle of state sovereignty.
B. Deliberately De-emphasizing Private Business Activities whilst Indirectly Encompassing State-Owned Enterprises
Safeguarding private investors and their investments against a host state's interference was the fundamental purpose for which IIAs were concluded. The China-Sri Lanka BIT, however, does not refer to “private” business initiatives in the Preamble to the treaty or elsewhere. It thus indicates the treaty's deliberate attempt to de-emphasize the private nature of business activities from its ambit. Interestingly, though, the treaty is sketched out in a manner which would cover investments made by China's SOEs—the main vehicle through which China's outbound investments have been carried out, particularly in sectors such as infrastructure and natural resources. This is because the definition of the term “company” means a corporation incorporated or other juridical person constituted under either Sri Lankan law or Chinese law.Footnote 70 This explanation necessarily raises the question as to what is meant by the “other juridical person” constituted under the respective domestic laws. Understandably, this term is included to cover Chinese SOEs because, by the time the China-Sri Lanka BIT was concluded, China did not have a modern corporate system governed by Company Law, as with Sri Lanka, but had a system that governed SOEs under Enterprise Law, which affords them with separate legal personality.Footnote 71
Undoubtedly, this is the reason why the China-Sri Lanka BIT defines Chinese companies as a company incorporated or other judicial person constituted under Chinese law, as the second category apparently covers China's SOEs which are not incorporated under a modern corporate system, but operate as separate legal persons. This inference, together with the fact that the China-Sri Lanka BIT does not specifically mention the protection of private investment, support the arguments for the treaty's availability to Chinese SOEs. In the modern context, this definition is certain enough to cover investments made by China's sovereign wealth fund [SWF], which has increased participation in international investments in recent years as one of the most dynamic SWFs in the world.Footnote 72 This is because China's SWF is incorporated under the Company Law of China under the name of China Investment Corporation [CIC], which has three incorporated subsidiaries under Chinese law.Footnote 73 This results in bringing China's SWF under the purview of the China-Sri Lanka BIT, as companies incorporated under Chinese law have been identified as entities which can rely on the treaty.
C. Providing for Limited Substantive and Procedural Treaty Protection
One of the striking features of the China-Sri Lanka BIT is that it affords limited treaty protection for investments, either by omitting to provide them with certain treatment standards or by restricting their applicability. With respect to the first feature, the treaty does not provide for national treatment, one of the core investment disciplines generally included in IIAs. Omitting to provide certain investment standards is not unprecedented in investment treaty-making, yet the absence of national treatment in the China-Sri Lanka BIT prevents investors from asking the host state to treat their investments no less favourably than it would investments of its own nationals and companies. It is thus apparent that the treaty does not purport to place foreign and national investments in an equal position, allowing the host state to undermine the competitiveness between foreign and national investments perhaps in like circumstances. This has been expounded as the common approach in investment treaty-making in the early stages of BITs, as many states had large state-owned industries they sought to protect from foreign competition.Footnote 74
With respect to the second feature, some of the treatment standards have been drafted in a restrictive manner. For example, the Most Favoured Nation [MFN] treatment clause stipulates that Contracting Parties will not treat investments covered by the China-Sri Lanka BIT less favourably than those of any third state, subject to Articles 5, 6, and 11 of the treaty.Footnote 75 Article 5 articulates the typical exception to the MFN clause: regional integration and taxation. Yet the inclusion of two other Articles exhibits an uncommon drafting pattern by precluding the MFN clause from being invoked with respect to the protection against uncompensated expropriation, as well as regarding the non-precluded measures [NPM] provision. Excluding protection against uncompensated expropriation from the purview of the MFN clause is particularly significant in the context of the China-Sri Lanka BIT, because, as discussed, the treaty has been drafted in a manner which provides the host state with unconstrained authority over the legality of an event of expropriation.
Likewise, excluding the NPM provision from the purview of MFN raises concerns because, as will be discussed, the former provides the host state with enhanced room to deny the applicability of the treaty to certain state measures and actions based on the “national interest”, which is an extremely vague and highly policy-oriented term. In addition, the manner in which the absolute treatment standards have been drafted demonstrates the restrictiveness of the substantive protection accorded by the China-Sri Lanka BIT. For context, the treaty stipulates to provide approved investments with fair and equitable treatment [FET] “in accordance with the agreement”.Footnote 76 On the face of it, this provision does not allow reviewing the host state's measures against the standards commonplace in investment treaties: customary international law, general principles of international law, or considering FET as an autonomous standard.Footnote 77
Instead, the articulation that “in accordance with the agreement” leads to the conclusion that the China-Sri Lanka BIT considers the treaty per se as the standard of review, and thus violation of FET treatment can be established only in a situation where other treatment standards provided for in the treaty have been violated by the host states. In that sense, the China-Sri Lanka BIT provides for a relatively narrow basis to invoke treaty protection under the FET clause. As with the substantive treaty protection, the treaty affords limited procedural protection by allowing only disputes involving the amount of compensation resulting from expropriation, which cannot be settled within six months through negotiations, to be submitted to an international arbitral tribunal, unless the national or company concerned has not resorted to the competent court of the host state.Footnote 78 As a consequence, the treaty provides for extremely limited access to international arbitration to resolve investment disputes, contrary to the predominant approach adopted in the BITs concluded in the 1980s.
D. Providing the Host State with Enhanced Regulatory Authority to Adopt Measures that Otherwise Violate its BIT Obligations
The China-Sri Lanka BIT contains a NPM clauseFootnote 79 under the heading “prohibition and restriction clause”: a type of NPM provision diffused mostly among South-South BITs.Footnote 80 This clause is supposed to function as a primary legal rule that restrains the substantive treaty protection in specific circumstances by removing some of the state measures from the applicability of the China-Sri Lanka BIT. This transfers the burden of damaging foreign investors from the host state to foreign investors without making the state liable to pay compensation for aggrieved foreign investors on the basis that disputed measures are essentially directed to achieve permissible objectives.Footnote 81 However, the permissible objectives contained in the NPM clause are broad enough to justify any kind of prohibitions or restrictions or any other action which is directed to the protection of national interests of the host state, or to the protection of public health, or to the prevention of diseases and pests in animals or plants. Explicitly providing for the host state's right to take any action, particularly in relation to the “national interest” has so far been an uncommon formulation in general investment treaty-making.Footnote 82
This articulation, moreover, affords the host state potentially unconstrained regulatory space to act inconsistently with its BIT obligations, based on a highly policy-relevant term.Footnote 83 This is because “national interests” is an extremely broad objective, or a nebulous concept, which has great flexibility to encompass any domestically determined policy objective,Footnote 84 and thus is capable of being manipulated to cover a far broader category of government measures. It apparently provides the host state with enhanced regulatory authority to shield a range of measures taken not only for legitimate objectives such as national security, but also for illegitimate objectives such as disguised protectionism. This enhanced regulatory space is, moreover, fortified by employing a loose “nexus” requirement: “directed to” suggests that such measures are permitted if they are envisioned by the host state government to further legitimate ends stipulated as permissible objectives.Footnote 85 The relatively lower threshold for establishing the means-end relationship between an impugned state measure and the permissible objective being pursued, together with the unambiguous and broad permissible objective “national interests”, essentially expands the breadth of the host state's regulatory flexibility to adopt measures that would otherwise violate its BIT obligations.
Moreover, the NPM clause does not make this regulatory flexibility contingent on conditions such as non-discrimination or reasonableness. As previously mentioned, the breadth of the regulatory space available for the host state under the China-Sri Lanka BIT matters, as the NPM clause is excluded from the application of the MFN clause.Footnote 86 This exclusion apparently aims to prevent foreign investors from undermining the host state's regulatory authority safeguarded by the treaty, perhaps by importing relatively more favourable NPM clauses included in other BITs concluded by the respective host state, or pointing out BITs which do not contain NPM clauses at all.Footnote 87 However, the China-Sri Lanka BIT does not include direct language to make the NPM clause self-judging, or the common formulation found in such clauses: “measures which the state party considers necessary.”Footnote 88 It can thus be argued that the China-Sri Lanka BIT allows adjudicators to review an impugned measure and assess its need to achieve the objective being pursued by adopting measures inconsistent with BIT obligations.
Even so, through a holistic approach, the NPM clause could be read as an absolute bar to judicial or arbitral review of host state determination with respect to the permissible objectives, and thereby makes the clause self-judging in nature.Footnote 89 This is because, as discussed, the China-Sri Lanka BIT is drafted with great deference to the principle of state sovereignty, and thus the treaty's context supports the view that State Parties intended to be the “sole judge” or “sole arbiter” of when the circumstances require measures or actions of the sort envisaged by the NPM provision.Footnote 90 Unless its invocation is subject to good faith review, the apparent self-judging nature of the NPM provision increases the risk that this clause would be used by the host state as a blanket exception for regulatory measures, to the detriment of the protection of foreign investments, yet clearly offers host states enhanced policy space to regulate investments at the post-establishment phase, particularly during extraordinary circumstances.
IV. CHINA-SRI LANKA BIT OF 1986: A PRO-STATE TREATY INFLUENCED BY CHINA'S EARLY INVESTMENT TREATY-MAKING PRACTICE
From the above thread of analysis it is clear that the China-Sri Lanka BIT has been drafted in a manner which clearly safeguards the host state's right to regulate investments at their entry, and the host state's right to regulate in the public or national interest. Conversely, investors are provided with limited substantive and procedural treaty protection against the infringing host state. The strong emphasis given to the principle of state sovereignty has made the treaty pro-state, which would protect the political and legal interests of the host state over the interests of foreign investments made in its territory. This accordingly casts doubt on the hypothesis that the China-Sri Lanka BIT provides enhanced protection for investments, leaving insufficient policy space for the host state. In fact, the treaty has been drafted in a manner which clearly and disproportionately safeguards the host state's regulatory space against protecting the interests of foreign investors at the expense of host state's regulatory autonomy, particularly compared to the prevailing trend in the 1980s.
This is, first, because of the historical context. The China-Sri Lanka BIT was not driven by the fundamental purpose for which early BITs were concluded: providing foreign investors with the greatest possible protection under international law against host state interference. Instead, the China-Sri Lanka BIT was largely encouraged by the geopolitical considerations of strengthening China's relations with strategic partners in Asia for which forging an alliance with Sri Lanka was important. Second, the treaty's bias towards safeguarding host state interests resulted from the conservative manner in which China concluded its early BITs, which greatly influenced the China-Sri Lanka BIT. China's early investment treaty-making practice was inclined to provide foreign investors with the least amount of protection under international law, focusing more on the host state's sovereignty over the entry and regulation of foreign investments.Footnote 91
As a consequence, the China-Sri Lanka BIT contains features which are unique to early Chinese BITs. To be precise, the principles of equality and mutual benefit were amongst the “three guiding principles” of international economic co-operation and exchange by which China's newfound approach towards foreign investment was shaped at the outset of opening up this endeavour.Footnote 92 With respect to foreign direct investment, the principle of equality denotes equivalence between capital-exporting and capital-importing countries, and between nationals and corporations of different countries; this is a long-standing feature of the Chinese attitude towards international law and international economic relations.Footnote 93 Plausibly, the integration of the principles of equality and mutual benefit into the Preamble of the China-Sri Lanka BIT resulted from China's early investment treaty-making practice.
With respect to substantive treaty protection, for example, omitting national treatment is one of the striking traits of China's early treaty-making practice that was driven by economic considerations. These included the need to protect domestic infant industries, particularly Chinese SOEs, from competition posed by foreign investors, and the absence of “uniform national standards” at the beginning of the economic reform programme.Footnote 94 This approach is different from Sri Lanka's general approach towards national treatment because, from the outset, Sri Lanka's BITs have provided foreign investors with national treatment at the post-establishment phase.Footnote 95 It is thus apparent that not providing investments with protection against discrimination based on nationality under the China-Sri Lanka BIT is greatly influenced by China's earliest investment treaty-making practice on national treatment, adding to the list of the inbuilt Chinese characteristics of the treaty and thereby making the China-Sri Lanka BIT unique in Sri Lanka's web of BITs.
With respect to procedural treaty protection, the extremely limited access to international arbitration is consistent with China's initial approach to investment dispute settlement, which disfavoured international arbitration due to its conventional scepticism of international law and its strong emphasis on state sovereignty.Footnote 96 A restrictive approach towards the investor-state dispute settlement [ISDS] mechanism was further compatible with China's conventional preference for avoiding litigation.Footnote 97 In contrast, Sri Lanka has generally provided foreign investors with the unrestricted right of recourse to international arbitration to resolve investment disputes from the outset. Indeed, Sri Lanka was the very first state against which a foreign investor had recourse to investment arbitration based on the dispute settlement clause in a BIT.Footnote 98 Limited access to dispute settlement is another inbuilt Chinese characteristic of the China-Sri Lanka BIT, as Sri Lanka's investment treaty-making practice has not been shaped by such a deliberately restrictive attitude towards the ISDS mechanism.
As with China's sovereignty-centred attitude towards investment treaty-making, its conventional economic ideology and business culture have greatly influenced the content of the China-Sri Lanka BIT. Understandably, this is the reason why the treaty does not make any reference to “private” business initiatives due to the dominance of public ownership in China's economic structure, following the Marxist doctrine of the rejection of private property.Footnote 99 Instead, the treaty has brought state-affiliated entities into its purview, as they have played a key role in China's economy, particularly in carrying out China's outward investments. All in all, China's earliest sovereignty-centred approach towards investment treaty-making, as well as its economic ideology and way of doing business, have greatly shaped the content of the China-Sri Lanka BIT in a manner which makes the treaty unique in Sri Lanka's network of BITs, but commonplace in China's first-generation BITs, given its pro-state and restrictive nature.
Conceivably, the less protective nature of the China-Sri Lanka BIT should not have been a matter of great concern, particularly for China, because by the time the China-Sri Lanka BIT was concluded, China was a capital-importer rather than capital-exporter. In contrast, China has now become a leading global investor who seeks to increase the scope of treaty protection for foreign investors, necessitating a deviation from the country's restrictive approach.Footnote 100 At the same time, Sri Lanka has become of one the main destinations for Chinese investments, particularly BRI investments. More importantly, Chinese investors in Sri Lanka have been met with increased governmental interference which could have been challenged as violations of core investment disciplines. For example, it was revealed that the Chinese investor was not consulted when the Sri Lankan government took the decision to suspend the Colombo Port City project,Footnote 101 and further, after one year of adjournment, the project was recommenced based on an entirely new agreement which replaced the initial agreement under which the investor commenced the reclamation work.
At first glance, these incidents are capable of being challenged as violations of treatment standards such as FET and the protection against uncompensated expropriations. However, on the one hand, none of these incidents matured into publicly known investment arbitrations, whilst, on the other, the evident restrictive nature of the China-Sri Lanka BIT raises the question of whether the treaty provided adequate grounds for Chinese investors to successfully challenge these measures as violations of Sri Lanka's BIT obligations. Could the suspension of reclamation work without consulting the Chinese investor constitute a violation of FET when the China-Sri Lanka BIT apparently considers the treaty itself as the standard of review? Will it be possible to establish a jurisdiction for determining the occurrence of an expropriation, given the replacement of the initial contract with entirely new one, when the treaty allows only the amount of compensation payable in an event of expropriation to be arbitrated? These questions certainly reflect a broader concern that Chinese IIAs belonging to the earliest generation do not provide sufficient investment protection, particularly for the BRI investments which make comprehensive investment protection crucial for China.Footnote 102
V. AMBIGUITIES OF THE TREATY PROTECTION AFFORDED TO INVESTMENTS UNDER THE CHINA-SRI LANKA BIT
Such concerns are, in fact, heightened in the context of Chinese investments in Sri Lanka due to intrinsic ambiguities in the China-Sri Lanka BIT regarding the scope of jurisdiction of arbitral tribunals constituted under the treaty to resolve investment disputes involving compensation payable in the event of expropriation, and the applicability of the China-Sri Lanka BIT to China's Special Administrative Regions [SARs]: Hong Kong and Macao. It is pertinent to consider these two issues in detail as they are vital to demonstrate the ambiguity of the limited treaty protection afforded to the Chinese investors under the China-Sri Lanka BIT.
A. The Ability to Determine the Liability for Expropriation in Claims Made under the Restrictive Dispute Settlement Clause
Determining the liability for expropriation in claims made under the restrictive dispute settlement is the first issue to be considered. Put differently, does an arbitral tribunal have jurisdiction to determine the occurrence of an expropriation when a claim is made based on a dispute settlement clause which articulates that only the amount of compensation payable in an event of expropriation can be arbitrated? Interestingly, this issue has been discussed in almost all claims by Chinese investors hitherto, and tribunals’ determinations are generally based on two considerations: whether the treaty contains a “fork-in-the-road” clause, and its impact on access to international arbitration.Footnote 103 In the light of these two considerations, most of the tribunals adopted a broad approach towards restrictive dispute settlement clauses, allowing jurisdiction to determine not only the quantum of compensation but also the occurrence of an expropriation under the respective Chinese BITs on which the claims were brought.Footnote 104
With respect to the first consideration, whether the treaty contains a “fork-in-the-road” clause, the China-Sri Lanka BIT could be read as containing a clause to that effect. This is because the treaty prevents concerned nationals and companies from having recourse to arbitration to resolve a dispute involving the amount of compensation payable in an expropriation when an investor has initiated proceedings before a competent domestic court.Footnote 105 At the same time, the treaty stipulates that the competent courts of the host state have jurisdiction to decide the legality of any measures of expropriation; a process in which the issue of compensation will be addressed as it has been identified as one of the conditions of a legal expropriation.Footnote 106 As a result, investors are restricted to the provisions of the treaty to determine the legality of a given expropriatory measure, whilst the issue of compensation has to be taken into account by the competent domestic court when determining the legality of an expropriatory measure. This scenario would prevent investors from attempting to arbitrate the amount of compensation when they have already had recourse to the competent domestic court to determine the legality of the impugned expropriatory measures, and thus satisfy the second consideration.Footnote 107
Such an interpretation will lead to determining the existence of a “fork-in-the-road” clause in the China-Sri Lanka BIT and its adverse impact on access to international arbitration. This increases the possibility that the arbitral tribunal will have jurisdiction to decide not only the quantum of compensation but also the occurrence of an expropriation. The likelihood is furthered by the fact that the treaty includes the phrase “involving”, which has been interpreted by arbitral tribunals in a manner which includes issues associated with an expropriation, or in other words, as an inclusive, rather than exclusive, phrase.Footnote 108 This inference, however, becomes somewhat problematic as some of the arbitral tribunals have reached the opposite conclusion. They have held that similarly worded dispute settlement clauses provide jurisdiction only to the quantum of compensation payable, but not to the occurrence of an expropriation.Footnote 109 In particular, the Tribunal in the case of China Heilongjiang v. Mongolia adopted a narrow view of the restrictive dispute settlement clause, holding that the Tribunal did not have jurisdiction over the expropriation claims because the relevant BIT confined jurisdiction of an arbitral tribunal only to a dispute involving the amount of compensation resulting from an expropriation.Footnote 110 It is thus unclear whether investors can confidently argue for the jurisdiction of an arbitral tribunal established under the China-Sri Lanka BIT to determine the occurrence of an expropriation. The answer to this legal issue is entirely based on the interpretive approach that will be adopted by an adjudication forum regarding the restrictive dispute settlement clause.
B. The Applicability of the China-Sri Lanka BIT to China's Special Administrative Regions
The applicability of the China-Sri Lanka BIT to China's SARs is another legal issue left at the discretion of the adjudication forums which host the investment disputes under the China-Sri Lanka BIT.Footnote 111 This has become extremely important in a context where Hong Kong is amongst the top sources of Sri Lanka's inbound investments.Footnote 112 Furthermore, the fact that the luxury hotel destroyed by the recent terrorist attacks in Sri Lanka is an investment by a company based in Hong Kong has brought the physical protection of investments from China's SAR to the fore.Footnote 113 This issue further deserves considerable attention as there are no publicly known investment agreements concluded between Sri Lanka and China's SARs which were not part of the PRC territory in 1986 at the time the China-Sri Lanka BIT was signed.Footnote 114 At the same time, the application of Mainland China's BIT to Hong Kong and Macao has not been clearly determined by the Joint Declarations China signed with the UK in 1984 and with Macao in 1987 which, inter alia, accept the treaty-making powers of SARs.Footnote 115 As a consequence, territorial application of the China-Sri Lanka BIT will be an important and complex legal issue if the adjudication forum considers it as a necessary consideration for establishing its territorial jurisdiction.
According to investment treaty jurisprudence, it is important to consider whether the treaty has expressly excluded its application to SARs or otherwise established that the treaty is not applicable to China's whole territory.Footnote 116 With respect to the first consideration, the China-Sri Lanka BIT does not expressly exclude its application to SARs, yet stipulates its applicability to investments made “in the territory of PRC”.Footnote 117 Unless otherwise established, these factors provide for a sufficient legal basis to argue that the China-Sri Lanka BIT applies to the Hong Kong and Macao SARs which are considered as integral parts of the PRC's territory under the “one country two systems” policy. However, the applicability of the China-Sri Lanka BIT becomes more complicated with the stance adopted by China towards the applicability of Mainland BITs to its SARs in the wake of legal debate on the applicability of the China-Laos BIT to Macao triggered by the Sanum Investments Limited Arbitration. This is because China declared that, as a principle, the investment agreements between the central government and foreign countries do not apply to SARs, unless otherwise decided by the central government after seeking the views of the SAR governments and consulting with the other Contracting Parties of the agreement.Footnote 118
Consequently, it can be argued that, as a matter of principle, the China-Sri Lanka BIT is not applicable to Hong Kong and Macao, subject to the evidentiary weight of this official declaration, which remains to be assessed. However, the official declarations do not deny the applicability of mainland BITs to SARs in absolute terms, and thus a situation may arise in which the Beijing government, the Sri Lankan government, and China's SAR governments agree that the China-Sri Lanka BIT can apply to Hong Kong and Macao as well. Therefore, the applicability of the China-Sri Lanka BIT to China's SAR has become a political choice as well as a legal issue amongst respective governments. As with the issue of territorial jurisdiction, personal jurisdiction of an arbitral tribunal constituted under the China-Sri Lanka BIT—whether an investor from Hong Kong or Macao is a qualified investor under the treaty—is worthy of attention. At a glance, it is possible for certain natural persons of Hong Kong and Macao, as well as companies, to invoke treaty protection under the China-Sri Lanka BIT. This is because investors from Hong Kong and Macao who can prove their Chinese nationality under relevant Chinese law can rely on the China-Sri Lanka BIT to invoke treaty protection, as the treaty confirms its availability to investments made by Chinese nationals in the territory of Sri Lanka.Footnote 119
Likewise, companies and other juridical persons incorporated or constituted under relevant laws in Hong Kong and Macao and having their seats in the PRC's territory can apparently invoke treaty protection under the China-Sri Lanka BIT as the treaty affirms its applicability to investments made by such juridical persons in the territory of Sri Lanka.Footnote 120 This inference is, however, subject to the application of the China-Sri Lanka BIT to SARs, because the absence of territorial jurisdiction will result in disqualifying legal entities registered in SARs as protected investors. This is because the Sanum Tribunal has made it clear that the applicability of the China-Laos BIT to Macao was the yardstick that led the tribunal to consider the economic entities registered under Macao laws and regulations as those established under the laws and regulations of the PRC.Footnote 121 In addition, the definition provided for the Chinese companies in the China-Sri Lanka BIT has made the issue of personal jurisdiction more complicated, as it requires both the elements of place of incorporation and seat to determine the nationality of a juridical person covered by the treaty.Footnote 122 This is because the standing of companies incorporated in the SARs is an uncertain issue, as the Company Law of Mainland China has not been expressly extended to the SARs, contrary to the Nationality Law, while leaving Hong Kong and Macao companies to be governed by the laws and regulations enacted by the SARs.Footnote 123 As a consequence, the issue of applicability of the China-Sri Lanka BIT to China's SARs remains far from certain, demonstrating the depth of ambiguity of treaty protection afforded to Chinese investments under the China-Sri Lanka BIT.
VI. DEALING WITH THE PARADOX OF CHINESE INVESTMENTS IN SRI LANKA
It is clear that the China-Sri Lanka BIT has been drafted in a pro-state and restrictive manner, providing investors with limited treaty protection. This limited protection is supplemented by the treaty's inherent ambiguities with regard to fundamental issues such as its applicability to China's SARs and the jurisdiction of an arbitral tribunal constituted under the treaty. As a consequence, the breadth of investment protection provided by the China-Sri Lanka BIT becomes an issue of great uncertainty and complexity, to the detriment of the interests of Chinese investors engaged in increased investment activities in Sri Lanka, which has become one of the main destinations for BRI investments. This is especially the case with investors from China's SARs due to the risk of leaving their investments without treaty protection. Indeed, this scenario gives rise to a paradox in the modern context where China, including its Hong Kong SAR, has become the top investor in Sri Lanka, whilst investment protection under the China-Sri Lanka BIT is by no means assured due to its restrictiveness and ambiguities.
In theory, this paradox questions the interplay between the increased investment flow and the breadth of protection provided for by investment treaties, as Chinese investment in Sri Lanka is on the rise despite the fact that a restrictive and ambiguous BIT is in place. In practice, this paradox will presumably induce China to replace the existing BIT with an updated investment treaty, probably as a separate chapter on investment which will be included in the China-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement currently under negotiation. Indeed, the remarkable changes that have taken place in the positions of China and Sri Lanka in respect of foreign investment since the late 1980s will become vital considerations for such negotiations. Inevitably, investment protection is a greater concern for China as it is the main source of investment in Sino-Sri Lanka investment relations. Meanwhile, the paradox of Chinese investment in Sri Lanka will probably persuade investors to look for other means and methods to avoid or mitigate the political risk in investing in Sri Lanka. In doing so, they will reduce their reliance on the China-Sri Lanka BIT to protect their investments against host state interference. The next part of the paper thus brings possible means and methods for doing so into focus, by exploring the legal and extra-legal alternatives available for Chinese investors to approach the paradox, either remaining within the investment treaty regime or stepping outside its boundaries.
A. Dealing with the Paradox Within the Investment Treaty Regime
There are two possible means available for Chinese investors to approach the paradox while remaining within the investment treaty regime. First, they could invoke the application of the MFN clause in the China-Sri Lanka BIT to expand their rights and benefits. Second, they can (re)structure Chinese investments in Sri Lanka through corporate instrumentalities incorporated in another state with which Sri Lanka has a more favourable IIA than that of the existing China-Sri Lanka BIT.
With respect to the former, foreign investors have been effectively relying on the MFN clause to import treatment standards “which are absent from the applicable investment treaty or present in an allegedly less attractive form”.Footnote 124 Most arbitral tribunals have accepted the possibility of doing so by means of the operation of the MFN clause.Footnote 125 Thus Chinese investors in Sri Lanka who wish to rely on the ISDS mechanism for shielding their investments from host state interference could invoke the MFN clause in the China-Sri Lanka BIT to import advantageous clauses from third-party IIAs made by Sri Lanka. However, the extent to which the restrictive nature of the China-Sri Lanka BIT could be surmounted by invoking the application of the MFN clause is largely dependent on the interpretative approaches, which differ across investment arbitral tribunals.
To be precise, arbitral tribunals have not adopted a uniform approach with respect to the importation of substantive treatment standards absent from the original treaty. The Tribunal in the case of Hochtief v. Argentina opined that the MFN clause could be applied to invoke treatment standards not contained in the basic treaty.Footnote 126 In contrast, the Tribunal in the case of Bayindir v. Pakistan accepted the prospective application of the MFN clause to import substantive rights not provided in the basic treaty, subject to limitations imposed on the application of the MFN clause.Footnote 127 Accordingly, whether or not Chinese investors could import treatment standards absent from the China-Sri Lanka BIT, such as national treatment, depends on the interpretative approach of the adjudication forum. Similar uncertainty is apparent with respect to the importation of procedural rights. Some arbitral tribunals have accepted the possibility of circumventing limitations in the basic treaty with respect to dispute settlement by means of the operation of the MFN clause.Footnote 128 Such tribunals were of the opinion that the distinction between substantive and procedural rules was an irrelevant consideration as the MFN clause applied equally to all the rules of protection of the basic BIT unless otherwise provided.
However, several other tribunals have rejected the importation of procedural rules through the MFN clause unless Contracting Parties have clearly and expressly indicated to the contrary.Footnote 129 Most such tribunals were driven by a presumption in favour of the non-application of the MFN clause to procedural rules in situations where there is no clear evidence that the Contracting Parties to the basic BIT wanted the MFN clause to apply to procedural rules by clearly indicating that it should be so interpreted.Footnote 130 It is thus apparent that the answer to the general question of whether or not the restrictiveness of the China-Sri Lanka BIT regarding dispute settlement can be surmounted by means of the operation of the MFN clause largely depends on the interpretative approach that will be adopted by an arbitral tribunal.
Second, Chinese investors could (re)structure their investments in Sri Lanka through corporate instrumentalities which are strategically incorporated in another state (a gateway state in this particular case) with which Sri Lanka has a favourable IIA compared to the existing China-Sri Lanka BIT. This corporate practice, which is commonly referred to as “treaty shopping”, will enable Chinese investors to get access to a more favourable Sri Lankan BIT, for the purpose of possible investment treaty arbitrations against Sri Lanka, by tactically planning or altering their corporate nationality.Footnote 131 Treaty shopping thus provides Chinese investors with an effective way to evade the less attractive China-Sri Lanka BIT to protect their investments against possible host state interference, while remaining within the investment treaty regime. In principle, treaty shopping is not prohibited under international investment law, yet its utility can be limited for several reasons.Footnote 132 First, Sri Lanka could include a “denial of benefits clause”, which allows the host state to deny the benefits of the treaty to an investor who is a national of the other Contracting Party, but who does not have genuine business links to that state or does not have substantial business activities in the state of their nationality.
Second, this process would not be helpful for Chinese investors if they restructure their investments in Sri Lanka after an investment dispute has arisen or to obtain treaty protection for a foreseeable investment dispute. This is because it is well established in the investment treaty jurisprudence that restructuring an investment for the purpose of obtaining an inappropriate advantage, without a valid business reason, is an abuse of right to bring an investment treaty claim or an abuse of the procedure which constitutes a violation of fundamental principle of good faith in international law.Footnote 133 Third, room for the successful exploitation of treaty shopping would be limited when Sri Lanka's BIT with the chosen gateway state contains a stringent definition of corporate investor, articulating not only the requirement of incorporation but also requirements such as seat of management and/or substantial business presence in a Contracting Party to the treaty, while excluding mere “mail box” companies.Footnote 134 Fourth, and more importantly, it is doubtful whether the Chinese enterprises, particularly China's SOEs, would prefer to structure or restructure their investments through corporate instrumentalities strategically incorporated in another state, masking their Chinese nationality. Indeed, this may dissuade Chinese enterprises from strategically planning or altering their corporate nationality in order to get access to more favourable Sri Lankan BITs. Even if this policy obstacle could be effectively tackled by investing in Sri Lanka through corporate instrumentalities incorporated in one of China's SARs, the fact that Sri Lanka doesn't have separate BITs with Hong Kong and Macao makes this option unviable.
B. Dealing with the Paradox Outside the Investment Treaty Regime
There are two possible means available for Chinese investors to deal with the paradox outside the boundaries of the investment treaty regime. First, they could purchase political risk insurance [PRI] to avoid or mitigate the risk of investing in Sri Lanka. Second, they could rely on the home state to safeguard their interests by framing investment disputes as diplomatic concerns between China and Sri Lanka.
PRI is a commercial tool designed for foreign investors to mitigate and manage the political risk involved in cross-border investments, particularly those in risky and unstable investment environments.Footnote 135 Thus, similar to investment treaties, PRI programmes aim to promote cross-border investments by reducing the political risk, operating in parallel with the investment treaty regime. However, in contrast to IIAs, which are treaties between sovereign states, PRIs are basically contracts for indemnification between PRI providers (the insurer) and foreign investors (the insured). Entering into such contracts accordingly helps Chinese investors to avoid potential losses, or to reimburse them in cases of loss incurred by political actions such as adverse government measures, war, and civil strife. As a consequence, seeking damages for potential losses resulting from political risk through the restrictive China-Sri Lanka BIT becomes unnecessary. This option thus seems viable for Chinese investors and, further, they could choose among PRI programmes offered by several service providers in the industry, which includes both public and private PRI providers, as well as several multilateral agencies, such as MIGA.Footnote 136 Amongst such PRI providers, Chinese investors would possibly choose the China Export and Credit Insurance Corporation or SINOSURE, China's state-funded policy-oriented insurance company.Footnote 137
The recent past has seen Chinese investors, particularly those investing in BRI projects, being encouraged to purchase insurance products from SINOSURE as it aims to protect Chinese investors abroad from economic losses resulting from identified political risks, e.g. expropriation, exchange restrictions, war, political riots, and breach of contract.Footnote 138 Generally, and more importantly, publicly funded PRI programmes could have potential impacts on host states’ behaviour towards foreign investors and their investments.Footnote 139 This is because the home states of foreign investors may intervene through advocacy or recovery when the host state takes actions which are covered by the home state's PRI programme. Under advocacy, home states could use their diplomatic resources to forestall an event which could trigger insurance claims.Footnote 140 Under recovery, home states would try their best to recover the value of damages from the host state when the investor makes a claim under the PRI contract.Footnote 141 Perhaps SINOSURE, being a state-funded policy-oriented insurer serving the country's national strategies, would increasingly employ China's diplomatic resources as risk management and asset recovery tools. If so, Chinese investors could benefit from joining China's publicly funded PRI programme while making the home state a prospective actor in its investment relationship with the Sri Lankan government.
Even without joining a publicly funded PRI programme, Chinese investors could make use of diplomatic resources to protect their investments, by persuading the home state to frame investment disputes as diplomatic concerns between China and Sri Lanka. Over the course of history, diplomacy has been employed to protect foreign investments through military, political, or economic pressure on weaker host states by stronger home states.Footnote 142 Even after the introduction of the ISDS mechanism to resolve investment disputes through a rights-based process, diplomacy has continued to play an important role in managing political risk in cross-border investments through informally settling investment disputes.Footnote 143 The “protective” dimension of commercial diplomacy is vital in this respect, as it involves assisting nationals and companies of the home state that have suffered losses and wish to obtain compensation from the host state, through communication and negotiation at state level.Footnote 144 Commercial diplomacy accordingly provides the Chinese investors with an extra-legal means to manage the political risk in investing in Sri Lanka through official negotiations, which typically take place behind closed doors.
Understandably, this option would not be obtainable when there are no positive diplomatic relations between the two states. Where possible, however, commercial diplomacy is indeed useful in preventing investment disputes between Chinese investors and the Sri Lankan government from maturing into ISDS claims, avoiding the necessity of relying on the restrictive China-Sri Lanka BIT to protect Chinese investments against host state interference. On the one hand, diplomatic-level engagement in a particular investment dispute indicates that the Chinese government takes a dispute seriously and prioritizes it within the broader bilateral relationship between China and Sri Lanka. On the other hand, such diplomatic engagements encourage the Sri Lankan government to settle the dispute, considering other policies such as securing Chinese aid or trade benefits, as well as past and future interactions between the two counties.
C. The Increased Role of the Chinese Government in Protecting Chinese Investment in Sri Lanka
It is thus apparent that Chinese investors in Sri Lanka are not left in a vacuum by the absence of a treaty which affords enhanced investment protection. Instead, they are equipped with both legal and extra-legal means and methods which have their own pros and cons. On the whole, invoking the MFN clause and employing treaty shopping is accompanied by both legal uncertainties and policy obstacles, yet they retain investors’ control over resolving investment disputes. In contrast, joining a publicly funded PRI programme and making use of diplomatic resources could eventually displace investors’ grip over the settlement of an investment dispute due to the home state's introduction on the scene, with statecraft being a prominent feature. The home state's direct involvement could place Chinese investors in a favourable light insofar as China would be seen as willing to pursue the matter at the diplomatic level. Nevertheless, the impact of such diplomatic engagements on Sri Lanka's stance on the issue could be influential, particularly when China's leverage on Sri Lanka is high.
Amongst these alternatives, commercial diplomacy appears to be prominent in protecting Chinese investments in Sri Lanka, leaving rights-based processes behind and increasing the role of the Chinese government. To be precise, the Chinese investor in the case of the Colombo Port City project did not have recourse to the ISDS mechanism to challenge the suspension of the reclamation work, despite having a strong prima facie case against the Sri Lankan government. The investor seemed to be very cautious with regard to enforcing its rights through the investment treaty regime as there was no reported attempt made to gain access to more favourable Sri Lankan BITs for the purpose of bringing an ISDS claim against Sri Lanka by strategically (re)structuring its investment. Similarly, no records are available showing that the investor made any PRI claim to reimburse economic losses incurred due to the sudden adjournment of the project, even though it reportedly sought compensation from the Sri Lanka government during the period of closure, indicating the strength of its case against the host state. Against this backdrop, it was commercial diplomacy that played the major role in resolving the issue, as high policy-level negotiations between Beijing and Colombo eventually assured that the project would continue, even under amended terms and conditions.Footnote 145
From a legal perspective, this could perhaps be an outcome of the Chinese investor's reduced confidence in winning an ISDS claim against Sri Lanka based on the pro-state and restrictive China-Sri Lanka BIT. From the policy perspective, it could possibly be a result of the investor's increased reliance on the home state in settling investment disputes due to the dominant role of the Chinese government in planning, encouraging, funding, and regulating investments along the BRI.Footnote 146 Whatever the reason behind commercial diplomacy being the means to resolve the issue, it was ultimately steered to an apparently win-win solution that was mutually acceptable to the parties to the investment dispute. This is because negotiations at the state level, which unsurprisingly occurred behind closed doors, assured the resumption of the suspended Colombo Port City project, safeguarding interests of the Chinese investor. Correspondingly, Sri Lanka was said to be relieved from potential liability to pay compensation to the aggrieved investor, while omitting the much-disputed promise to provide the investor with a plot of land on a “free hold basis” from the landfill.Footnote 147
All in all, this scenario demonstrated the Chinese investor's increased reliance on government intervention and negotiation in resolving the investment dispute, rather than employing a rights-based process therein. If that is the case, the pro-state and restrictive nature of the existing China-Sri Lanka BIT necessarily becomes an impetus, rather than a matter of great concern, for Chinese investors to employ commercial diplomacy as a means of protecting their investments against host state interference. At the same time, the extent to which Chinese investors rely on the investment treaty regime to protect their investments is still far from certain, despite recent developments indicating that Chinese investors may be becoming more litigious, even if the existing China-Sri Lanka BIT will be replaced with a rigorous investment treaty which effectively facilitates the enforcement of legal rights through the ISDS mechanism.Footnote 148 Thus, the Chinese government will presumably play an important role in the behind-the-scenes settlement of investment disputes arising from increased Chinese investments in Sri Lanka, while thrusting the settlement of investment disputes along the BRI deeper into statecraft and amplifying the state-driven nature of the initiative.
VII. CONCLUSION
The politically sensitive nature of Chinese investments in Sri Lanka has created the risk that some projects will be suspended or cancelled. As such, the investment protection provided by the China-Sri Lanka BIT against the political risks involved in cross-border investment is highly relevant. However, the China-Sri Lanka BIT privileges the host state's regulatory autonomy over the protection of the investment, leaving Chinese investors in Sri Lanka with limited recourse to international arbitration if treated in a discriminatory or unfair manner. This gives rise to a modern paradox in which China has become the top investor in Sri Lanka, delivering projects of considerable sensitivity, despite the absence of an international protective framework for their activities. Even if several means and methods are available for Chinese investors to deal with this paradox, the extra-legal method of commercial diplomacy can be effective in resolving investment disputes in the context of Chinese investments in Sri Lanka, as it played the major role in settling the much-discussed investment dispute in the case of Colombo Port City in a way acceptable to both parties.
If this is a result of Chinese investors’ lack of confidence that the China-Sri Lanka BIT is sufficient to protect their investment against host state interference, this will encourage efforts to replace the treaty with a more balanced BIT that ensures the effective enforcement of investor rights in the new China-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement [FTA]. In contrast, if it is the outcome of Chinese investors’ increased confidence in the Chinese government to settle the dispute, the restrictiveness and pro-state nature of the existing China-Sri Lanka BIT will encourage commercial diplomacy as a means of dispute settlement. Indeed, it will result in statecraft being prominent in settling BRI disputes, thrusting the process deeper into a power-based approach, as opposed to a rights-based approach. The non-commercial objectives of BRI investments make commercial diplomacy an applicable alternative to protect against political risk posed by host states. It is, however, far from certain that politicizing investment disputes will consistently produce mutually beneficial, win-win outcomes where there is asymmetrical bargaining power between China and other BRI states.
