Keeping a firm eye on both the policy community and the academic environment, Thomas Fingar has edited a most relevant and interesting book on China and its neighbours in South and Central Asia. The stated purpose of this book is to describe and explain China's interaction with selected countries in South and Central Asia, as well as to facilitate comparisons among regions. There is no ambition to offer a complete picture in this first volume; rather, it forms the basis for a more comprehensive overview in subsequent books. Fingar has selected a relevant and adroit range of authors to accomplish this. Each produces a case study of Chinese relations with individual states or regions. It is undoubtedly a relevant book for those interested in China and also contributes to academic discussion.
Part of the novelty of this book is the focus on two, at times very disparate, regions (South Asia and Central Asia), and China's interaction with them over time. However, this focus also creates some problems regarding the analysis. Several authors note that China's engagement is largely dependent on security concerns as well as on sustained economic growth. Considering that these elements form the rationale behind the regional focus of the book, it would have been useful to include a chapter on China's overall security, economic considerations and policy. Bearing in mind that the EU and the US are China's main trading partners and that the Middle East is the primary source of its energy resources, it would have been pertinent to include this in an introductory chapter or even in a first volume. Fingar notes that the regions he has included were of lesser importance during the 1980s in comparison with North America, the EU or Northeast Asia. Nevertheless, China's focus on these three regions is consistent or even growing, especially regarding security issues.
As identified by several authors, not least Fingar, Igor Torbakov and Srikanth Kondapalli, the security considerations of all these states build on a broader security concern that is based on domestic, bilateral or regional threats. China's main security concern lies neither in Central nor South Asia but in East Asia and the perception in Beijing that the US is encircling China to counter its rise. Before military reforms, the Chinese PLA and the PLA Navy were largely understaffed and underdeveloped in China's west and south. This was not necessarily because the threats there were non-existent. Rather, the security challenges in the east and the relations with US were and still are significantly higher priorities, even in light of the dispute in the South China Sea, which has intensified considerably and will undoubtedly affect China's relations with South Asia. Indeed, the focus on East Asia and the US has had a massive impact on the security considerations of China, and it would be difficult to understand China's engagement in other regions without first understanding the dynamics in East Asia.
It is pointed out that Chinese engagement in Afghanistan has cemented bilateral relations but has also affected relations with India and the US. The same could be said in regards to Central Asia, or, more correctly how a lack of military engagement has characterized the situation. Igor Torbakov and Zhao Huasheng point out the pre-eminence of Russia but also highlight the increasing role of China in all areas except security. To the contrary, China has indeed adopted a greater focus on security. It would have been interesting to note how this has already affected and will continue to affect China's bilateral relations with Russia, and also regional relations in Central Asia.
The book recognizes an important trait in Chinese foreign policy: trust. Syed Rifaat Hussain observes the importance of trust in bilateral relations between China and Pakistan, whereas others have portrayed a lack of trust to be a hindrance for China. As China becomes a regional superpower it will “inherit” the challenges and distrust that Russia faced in Central Asia, or that India and the US faced in South Asia.
A most important conclusion in this book is that the driving forces behind China's engagement in both of these focal regions has been consistent and has not been based primarily on ideological, geographical or historical issues, but on rational considerations regarding security in the early years and more recently, economic development and stability. This enables the editor to draw out trajectories and predictions about future interactions between China and regional actors. The interplay between internal stability and international security is made most visible in the chapters written by Fingar, Hu Shisheng, Swaran Singh and Zhao.
Each case study is valuable and offers insights into disparate aspects of these regional relationships but, at times, the book is myopic and fails to reveal the larger picture. Regions vary considerably and the selected case studies are not always comparable. This said, the text is still a valuable contribution to both academic and policy communities and along with other planned volumes in the series will certainly find a place on any scholar's bookshelf.