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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 July 2004
Anyone who has ever graded a term paper knows that students seem toforget most everything they learned in freshman composition classwhen it comes time to write an analytical essay in another course.“Writing across the curriculum” has become almost a mantra thatschools have adopted to counter this problem. Yet it is unclearexactly what “writing across the curriculum” means, and it is moreuncertain how to implement the concept. This paper grows out of aneffort to put “writing across the curriculum” into practice throughcollaborative teaching at Hampden-Sydney College.
Anyone who has ever graded a term paper knows that students seem to forget most everything they learned in freshman composition class when it comes time to write an analytical essay in another course. “Writing across the curriculum” has become almost a mantra that schools have adopted to counter this problem. Yet it is unclear exactly what “writing across the curriculum” means, and it is more uncertain how to implement the concept. This paper grows out of an effort to put “writing across the curriculum” into practice through collaborative teaching at Hampden-Sydney College.
The writing program at Hampden-Sydney, called Rhetoric, consists of a two-or three-course sequence (depending on the ability of the incoming student) and a proficiency exam. Most upper level courses have some sort of writing requirement in keeping with the college's “writing across the curriculum” expectation. Despite the college's commitment to a strong writing program, there are a substantial number of students who can not apply the lessons learned in their writing classes to the more complex topics raised in other courses.
The authors of this paper decided that an experiment in collaborative teaching might be a method of overcoming the problem. This paper grows out of that experience. We divided the 28 students in James Pontuso's Introduction to American Government class into two 14-student sections of Rosalind Warfield-Brown's Rhetoric classes. Students were assigned two papers to write in American Government and weekly writing assignments on topics related to American Government in Rhetoric class. Because of various scheduling conflicts, the professors did not regularly attend each other's classes, although we coordinated paper topics, length of assignments, and due dates for written work on a regular basis. The experiment proved to be a success in both Rhetoric and American Government. We present our individual experiences with an assessment of collaborative teaching below.
Overall grades in the collaborative American Government class improved by almost a standard deviation above the norm, and term paper grades advanced by more than a standard deviation above the norm. To determine the effectiveness of the collaborative-teaching experiment, we averaged the mean GPA of all Pontuso's American Government classes (2.1 GPA) over a 10-year period (20 classes) against the GPA of the collaboratively-taught course (2.86 GPA). Pontuso also taught a second section of American Government (2.09 GPA) and was able to compare the work in each class directly.
We did not directly interview students in the collaboratively taught classes to discover which factors led them to greater success than past students in American Government, but we did gather anecdotal comments that indicate the greater time and effort exerted on writing assignments enhanced student comprehension in both classes. Student evaluations of my American Government class showed that overall student satisfaction with the course was greater than students in the control group.
We will focus on one writing assignment to explore how the collaborative method resulted in better student papers. In the third week of the semester students in American Government were asked to write a two- to three-page term paper on the following topic:
Madison believed that his solution to the age-old problems of democratic governments would protect the people of the United States from the two mortal diseases of popular government: factions and majority tyranny. What made Madison believe that factions and majority tyranny were problems for popular governments? Detail the arguments he presents in Federalist #10 & 51. How did he propose that these difficulties be overcome in the United States? Explain.
Although this assignment may seem rudimentary, students in American Government often have difficulty writing successful papers on this topic. I have found that students encounter a number of barriers in comprehending American Government overall and Madison in particular.
Most of today's college students grew up in the 1990s, a time of unusual prosperity and peace. These students do not think much about how the government works, for it works too well to think about. Of course, no one particularly likes the people in government, and everyone assumes that politicians are corrupt. Yet, in spite of the cynicism about those in power, no student really thinks that the system of government in the United States ought to be changed. Unlike courses in, say, physics or psychology, where students know there is much about the subject that they do not know, in American Government students assume that they possess full knowledge of the subject. After all, one need only glance at a newspaper or watch television news to get information about the government. There are even television dramas (West Wing) and sitcoms (Spin City) that deal with the operations of government. Since students think that they know all about how the government works, and since most have never read or studied Federalist #10 & 51, they simply dismiss those texts as having little to do with American government. Even the events of September 11 have not upset students' belief that the structure of government and the constitutional order are “natural” social organizations, almost as if they developed spontaneously out of the common wisdom of the people.
The first barrier to writing good papers on Federalist #10 & 51 was that—even after a lecture on the topic—students did not take seriously the problems raised by Madison. They did not understand how factions could be dangerous to democracy, and they could not conceive of a majority behaving tyrannically. In the 20 years that I have taught, no American student—as opposed to my students from Central and Eastern Europe—has, on first asking, been able to give an example of a faction that is the “mortal disease” of popular government. In fact, the most frequently given example of a mortal danger, depending on the political leanings of the student responding, is either the Democratic or Republican Party. No American student has ever been able to give an example of majority tyranny.
A second difficulty was that many students could not read and understand Madison's untranslated 18th-century language. Students knew what every word meant, but they understood few of the sentences and none of the paragraphs. Obviously, students who cannot comprehend the text are unable to write effectively on the topic.
The third and perhaps most serious difficulty that students encountered was the manner in which Madison develops his argument. He does not state outright how he intends to resolve the problem of factions. Rather, he first presents a number of views that he ultimately rejects. He makes us consider whether we can rid ourselves of factions by taking away liberty, giving everyone the same opinion, equalizing property, handing power over to an enlightened statesman, fostering a religious sentiment that cools the passions of party rage, or decentralizing political life into small homogeneous societies where no difference of opinion blights the public sphere. When students write on the subject, at least half get lost in this litany of discarded political options.
For those students who do come to understand that Madison argues in favor of controlling the effects of factions, there is one more hurdle. Students follow Federalist #10 & 51 in dividing society into an innumerable multiplicity of factions, but they do not discover how those factions come together to form ruling majorities. Would not making more factions, I ask them in the comments I make on their papers, create greater difficulties for democratic government?
The most obvious reason why student papers in the collaborativelytaught course were better than those in other American Government classes was that the collaboratively-taught students spent more time and had to put greater effort into understanding Federalist #10 & 51. Students are capable of reading difficult material, even in dated English prose, but they have to expend greater effort to do so.
Second, the writing assignments in the Rhetoric class forced students to minutely dissect Madison's argument. Their paper assignments asked them to explain which factions they thought might threaten peace and stability. Once they began to understand how factions could upset their personal lives, they also became aware of the dilemmas that factions cause for popular governments. Madison's arguments were no longer a distant and abstract history lesson but became an expression of real-life problems.
Third, writing forced students to actively express their arguments. In this sense writing a paper is like learning a language. It is much easier to read and listen to than to speak or write a foreign language. But a language can be fully grasped only by having the ability to converse in it, just as a complex idea is fully understood only by exhibiting command of it in written form.
Fourth, students discovered through Madison that a good argument must present ideas opposed to the writer's. Politics is not an exact science and there are a variety of views about which policies are best. As Madison explains in Federalist #49, “all governments rest on opinion”; the most thoughtful opinions are those that have given consideration to the widest range of options. Students often resist presenting opposing arguments because it is difficult, confusing, and, in a deeper (Socratic) sense, upsetting to their uncritical acceptance of the “naturalness” of American democracy. Understanding why the wrong kinds of factions were dangerous and then working out a solution to the problem of factions obliged students to make arguments on their own—they considered, and rejected, the same alternatives as did Madison. Finally, in sorting through the problem students gained a certain mastery of how the large, commercial republic creates a multiplicity of factions whose relative weakness causes them to desire compromise and cooperation rather than confrontation and conflict—Madison's goal.
Perhaps the most important lesson that I took away from the collaborative experience was a renewed awareness that there are different ways to teach different kinds of material. It is fine to lecture when the intent is to convey information, such as the provisions of the War Powers Resolution, the influence and effectiveness of the committee system in Congress or the Supreme Court's reasoning in Roe v. Wade. Getting students to understand arguments is more difficult and time consuming. As a result of the collaborative class, I now use Madison's approach as a kind of model. I devote half a class to explaining why arguments are necessary, give a little assignment asking students to count the number of opinions that Madison rejects before coming to his conclusion, and engage in a class dialogue that challenges students to wonder why more factions are better than fewer. The lessons learned in the collaborative class made me look afresh at writing assignments in upper-level classes, and I have given new emphasis to topics that demand the sort of argumentation made by Madison in Federalist #10 & 51.
Among the many possible ways to design Rhetoric class—freshman composition—one is to teach the “modes” of essay development. Many popular composition texts emphasize these basic patterns of organization: definition, classification, cause and effect, process, comparison and contrast, description, etc.
I have never had much luck with this approach to teaching writing because the standard topics students choose—“how to make a peanut butter and jelly sandwich” for a process topic, “the meaning of courage,” for definition, and so on—can be banal or overly broad. While the exercises may give students a few basic strategies for organization, or may encourage them to write about something they feel comfortable with, in the long run, as a means of introducing first-year college students to academic writing, the modes have not worked very well in my classes.
That is, until I paired my Rhetoric class with American Government class for the first time in the fall semester of 1996. In the first few weeks of that class, as students focused on the difficult diction and convoluted reasoning of James Madison's Federalist #10, it suddenly became important that students know how to define words: they needed to understand the very fine distinctions between, for example, “democracy” as they understand it and the “pure democracy” and “republic” of Madison's treatise. They needed to compare his world with theirs. And they especially needed to understand his analysis of causes and effects.
And so the class began the semester with the text in front of us and with writing assignments to be done: how does Madison define democracy? (definition) What is the difference, in his view, between a democracy and a republic? (compare and contrast) Why does he believe a democracy is ultimately unsuccessful, and a large republic the best type of government for the new nation? (analysis) And so it went, close reading of a text—unusual in most first-semester writing classes—and careful thinking about what the text says, thinking aided by daily in-class writing.
On the first day of every semester I read students E. M. Forester's observation about writing: “How do I know what I think until I see what I say?” As much as I exhort students to avoid clichés and old saws in their own writing and classroom presentations, I cannot resist trotting out Forester's question, because it embodies what I am trying to teach.
Students did not have formed opinions on the topic. They gained an informed opinion about an issue—say, Federalist #10 —by writing about it and then examining what they had written, rewriting it after discussions with their classmates in Rhetoric and American Government, doing some limited research, and then writing about it again, perhaps from a slightly different perspective, perhaps with an entirely opposite slant.
The Rhetoric class that I taught collaboratively with James Pontuso's American Government class was one of my most successful in 16 years at Hampden-Sydney College. What I learned from the class has informed my introductory writing classes since. The class taught me how far students can be stretched—how, despite their bewilderment in the face of academic reading and writing, they take on and make sense of what seem like daunting works of literature and history and through careful reading and writing explore the texts' meanings and implications for their own lives.
When the students had parsed Madison's meaning by analyzing his discrete definitions, untangled his contorted reasoning by contrasting their understanding of factions and minorities and “majority tyranny” with his, and finally came to see the logic of his argument, eureka! They wanted to write arguments of their own.
Traditionally, the more complicated task of framing and supporting arguments, a higher-level thinking skill often undeveloped in males before the age of 23 (Hampden-Sydney College is one of the last all-male schools), is usually not part of writing classes before the second semester of the first year at the earliest. In fact, at Hampden-Sydney argumentation is the focus of the second semester writing course. However, after completing the collaboratively taught Rhetoric course, students were not only ready to undertake the task of writing arguments; they were eager and believed they were capable of writing complex papers, because they had just carefully studied a complex argument in Federalist #10.
And so, by the middle of the first semester, students in my Rhetoric class were ready to start writing arguments of their own. They wanted to argue with Madison and with each other about Madison's claims, drawing on their own experiences as citizens, not the people of the fledgling republic whom Madison was trying to persuade, but as citizens of the powerful 21stcentury republic that he and his brilliant cohorts had made possible. Students easily conjured examples of tyranny in their own lives—some thought of high school cliques, others of authoritarian administrations. A few students questioned (helped by our readings of Robert Bellah's Habits of the Heart as our parallel text in the course) some of the arguments Madison accepts so easily—that a representative democracy will control the power of the propertied classes, for example. Since many Hampden-Sydney students represent the propertied class, they were mystified by Madison's assertion: “The most common and durable source of factions has been the various and unequal distribution of property.” At age 18 or 19 they have rarely had occasion to examine their class position or many of the other basic assumptions of their lives.
During that semester, our discussions moved from factions to questions of self-reliance and community spirit and finally to the question of virtue. Madison said, “If there be no virtue among us, no form of government can render us secure. To suppose any form of government will secure liberty or happiness without any virtue in the people is a chimerical idea.”
So from the apparently sterile, dry—the students might say “tedious”—exercise at the beginning of the semester, of reading carefully and writing thoughtfully about what seemed at first an antiquated and weirdly written document, students in Rhetoric 101 finally reached the place where all writing begins. They began to see that, in addition to being a skill needed to succeed in the academy, writing can be a way to examine their own hearts and lives, a way to analyze the modern complicated world of factions and strife in which they live, and a way of thinking about their responses and their responsibilities to that world. Hampden-Sydney's mission is “to form good men and good citizens in an atmosphere of sound learning,” and that is what we tried to do. With James Madison's help we think we had a little more success than usual.
For my own teaching, the collaborative course taught me that serious texts such as The Iliad, Frankenstein, Emma, and The Red Badge of Courage can be used even in first-year writing classes and are excellent prompts not only for academic essays but also for writing about important personal issues. Although I have not found the “modes” method to be successful, thanks to Federalist #10 I have discovered again how to make important texts serve the cause of teaching clear writing and clear thinking.
Sadly the collaborative experiment stayed just that since Rosalind Warfield-Brown was offered and accepted a more prestigious job at Averett University.