Secretary Hillary Clinton and Deputy Prime Minister Pham Gia Khiem delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Hello. Well, it was a pleasure to welcome Deputy Prime Minister Khiem to the State Department. I want to start by expressing the deepest sympathy of the United States for the loss of life and destruction of property caused across so many countries through the impact of Typhoon Ketsana. And as I told Minister Khiem, we stand ready to assist the people of Vietnam as they recover from this tragedy, just as we are working with the victims of the earthquakes, of the tsunamis. There have been a number of natural disasters that have caused great damage.

I also reaffirmed to the minister the commitment of the United States to strengthen and deepen our relationship with Vietnam and the nations of Southeast Asia. We believe that this is a region vital to global progress, prosperity, and peace, and we are fully engaged with our partners in ASEAN on a wide range of challenges.

Next year will mark the 15^th anniversary of the normalization of diplomatic relations between our two countries. We can be proud of the progress we've made. I was very proud and am very fond of the memories of my own visit to Vietnam in 2000.

Today, we had a productive discussion focused on many issues—we talked very fast—including our regular dialogues on security; trade; human rights, especially freedom of expression; humanitarian cooperation; natural disaster cooperation; the fact that Vietnam will be presiding over the Security Council this month, as well as chairing ASEAN in 2010.

In the Security Council, we are working to advance nonproliferation, women's rights, and other areas, and we're going to work to deepen our already strong and growing economic ties. Last year, our two-way trade surpassed $15 billion. That is more than tenfold of an increase since our bilateral trade agreement went into effect in 2001. And the minister and I discussed areas where we're going to expand our trade and economic cooperation.

We will build on the work we did at the first Lower Mekong ministerial in Phuket, and there are many areas of not only bilateral but regional cooperation that we intend to explore.

So again, Minister Khiem, thank you so much for being here.

Deputy Prime Minister Khiem. The Secretary of State has kept you fully informed of our discussions. And I just want to add that the discussions took place in an atmosphere which is very friendly, constructive, and candid. And I reaffirmed the commitment of the Vietnamese Government to attach importance to relations with United States, and we consider the U.S. as the top partner of Vietnam.

And bilateral ties have been growing very fast in the past years, and we need to build on that progress for further expansion of bilateral economic and trade ties, and also cooperation in education training, our science and technology cooperation. We have high value for the quality of higher education of the United States, and currently over 10,000 Vietnamese students are studying in United States.

And we appreciate the U.S. cooperation with ASEAN, as well as the initiative of America in cooperating with the Mekong sub-region countries. And both sides strongly believe in the very strong and solid growth of cooperation in this area.

And I want to express our gratitude to Madame Secretary of State, to the State Department, for the warm reception and the arrangement for my visit. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you.

Q. I have two questions for Madame Secretary. The first is how do you evaluate the roles of Vietnam in ASEAN, and what does the U.S. expect when Vietnam take the chairmanship of ASEAN in 2010? And the second question is when Vietnam become chairman of ASEAN in 2010, there will be a summit between the U.S. and Vietnam— U.S. and ASEAN. So could you please tell us whether President Obama will make an official visit to Vietnam on that occasion? And I have one question for Deputy Prime Minister Pham Gia Khiem. (In Vietnamese.)

Secretary Clinton. Well, as to your questions for me, I'm looking forward to Vietnam assuming the chairmanship of ASEAN. We think there are a number of important issues that Vietnam will be able to lead ASEAN in addressing. I look forward to the ASEAN meeting in Vietnam, and I intend to be there. I cannot speak for the President's schedule, but I know that the President shares my deep commitment to deepening and strengthening our relationship between our two countries and also the importance of ASEAN.

Deputy Prime Minister Khiem. Before answering your questions, I want to go back to the information that our State President, Mr. Nguyen Minh Triet, has extended his official invitation to President Obama to visit Vietnam on the occasion of Vietnam's chairing of ASEAN. And I myself also extended the invitation to Madame Secretary of State.

If describing the bilateral relations, I just want to describe it in one sentence; that is, to build a partnership of friendship, constructiveness, multi-sided cooperation on a long-term and mutually beneficial basis. And our cooperation is not just confined in the trade or economic matters, but expanded to the education, science/technology, defense, security.

Q. May I ask a question, please? Did the avian flu come up at all?

Secretary Clinton. We talked about increased disease cooperation with respect to the Mekong initiative, and there will be a meeting quite soon to pursue that.

Mr. Kelly. Thank you.

Q. Thank you.

Deputy Prime Minister Khiem. Thank you.

President Barack Obama delivered this statement in Washington, DC

President Obama. On behalf of the American people, I want to express my deep condolences for the loss of life and devastation caused by recent storms in the Philippines, particularly Tropical Storm Ketsana. Michelle and I feel great sorrow over the hundreds of people who have died from the storms and resulting flooding and the hundreds of thousands more who have been displaced.

In the spirit of our long history of friendship and cooperation with the Philippines, the United States has been assisting the people of the Philippines. Our military forces and civilian agencies have supported local Philippine efforts by distributing relief supplies and helped in rescuing victims from inundated areas of Manila. As part of this effort, the U.S. Agency for International Development has so far allocated $1.8 million to respond to the disaster. As a longstanding friend and partner of the Philippines, we stand ready to continue our cooperation and assistance in the coming days.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Murray McCully delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, good afternoon, everyone, and join me, please, in welcoming Foreign Minister McCully to the State Department. We've had the opportunity to talk on several occasions and reaffirm the strong partnership between the United States and New Zealand which has enhanced peace and prosperity in the Pacific and beyond for many years. We have two nations that share democratic values, common historical, economic, and cultural ties, and we're working to meet a lot of the regional and global challenges together.

It would take too long to list everything that demonstrates this partnership. But for example, our soldiers serve side by side in Afghanistan. Our businesses and entrepreneurs are working side by side to create jobs and opportunity. We are working so hard with enhancing our collaboration in laboratories and classrooms. So this is a dynamic and durable partnership. And I'm very pleased that President Obama has nominated David Huebner to be the new ambassador for the United States to New Zealand and Samoa. If confirmed, I am confident that he will help to strengthen and deepen our partnership even further.

Today we talked about a wide range of matters. I thanked the foreign minister for New Zealand's leadership in the aftermath of last week's Pacific tsunami. They immediately sent much-needed humanitarian aid, closely coordinating with the United States, Australia, France, and the nations of the region to get assistance to those most directly affected. This response is representative of New Zealanders' compassion and their commitment to international cooperation.

New Zealand troops are participating in crucial peacekeeping missions around the world. They're helping to build a more stable and peaceful Afghanistan. We're grateful for their service and sacrifice. And we also appreciate New Zealand's efforts to combat nuclear proliferation and the spread of weapons of mass destruction. New Zealand is a leader in international development and global health. And I know that New Zealand has pledged to provide 10 percent of its H1N1 vaccine stock to developing countries, in partnership with the United States and other donor nations.

I also want to applaud New Zealand's leadership on behalf of our efforts to combat climate change, to reduce greenhouse gases, particularly in the agricultural sector, building on more than 50 years of scientific cooperation in Antarctica. Researchers from New Zealand and the United States are studying the effects of climate change on the polar ice caps and helping to provide critical information as the world works together to meet this global challenge.

So all in all, it's a great pleasure for me to welcome the minister and I look forward to a very positive level of cooperation in the weeks, months, and years to come.

Foreign Minister McCully. Thank you, Madame Secretary. It's been a real pleasure to have this opportunity to meet again with Secretary Clinton. I've been in Washington for a couple of days, attending what we call the U.S.-New Zealand Partnership Forum, a collection of leading business people and political leaders from New Zealand and the United States who work together to try and advance the relationship across the many spheres that the Secretary of State has referred to.

Madame Secretary, can I say thank you for sending us an ambassador which, as you say, will serve to give us further impetus and momentum in a relationship that is already working very successfully indeed.

Today, we had the opportunity to reflect on the speedy and effective response that both of us—both nations brought to the tragic tsunami event in Samoa, an area— part of the world where both New Zealand and the United States have responsibilities. In particular, I welcome the fact that our services worked so closely and cooperatively in dealing with those events. We discussed today also the partnership that we have in bringing renewable energy to the small pacific nations, an initiative that is going to assist them economically, but also make a significant contribution to dealing with the swift climate change.

We also discussed our partnership in Antarctica, a very old partnership indeed, and I was able to update Secretary Clinton on the wind turbine, which we have under construction as we speak. This should be open early next year, which will generate renewable energy for the New Zealand and U.S. bases on that continent.

I also took the opportunity to thank the Secretary of State for the leadership that the United States provides in so many areas of world activity that are important to New Zealand. I was able to thank Secretary Clinton for the leadership that's being shown in relation to nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation and pledged to support the work that she and President Obama have undertaken in this truly important area, an area that New Zealand does wish to support strongly.

In relation to world events, we support the work that the U.S. has been engaged in to provide stability for the world economy in these challenging times, and of course, the steps that the U.S. is undertaking to ensure that we fight terrorism wherever it is. In particular, we reflected on our partnership and work together in Afghanistan, where we worked together to try and assure that there is stability and security to provide for the reconstruction work that needs to occur there.

We are, in New Zealand, very conscious of the fact that so often, the United States is asked to step up and bear a disproportionate share of the burden of doing the difficult things in the world, and I was very pleased to have an opportunity to thank Secretary Clinton on behalf of New Zealanders for all of those things.

So all in all, we celebrate today a relationship that is in great shape, that is moving forward strongly, and I again appreciate this opportunity to visit and to reflect on the work that we have ahead of us.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. Thank you very much, Minister.

Q. Hi. I'm Fran O'Sullivan from The New Zealand Herald. It's been very interesting, Secretary Clinton, to watch close up your engagement on the international sphere, and particularly the new era for Washington and the U.S., which our foreign minister has heralded.

As you seek to reach out to the new partners, what real role do you see for New Zealand at a more substantive level going forward, and particularly in the areas of defense, in the areas of security, in the areas of the Pacific, and more particularly in East Asia, where there is still a vacuum in leadership, which I think China at this stage is filling at perhaps the U.S. detriment?

Secretary Clinton. Well, we very much value New Zealand's partnership and its leadership in all of the areas that you just mentioned. We are resuming our intelligence-sharing cooperation, which we think is very significant. We believe that New Zealand has a particular ability to assist us in looking at the broad range of challenges that we face. We're looking to New Zealand to really lead the way in dealing with climate change and clean energy, both of which we think are not only an environmental issue, but a national security issue.

We discussed in our meeting the energy development program that the minister is very focused on, which I fully support, to help the Pacific Island nations move away from their dependence on imported oil and petroleum products. When it comes to what we're doing together in Afghanistan, we consider New Zealand a full partner at the table. Your special forces, the SAS, are among the very best that are deployed. And we want to learn from, we want New Zealand to take the lead on in this review that we're undergoing to determine how we can best deploy not just American assets, but international assets, and most importantly, Afghan assets.

We also are working with New Zealand on a range of global concerns like nonproliferation. We think New Zealand has a particularly credible voice in the world community on nonproliferation, and there will be a bilateral discussion between our two countries on those issues. So I could go on and on, but the list is long and the model that New Zealand represents, its commitment to playing an international role, punching above its weight, so to speak, is something that we highly value.

Q. That includes China?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I think that the Pacific region includes New Zealand and China, and it includes the United States. I mean, one of the messages that I sent early on in my tenure was that the United States was back, that there was some feeling among countries in the Pacific region that the United States had receded. Well, there should be no doubt of that. In fact, earlier today, I did a videoconference with our chiefs of mission from all of the countries in the Greater Pacific Region. And we are committed to our relationships on a bilateral basis, but also multilateral. I appreciated the minister coming to a meeting I hosted in New York of Pacific Island nations. We saw one another at ASEAN in the regional forum in Phuket, Thailand. So it's about our bilateral, it's about our multilateral, it's about the region, and it's about global. So I'm very pleased to have this very good relationship get even better.

Secretary Robert Gates and Minister Toshimi Kitazawa delivered these remarks in Tokyo, Japan

Minister Kitazawa. (In Japanese.)

Secretary Gates. Thank you, Mr. Minister. And let me express to you my thanks for hosting these very productive talks.

Japan and the United States are nearing the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security—a half century of partnership and cooperation based on shared interests and shared values. It is the cornerstone of our security policy in Asia.

There will be many opportunities over the coming year to celebrate all that we have achieved together. The true legacy of the last 50 years is the enormous potential we have to strengthen our ties in order to tackle security challenges as an alliance of equals in the 21st century.

Minister Kitazawa and I discussed a range of matters of mutual interests. I should note that many of these issues will also be on the agenda for the president's visit next month, and I would add—I passed on to the prime minister and the foreign minister and defense minister how much President Obama is looking forward to coming to Japan next month.

The issues we discussed included the importance of our bilateral realignment road map, its strategic benefits to the U.S., Japan and the region—(inaudible)—the importance of moving forward expeditiously on the road map as agreed.

There are the challenges facing Afghanistan and Pakistan where I expressed my appreciation for all that Japan's self-defense forces have done in that region with regard to refueling and economic reconstruction and security assistance. We appreciate Japan stepping forward in other areas such as piracy, and the international community will continue to expect Japan to exercise leadership in meeting global security challenges.

There is the possibility of strengthening bilateral coordination on regional disaster response, a priority for both of our governments.

The minister and I spoke about how to work together as an alliance to achieve our shared objective of a denuclearized North Korea. And we discussed the importance of Japan's host nation support, which the U.S. views as a strategic pillar of the alliance that reflects Japan's commitment to our relationship.

We look forward to working with the new government here in Japan, and I especially look forward to working alongside Minister Kitazawa and building on the legacy of the last 50 years to strengthen and deepen our partnership for the future.

Minister Kitazawa. (In Japanese.)

Q. (In Japanese.)

Minister Kitazawa. (In Japanese.)

Secretary Gates. First of all, we are very sympathetic to the desire of the new government in Japan to review the realignment road map. This was done at the beginning of the administration of President Obama and the United States. It was done in a timely enough way that Secretary of State Clinton was able to sign the Guam International Agreement in February with the Japanese foreign minister.

Our view is clear. The Futenma relocation facility is the lynchpin of the realignment road map. Without the Futenma realignment, the Futenma facility, there will be no relocation to Guam. And without relocation to Guam, there will be no consolidation of forces and the return of land in Okinawa.

Our view is this may not be the perfect alternative for anyone, but it is the best alternative for everyone, and it is time to move on.

We are—feel strongly that this is a complex agreement, negotiated over a period of many years. It is interlocking—(inaudible)—immensely complicated and counterproductive. We have investigated all of the alternatives in great detail and believe that they are both politically untenable and operationally unworkable.

With respect to a time limit, we have not talked in terms of a time limit, but rather the need to progress as quickly as possible.

And finally, with respect to some modest change in the runway of a few tens of meters or whatever, we regard that as a matter between the government of Okinawa and the people of Okinawa and the government here in Tokyo, and our only caveat would be that it not slow the implementation process.

Q. For both of you, given how much has changed in the U.S.-Japanese relationship since the alliance was founded and the new government's desire here to modify or adjust that alliance, what does Japan concretely have in mind at doing to change or alter or improve the alliance? And then for the U.S. Defense Secretary, what should the role be of the U.S. military here and in the region? And should that role be scaled back or somehow changed?

Minister Kitazawa. (In Japanese.)

Secretary Gates. I commented to the minister this morning that one of the biggest changes that I had seen between the time I left the government in 1993 and returning to government in 2006 was the extraordinary improvement in the relationship between the United States and Japan and how much closer the alliance is now than it was even 13 years ago, 15 years ago now.

It seems to me that the primary purpose of our alliance from a military standpoint is to provide for the security of Japan. This defense umbrella has protected Japan for, now, nearly 50 years. It allows Japan to have a defense budget, a self-defense force budget of roughly one percent of GDP. But I think the alliance also represents a shared interest between the United States and Japan in terms of regional security, and the capabilities that we have here in Japan make an important contribution to that regional security in a time, if anything, is becoming more complex with developments in North Korea and elsewhere than in the past.

I would say there are many opportunities to expand the relationship. We already are doing a great deal together on missile defense as the minister mentioned earlier. We're talking about how we can expand our military-to-military cooperation and interoperability in areas such as disaster assistance and humanitarian relief where we both have common interests.

I made the comment to the minister in our meeting that in some ways as you look around this part of the world and recent developments in places like Indonesia and the Philippines, the greatest enemy seems to be Mother Nature, and we have the capabilities to deal with the consequences of some of these disasters, working together.

So I think that there's great opportunity to expand this relationship and strengthen it, even as we strengthen our relationships with our countries in the region.

Secretary Robert Gates delivered these remarks in Seoul, South Korea

Introductory Remarks Omitted

Secretary Gates. To the American servicemen and women with us today, I want to extend my appreciation for your willingness to serve and continue serving. While our country's attention is under-standably—and rightfully—focused on the campaigns in Afghanistan and Iraq, you should never forget how important your work is to the national security of the United States. You are the latest in the long line of American warriors who first fought—and then stood watch—on this, one of the few remaining “frontiers of freedom” left over from the last century's epic struggle. And I thank you for it.

I am very pleased that this is a combined gathering with personnel from the Republic of Korea's armed forces. This event, and this audience, symbolizes the close ties between our two militaries and our two countries—bonds that were first forged in the crucible of blood, heartbreak, and shared sacrifice nearly six decades ago. It is an alliance that is as strong and necessary as ever, even as it evolves and transforms to suit the new security realities of this uncertain and dangerous new century. At the outset, I want our Korean allies to know that America will continue to stand with you, shoulder-to-shoulder, as a close friend and reliable partner.

Any change in a relationship as deep and long-held as ours, no matter how welcome, inevitably leads to some degree of trepidation and uncertainty—especially as real dangers continue to haunt this peninsula. So in the next few minutes I'd like to offer some thoughts about the state of the alliance: where we stand today and where we need it to be headed in the future together—issues that you, as part of this alliance's combined cadre of military officers and senior non-commissioned officers, will be working for years to come.

I should start with the Joint Vision Statement set forth by our heads of state earlier this summer. It recognized that the United States-Republic of Korea Mutual Defense Treaty remains the cornerstone of our security relationship. But the Joint Vision Statement did not merely reflect on the alliance's past. It also envisioned a future in which the Alliance is developing—from a relationship focused on the static defense of territory, to an active strategic partnership here on the peninsula and beyond.

This change is taking form through the transition of wartime operational control to the Republic of Korea—when the ROK Armed Forces will assume its proper lead role in the defense of its national territory. The ROK military's tradition to being the supported command in 2012 is the culmination of a series of shifts towards greater responsibility over the past three decades. These shifts have reflected the evolution of the U.S. role—from protector of a war-torn land to the role of a full partner with one of the world's most dynamic economies and capable militaries.

Today, the ROK military is well positioned to take the lead in the combined defense of this country. We enthusiastically support the Defense Reform 2020 Agenda, a bold plan of modernization that will produce a more agile, deployable, and effective force. This future force will be not just more capable of defending the peninsula, but be a contributor to regional and global security as well. The recent announcement of a new, specialized peacekeeping unit in the ROK military is especially welcome in that respect.

As President Lee said on Armed Forces Day three weeks ago, Korea's military must “adapt and transform to new environments and new types of threats”—to not only protect the homeland, but also transform into a force that can also “carry out roles commensurate with its growing stature as a global Korea.”

As America's military has learned from the experience of transforming in the midst of two wars, changing proud and successful institutions is no easy task. The challenge for the Republic of Korea is that which has vexed America's defense establishment: how to achieve the right balance between emphasizing traditional strengths and preparing for emerging missions; between the conventional and irregular; between direct military action and building the capabilities of key allies and partners. And to do all of these things with limited time, knowledge, and resources.

As with all of our allies, we encourage the Republic of Korea's political leaders to make an investment in defense appropriate to Korea's emerging role as a contributor to global security, and commensurate with the threat you face on the peninsula.

America's long-term military commitment here recognizes that the peril posed by the North Korean regime remains, and in many ways has become even more lethal and destabilizing. Despite the hopes and best efforts of U.S. and Republic of Korea leaders, the character and priorities of the North Korean regime have sadly not changed. Its armed forces can still inflict enormous destruction south of the de-militarized zone, though North Korea's ability to launch another conventional ground invasion is much degraded from even a decade or so ago.

Today, it is North Korea's pursuit of nuclear weapons and proliferation of nuclear know-how and ballistic missile weapons and parts that have focused our attention—developments that threaten not just the peninsula, but the Pacific Rim and international stability as well. There should be no mistaking that we do not today, nor will we ever, accept a North Korea with nuclear weapons. We will work, as an alliance and with other allies and partners for the complete and verifiable denuclearization of North Korea.

Toward that end, the United States is committed to providing extended deterrence using the full range of American military might—from the nuclear umbrella to conventional strike and missile defense capabilities. To be sure, the United States will maintain an enduring and capable military presence on the Korean Peninsula. Our long-term commitment is signified by our plans to make three year accompanied tours the norm for most U.S. troops in Korea—similar to arrangements we have in Europe.

But this security relationship is not defined solely by how the alliance is organized to uphold these mutual security commitments. We must restructure the way we are postured, the way we operate, and the way we think. Your daily cooperation and working relations—the connective tissue of this alliance—will increasingly deal with a number of non-traditional missions and security issues, including:

Non-proliferation;

Ballistic missile defense;

Regional security cooperation, to include cooperation with Japan;

Humanitarian assistance and disaster relief;

Global peacekeeping, stability, and reconstruction operations; and

Other areas yet unforeseen.

The shift in the U.S.-Korea Alliance reflects wider changes underway in Asia's security architecture. For most of the Cold War, security and stability in the Pacific Rim were provided by a series of bilateral alliances between the United States and our closest allies—the hub and spokes model, if you will. Those ties and obligations remain strongly in place. But what we are seeing more of, and would like to encourage, is more security cooperation among our traditional allies and with other partners in the region. A recognition that virtually all the most pressing and dangerous security challenges—from piracy to proliferation—will require cooperation among multiple nations of shared interest.

The Republic of Korea, of course, has deployed and fought alongside the U.S. military in a number of contingencies over the past 50 years—including Vietnam and Iraq. I see a different dynamic and logic to Korea's international military role today. In the past, deployments were considered something that Korea was doing for the United States. Going forward, Korea's international military contributions should be seen as what they are—something that is done to benefit your own security and vital national interests.

The will and the ability of the ROK to act regionally and globally are entirely consistent with your obligation to lead the defense of this peninsula. The United States and the Republic of Korea are invariably bound by the same mutual interest in peace and stability around the world—bringing new resonance to the words “we go together.”

I would like to direct my closing comments to our hosts and friends in the Korean military.

As many of you know, our honored guest, General Paik, some time ago published his memoirs of the Korean War. In his book he described his first interactions with the American army—including fighting alongside the U.S. 27^th Regiment, the “Wolfhounds,” in the war's early weeks.

In the battle of Tabu Dong in August 1950, General Paik—then a 29-year-old division commander—personally led an allied counterattack that repelled the invaders from a key ridge. Reflecting on that battle, he later wrote: “I learned in this first combined ROK-U.S. operation that success depended on mutual trust. If the [North Koreans] kicked us out of the hills, the Americans would be trapped in the valley. And if the [North Koreans] punched through the Americans, we would be isolated in the hills. Thus, if the men of each army did not trust the other, neither would have the confidence to fight.”

We can be hopeful that such carnage and suffering inflicted on this country and her warriors are fading into hallowed memory. We can also be confident that, nearly 60 years later, the Republic of Korea military is poised to lead the defense of your homeland and protect your nation's security interests around the world. And the shared values, mutual trust, and bold leadership that General Paik demonstrated and identified as the key to this friendship will continue and grow stronger.

I thank you for your time today, and look forward to your questions.

41st U.S.-RoK Security Consultative Meeting Joint Communiqué

The following is the text of a joint communiqué issued in Seoul, Korea, on Oct. 22, 2009.

1. The 41st Republic of Korea—United States Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) was held in Seoul on October 22, 2009. ROK Minister of National Defense Kim, Tae Young and U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates led their respective delegations, which included senior defense and foreign affairs officials. Before the SCM, the Chairman of the ROK Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Lee, Sang-eui and the Chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Michael G. Mullen, presided over the 31st ROK-U.S. Military Committee Meeting (MCM) on October 21, 2009.

2. The Minister and the Secretary reaffirmed the commitment of the ROK and U.S. Presidents to build a comprehensive strategic Alliance of bilateral, regional and global scope, based on common values and mutual trust, as set forth in the Joint Vision for the Alliance of the ROK and the U.S. on June 16, 2009. They also agreed to closely cooperate to implement and build upon the Joint Vision through continued development of measures for the direction of ROK-U.S. defense cooperation, thereby further strengthening the Alliance for the 21st Century.

3. The Minister and the Secretary reiterated that the ROK and the U.S. will not accept North Korea as a nuclear weapon state. They discussed North Korea's missile and nuclear tests in April and May 2009 and recent short-range ballistic missile launches. The Minister and the Secretary reaffirmed these acts clearly violate UN Security Council resolutions and Six-Party Talks agreements; undermine the global non-proliferation regime; and constitute direct and grave threats to peace and stability not only for the ROK and regional neighbors, but also the entire international community. The Minister and the Secretary agreed to closely cooperate on the full and faithful implementation of UN Security Council resolutions 1718 and 1874, and to continue joint efforts to achieve the complete and verifiable denuclearization of North Korea in a peaceful manner through the Six-Party Talks.

4. Secretary Gates reiterated his support for the ROK Government's efforts to reduce tensions on the Korean Peninsula and develop inter-Korean relations for mutual benefits and common prosperity through dialogue, while making the denuclearization of North Korea a top priority. The Minister and the Secretary agreed to further strengthen defense cooperation, ensuring combined readiness to effectively address future challenges and emerging needs in the security environment. They reaffirmed the important role that the ROK-U.S. Alliance has in maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.

5. The Minister and the Secretary reaffirmed the two nations' mutual commitment to the fundamental mission of the Alliance to defend the Republic of Korea through a robust combined defense posture, as well as to the enhancement of mutual security based on the Mutual Defense Treaty. They also agreed that the ROK-U.S. Alliance remains vital to the future interests of both nations in securing peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula and in Northeast Asia, and stressed their determination to ensure sufficient capabilities of the combined forces for the security of the Republic of Korea. Secretary Gates reiterated the firm and unwavering U.S. commitment to the defense of the ROK using both capabilities postured on the Korean Peninsula and globally available U.S. forces and capabilities that are strategically flexible to deploy to augment the combined defense in case of crisis. Minister Kim and Secretary Gates acknowledged this commitment is further demonstrated and strengthened by extending and normalizing tour lengths for all service members assigned to Korea to three years, along with the commitment to maintain the current U.S. troop level in Korea.

6. Secretary Gates reaffirmed the U.S. commitment to provide extended deterrence for the ROK, using the full range of military capabilities, to include the U.S. nuclear umbrella, conventional strike, and missile defense capabilities. Minister Kim conveyed his appreciation for the U.S. commitment and both sides agreed to work closely together to enhance the effectiveness of extended deterrence.

7. The Minister and the Secretary agreed to consult closely on the future combined force posture, making enhancements as necessary, to ensure that robust forces and capabilities are available to deter aggression against the ROK and defend against that aggression should deterrence fail. They also agreed to cooperate to maintain appropriate preparedness to implement the shared vision of regional and global contribution in support of mutual security interests.

8. The Minister and the Secretary agreed that the ROK-U.S. Alliance plays a significant role in fostering the peace, stability and prosperity in the region. They further agreed to work jointly to develop cooperative relations and to promote multilateral security cooperation in the region and globally, highlighting the important role that regional partners play in helping advance mutual interests of both the ROK and the U.S.

9. The Minister and the Secretary agreed that the ROK and the U.S. will continue to enhance close Alliance cooperation to address wide-ranging global security challenges of mutual interest, including through peacekeeping activities, stabilization and reconstruction efforts, humanitarian assistance, and disaster relief. In this regard, Secretary Gates expressed appreciation for the ROK's continued support to promote peace and stability in areas such as the Gulf of Aden and Lebanon. Minister Kim also expressed his appreciation for the U.S.' active support to enable the Korean military unit deployed to the Gulf of Aden to successfully conduct its missions. Secretary Gates noted with appreciation the Korean government's May 26, 2009 endorsement of and participation in the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) as a significant demonstration of cooperation in the global effort to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), acknowledging the importance of mutual support and cooperation on PSI-related activities, including exercises and information-sharing.

10. The Minister and the Secretary received a report on the results of the ROK-U.S. Military Committee Meeting from the Commander of the ROK-U.S. Combined Forces Command (CFC), General Walter L. Sharp, which highlighted that the combined defense posture is capable and ready to “Fight Tonight,” and that it is prepared to effectively respond to any threat or provocation.

11. Having agreed with the CFC Commander's report that the transition of wartime OPCON of ROK military forces is proceeding smoothly and on schedule, and in accordance with the Strategic Transition Plan (STP), the Minister and the Secretary reaffirmed their intent for the transition to occur on April 17, 2012. They also reaffirmed that the implementation of the STP will be regularly assessed and reviewed at the annual SCM/MCM, with a close eye on North Korean threats, and reflected in the transition process. In this regard, they further noted the importance of the OPCON Certification Plan in ensuring the transition is implemented methodically to validate that the combined defense posture remains strong and seamless. The Minister and the Secretary praised the successful results of the Ulchi Freedom Guardian (UFG) exercise held in August 2009 as a demonstration of the capabilities of the ROK Joint Chiefs of Staff in leading the combined warfight. The Minister and the Secretary agreed to receive Interim Certification Reports and Final Certification Report at the SCMs until the transition is completed.

12. To ensure that the combined defense remains robust, the Secretary reaffirmed that the U.S. will provide specific and significant bridging capabilities until the ROK obtains full self-defense capabilities. Secretary Gates further noted the U.S. commitment to contribute U.S. enduring capabilities to the combined defense for the life of the Alliance. Additionally, the Minister and the Secretary agreed that the two militaries have made substantial progress on the development of military plans and strategic documents related to a range of situations to ensure the combined defense is prepared for an effective response. They agreed to continually conduct combined exercises for the maintenance, development, and readiness of a strong combined defense posture, both during the transition of wartime OPCON as well as afterwards.

13. The Minister and the Secretary received a report on the results of the ROK-U.S. Security Policy Initiative (SPI) meetings over the past year, and expressed satisfaction that, through close consultations, the ROK and the U.S. are making significant progress on important issues in further developing the Alliance, including: ensuring an effective combined defense, proceeding with the implementation of U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) relocation and camp returns, and articulating a shared future vision for the Alliance. The Minister and the Secretary agreed to continue SPI consultations in 2010 and beyond, based on the significant accomplishments of the past five years and the mutual desire to continue to enhance the ROK-U.S. Alliance.

14. The Minister and the Secretary acknowledged the progress on USFK base relocation and camp returns. The Minister and the Secretary agreed to work closely together to complete successfully base relocation and camp returns, noting that the efficient and effective completion of these cooperative joint efforts are in the best interest of both nations. The Minister and the Secretary agreed to minimize challenges and to strive for rapid completion of the Yongsan Relocation Plan (YRP) and Land Partnership Plan (LPP). The Minister and the Secretary expressed satisfaction with the agreement on the Joint Environmental Assessment Procedure (JEAP), established in March 2009 to facilitate bilateral cooperation for camp returns, noting that the JEAP is expected to be successfully applied to complete the return of seven facilities, including Camp Hialeah, by the end of the year.

15. The Minister and the Secretary expressed satisfaction with the 8th Special Measures Agreement (SMA), signed on January 15, 2009, effective from 2009 to 2013. Secretary Gates offered his appreciation to the ROK, emphasizing that the ROK's host nation support significantly contributes to a stable stationing environment for USFK. The Minister and the Secretary shared the view that the new SMA will play an important role in enhancing the combined defense posture and strengthening the Alliance. Both sides agreed to work closely together to implement the recently agreed in-kind contribution program.

16. Secretary Gates expressed sincere appreciation to Minister Kim for the courtesy and hospitality extended to him and his delegation by the Government of the Republic of Korea, and for the excellent arrangements which contributed to the success of the meeting. The Minister and the Secretary agreed that the discussions during the 41st SCM and 31st MCM contributed substantively to strengthening the ROK-U.S. Alliance and further enhanced the development of the bilateral defense relationship into a comprehensive strategic Alliance. Both sides agreed to hold the 42nd SCM in Washington, D.C. at a mutually convenient time in 2010.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Singapore at the APEC Singapore Conference

Secretary Clinton. I very much appreciate the hard work that Singapore has put in to making this meeting a success, and I thanked the two co-chairs of the ministerial, Minister Yoh, and Minister Lim, for their leadership. During this morning's APEC foreign ministers breakfast, we covered major regional security issues. North Korea's nuclear program is of foremost concern, and the United States is committed to making progress on this issue.

Our Special Representative for North Korea Policy, Ambassador Stephen Bosworth, will visit Pyongyang in the near future. The decision to send him was reached after extensive consultation with our partners in the Six-Party process. They share our view that Ambassador Bosworth can use this opportunity to press the basic principles of the September 2005 joint statement, including full, peaceful, verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and work toward the resumption of the Six-Party Talks.

We have made the purpose and parameters of this visit clear to the North Koreans. This is not a negotiation; it is an effort to pave the way toward North Korea's return to the Six-Party process. Let me emphasize that our expectations of Pyongyang have not changed and will not change, nor has our commitment to the Six-Party process. We will use diplomacy and we will work closely with our partners to find a peaceful path to our shared objective on the Korean Peninsula.

We also discussed the United States approach to Burma. We have begun engaging the Burmese authorities in highlevel dialogue to advance our goals of democratic reforms and human rights. Burma's neighbors and members of ASEAN have an especially important role to play in encouraging the Burmese Government to move forward on reform, to start a meaningful internal dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, political parties, and ethnic minorities; and to hold credible, fair elections in 2010. I reiterated that U.S. sanctions will remain in place until we see meaningful progress in key areas.

In the ministerial meetings and over lunch through the rest of the day, we discussed a wide range of economic and foreign policy issues, especially expanding trade and ensuring sustainable and inclusive growth. I talked about American efforts to advance development and spread opportunity through increased funding and new initiatives.

Q. Do you have any indication from Kurt Campbell's initial soundings with the Burmese that they really will be amenable to changing the political setup that they have for next year? And would the return of Aung San Suu Kyi herself to political life in Burma be a condition for a more normal United States relationship with Burma?

Secretary Clinton. Well, Dave, as you know, we had two very high American diplomats, Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell and Deputy Assistant Secretary Scot Marciel, go to Burma last week and spend a considerable amount of time meeting with not only government officials, but also in a private meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi, members of political opposition and ethnic groups. It was a very thorough and constructive set of visits, and the United States is committed to a process to try to encourage and support Burma's path to democracy.

There is a lot of work to do. We have no illusions that any of this will be easy or quick. But we have consulted broadly with our allies and partners in this region, particularly within ASEAN, and we have a lot of solidarity as we move forward with what is a more calibrated approach. We're seeking to see a process inside Burma that would inspire and permit dialogue among all of the stakeholders so that there could be a growing consensus within Burma itself about the way forward.

This is a very challenging situation, as many of the countries represented here at this meeting can attest, but the United States is committed to moving forward and staying in close consultation with the parties inside Burma as well as other countries that share our goal for a more peaceful, stable, democratic Burma.

We think this has to be resolved within the Burmese people themselves, so we are not setting or dictating any conditions. We want to help facilitate the space and opportunity for the Burmese people to try to work out the challenges they face in having free and credible elections and setting forth a plan for a more prosperous and peaceful future.

Moderator. Next question, Sondang Sirait from SCTV Indonesia.

Q. Madame Secretary, we know that you held a meeting with the Indonesian foreign minister this morning. If you could tell us about what you talked about in the meeting? And also about the upcoming meeting between President Obama and President SBY this weekend?

Secretary Clinton. Well, we had an excellent meeting with the foreign minister today. We covered a broad range of issues, some affecting our bilateral relationship, some affecting regional and other global issues. And I think it would be fair to say that it was such a comprehensive discussion that we ran out of time before we each had to get back to our respective responsibilities. But I am very impressed by the foreign minister. His grasp of the issues that—not only his country, but to—all of us now face. His principled and pragmatic approach toward working through those issues was extremely impressive, and I look forward to working with him.

We will be establishing our strategic dialogue between our two countries, and we also anticipate seeing Indonesia play a larger and larger role in the region and on the global stage, as it is doing, for example, in the G-20. In particular, the experience that Indonesia has over the last 10 years of transitioning to a vibrant democracy, we believe, is very relevant in Asia, and in particular, in Burma. And we have learned a lot from our conversations with our Indonesian counterparts.

We really congratulated the minister, and of course, President SBY for a very impressive win and an electoral victory. There will be a great deal for our presidents to discuss when they see each other here over the weekend. I know that President Obama has a very special place in his heart for Indonesia and is looking forward to visiting soon. There is just a very positive relationship between our two countries, and we want to broaden and deepen that and take it to a new level.

Moderator. Next question, Lachlan Carmichael from AFP.

Q. Madame Secretary, three questions on North Korea: Do you support, does the United States support the South Korean version of events that the North Korean boat crossed in—crossed the border? And with whom did you discuss this today? And finally, do you have any second thoughts about sending Ambassador Bosworth to North Korea in light of these events? I think the goal was to send him there by the end of the year.

Secretary Clinton. Well, Lachlan, as you know, there have been flare-ups of the sort we have seen over the last day between North and South Korea over a number of years. There is a set of issues around territorial waters that often serve as a backdrop to this kind of confrontation. I have no reason to question the accounts that we are receiving. We are obviously hoping that the situation does not escalate, and we're encouraged by the calm reaction that has been present up until now.

I've spoken, obviously, with my team back in Washington and with Kurt Campbell and the others who have responsibility for this region while we've been here. But this does not in any way affect our decision to send Ambassador Bosworth. We think that is an important step that stands on its own. It is connected to our efforts, along with our Six-Party partners, to move toward resumption of the Six-Party process. We think that is critically important.

So we are certainly counseling calm and caution when it comes to any kind of dispute, especially one that can cause repercussions and damage that could be quite difficult to contend with. But at the same time, we're moving ahead with our planned visit for Ambassador Bosworth.

Moderator. The last question will go to Channel News Asia, Augustine Anthuvan.

Q. Madame Secretary, I'd just like to revisit the question my colleague asked earlier about Myanmar. It's significant for ASEAN, and of course, there is a substantial Burmese community here in Singapore. Secretary Campbell, when he spoke before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, he emphasized, underscored to senior Chinese Government officials the need for Beijing to play a positive role in promoting reform in Burma. I'd like to hear your thoughts, ma'am, on expanding on what exactly you would like to see from China.

And a related question, of course, is that you said it's very much left to the people of Myanmar to see how things unfold in 2010 for the elections. But what sort of role can ASEAN play in terms of on-the-ground, independent observers during the elections? Thank you very much, ma'am.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, and I think those are important questions because we need a broad response by the nations in the region. Certainly, China has the opportunity to play a very positive role, as does Thailand, India, and other ASEAN countries. We would like to see countries individually and through ASEAN reach out to the Burmese leadership, persuade them that it is time to start planning for free, fair and credible elections in 2010—2010 is nearly here— that it would be useful to have validation of those elections. And again, countries in the region and certainly, institutionally, ASEAN can offer support to ensure that the elections are viewed as credible.

But I think it's also important to recognize that left alone, the internal problems within Burma are not confined within Burma's borders. We've seen refugee flows out of Burma, people taking to boats, ending up in Malaysia, ending up in Indonesia, ending up in Australia, crossing the border into Thailand. That instability is not good for anyone. Any country that does business in Burma wants to be sure that their investments and their business are safe. And the best way to ensure that is to move toward democracy and the kind of stability that democracy creates, the kind of investment climate that will attract even more businesses.

So we look to all the countries in the region to play a role, and we particularly anticipate ASEAN playing a significant role. I mean, if we're able to encourage the Burmese leadership to meet in dialogue with representatives of various aspects of Burmese society, we hope that that can be encouraged by other nations and by ASEAN, maybe facilitated by ASEAN, because planning for these elections must be a priority, and how it is monitored is something to be discussed and analyzed.

But what's important is getting some confidence that these will be free, fair, and credible elections. Otherwise, the Burmese leadership and the results of the election will not have international legitimacy. And since the Burmese leadership has said they want to have such elections, we hope that they will work with us to try to make sure that those elections gain credibility and that their results are respected globally.

Thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Secretary Alberto Romulo delivered these remarks in Manila, Philippines

Foreign Secretary Romulo. Thank you all for joining us this afternoon. It is my privilege to welcome Secretary Hillary Clinton to Manila. She was here as First Lady with President Bill Clinton during our hosting of APEC in 1996, and this time she is here as the U.S. Secretary of State. In the issue that just came out, Time calls the Secretary the most powerful U.S. public diplomat in quite some time; let me add, also the most popular foreign secretary the world over, and in no country more so than here in the Philippines.

Welcome, Madame Secretary. Our long history as friends and allies is deeply rooted in our commitment to freedom and democracy. We fought and shed blood together in the foxholes of Bataan and Corregidor 67 years ago. And we are determined to deepen and broaden our partnership, and to work together in facing today's challenges. When Typhoon Ketsana in Burma battered our cities and towns, among the first to come to our assistance was the United States—in personnel, in resources, in equipment, in helicopters, in soldier boats, bulldozers, you name it, forklifts.

In my area where I live, the first to rescue survivors were the U.S. Navy in the soldier boat. We are therefore honored to have the opportunity to personally express our deep gratitude to Secretary Clinton for the timely and substantial assistance given by the U.S. Government during our recent natural disasters. As Secretary Clinton has just said, she is now visiting us to show solidarity with our friends in the Philippines who have been battered and have suffered so much. Thank you, Madame Secretary.

I'll now ask the Secretary to (inaudible).

Secretary Clinton. Thank you, Secretary Romulo. I'm so pleased to be here, and I thank you for your warm welcome and the productive discussion that we had today with a number of the leaders of this government. It is always a pleasure for me to be part of something that is so positive as the reaffirmation of our broad and deep relationship, going back so many years together. And certainly, on a personal note, I am delighted to be back in the Philippines. I have very fond memories of my previous visits, and the warmth and generosity of the Filipino people is something that I am deeply grateful for.

I was saddened, as so many were in my country, over the loss of life in the recent storms and the flooding, and I want again to convey the sympathies of President Obama, of the Obama Administration and of the United States to the people of the Philippines. You have shown great resolve and resilience in the face of these calamities. I am proud that the United States has been your partner.

As the Secretary said, we were very pleased that we could respond quickly with our military assets. Filipino and American doctors worked side by side to help thousands of flood victims. We saw our military forces working together to airlift thousands of tons of food, equipment, and other vital cargo. Later today, I will visit a school that was damaged by the flooding, and I look forward to talking with the teachers and the students about what more the United States can do to help.

This cooperation is yet more evidence of the long friendship and broad partnership between the United States and the Philippines. As treaty allies, we are working to meet the challenges and seize the opportunities of the 21^st century. And I want to commend the Government of the Philippines, which is taking on an increasingly important leadership role in ASEAN, in APEC, across the Pacific region, and globally on issues such as nonproliferation, where the Philippines will be the chair of the Nonproliferation Treaty conference that will be held next year.

And we particularly are grateful for the Philippines' work as our ASEAN dialogue partner. From a global recession and climate change, to the threats of violent extremism, our nations face shared challenges that demand shared solutions. We have a common commitment to advancing democratic values and human rights in the region, including in Burma. Today, the foreign secretary and I discussed how we can move forward on this comprehensive agenda together.

Of course, our two nations are linked by more than treaty. We have bonds of culture and commerce, we have shared histories and common hopes. The cemeteries here are filled with those who paid the ultimate sacrifice from both of our nations, who fought for freedom in the Pacific. Their memories continue to inspire our alliance, as do the values that they gave their lives to defend. And I am personally very pleased that an injustice has finally been corrected with the passage of the assistance for Filipino veterans who served side by side with our United States military forces.

I am also very proud that we have such a large, vibrant, active Filipino American community in the United States, and we want to do even more to demonstrate the connections between Filipino Americans and those here in the Philippines. Organizations such as Feed The Hungry have sent money and food to those most in need, and we look to making sure that those connections are even stronger.

So, sir, we talked about a lot today. We have a great opportunity to continue our work together, and I am confident that we can make the future even better than the present or the past. Thank you very much.

Foreign Secretary Romulo. Of course.

Moderator. Thank you very much, Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Secretary Romulo. The first question will be raised by a member of the DFA press corps.

Q. Good afternoon, Secretary Clinton. Welcome to the Philippines. This is our question: Will the U.S. forces continue helping Philippine troops in pursuing the Abu Sayyaf militants, considering that the Philippine Government is (inaudible) over the VFA? And what specific role does Washington want to play in the Mindanao peace process?

Secretary Clinton. Well, let me say that the United States is committed to a strong partnership and alliance with the Philippines, and I am here today to reaffirm that commitment. The Visiting Forces Agreement is an important expression of our partnership. It is based on mutual respect and mutual interest. And our service members, as we have seen in these last natural disasters, are ready to provide assistance where it is asked for, and to work side by side with the military of the Philippines. I am proud of what our service members have done in helping to respond to the devastating storms and the floods.

With respect to the peace process, the United States supports the ongoing efforts of the Government of the Philippines to bring a comprehensive peace. People have been seeking such a peace, and I want the Philippines to know that the international community, including the United States, stands ready to assist. But this is ultimately up to the people of the Philippines and to your government leadership. We're encouraged by the ceasefire, and the report that I received today about the negotiating efforts is very promising.

So we will wish the very best to those who are attempting to bring an end to the conflict and will support you in any way that is appropriate.

Moderator. Thank you very much, ma'am. The second question will be asked by a member of the U.S. (inaudible) media.

Q. Secretary Romulo, Secretary Clinton, (inaudible) for both of you. What can you tell us about the future of the U.S. advisory force in southern Philippines? Is it time to begin reducing its numbers so that the troops can be deployed in Afghanistan and elsewhere?

Secretary Clinton. Well, let me say that I don't discuss military decisions. That is more appropriately worked out between our governments and our militaries. But I will just reiterate that the United States stands ready to assist our friends in the Philippines who are seeking to counter terrorism and the threat of extremism, and we will be willing to support them in any way that is appropriate that they request. But the relationship between our countries and between our militaries is very strong and cooperative, and we look forward to continuing that.

Foreign Secretary Romulo. Let me state that under the VFA, the United States forces are here to assist, advise, and train. It's limited to that. As far as combat matters are concerned, that's purely Filipino.

But on the other hand, in addition to the assisting, training, and advising, there is also the social-civic, as well as the humanitarian aspect of the undertaking. And the humanitarian aspect came out into the fore in the recent Ketsana, in part, where U.S. personnel were able to deploy not only personnel—I think there were about 2,600—but also equipment, helicopters, soldier boats, forklift, bulldozers, and other things, and immediately assist our people.

And let me say that in my particular city, the one who left with the first search and rescue were U.S. Navy personnel with a soldier boat. So this is the other aspect. So between the two—the socioeconomic and the humanitarian, as well as the supporting, advising, and training—I think it has worked very well for us.

Moderator. Thank you very much. The third question will be asked by Mr. Howie Severino of GMA-7.

Q. Madame Secretary, good afternoon. Welcome to the Philippines.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you.

Q. Ma'am, you were quoted at the Planned Parenthood national conference several months ago that, quote, “Reproductive rights will be a key to the foreign policy of the Obama Administration.” How will this principle be applied in the Philippines, especially considering the widely known opposition to artificial contraceptives here?

Secretary Clinton. Well, of course, as with any policy, we work with our partners and our allies, and it is up to the people and the Government of the Philippines to accept any assistance that we might be willing to offer. So I know that this is a matter of concern in society here in the Philippines, and I respect that, and we certainly do not have any intention or plan to preempt or otherwise go beyond or around what the attitudes of society are.

On a personal note, I would only add that I believe strongly that family planning is an important aspect of development. And I've seen this around the world, and I think empowering women to be able to make choices that are in the best interests of the children they already have and the family size that they desire increases educational outcomes, it increases income generations, it provides a much stronger basis for human development.

And so the reason I said what I said, which you quoted from, is we have a lot of experience now that trying to empower and educate women so that they are able to make these decisions and they have access to family planning is not only a positive for the woman and her family, but for the larger society. And I think that is the other point that I would make, but again, I would reiterate all of these decisions are certainly up to the people and the Government of the Philippines.

Q. Good afternoon, ma'am. There is a scheduled meeting on Saturday in Singapore between the U.S. and Burma. Will you be the one leading the U.S. delegation? What is the U.S. strategic interests in Myanmar? And is the participation of Aung San Suu Kyi in the election next year necessary to make it credible?

Secretary Clinton. Well, first of all, there is not a meeting. There may very well be the opportunity for our leaders, including myself, including the President, to meet the leaders of Burma—something that we have not done before. But we just recently concluded a very successful visit by Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell and Deputy Assistant Secretary Scot Marciel, who is with me, to Burma, where they met at length with not only government officials, but more importantly, in an unmonitored setting with Aung San Suu Kyi, with members of her party, with others who represent opposition voices and concerns, with representatives of ethnic minorities that are worried about their treatment at the hands of the current government.

And we have made it very clear we are not lifting sanctions on Burma, but we are trying to encourage Burma to conduct the kind of internal dialogue with all of the stakeholders, including Aung San Suu Kyi, that could lead to there being fair, free, and credible elections next year. We think that is an essential first step. We are continuing to call for the freedom of Aung San Suu Kyi. We believe that her detention over so many years is baseless and not founded on any concern other than that she is a leader of the political opposition.

So I don't want to prejudge what the Burmese people themselves, if given the chance, might decide for themselves. But I will underscore our skepticism about an election that does not include all of the people or their representatives who are in opposition. It's up to the individuals to decide who runs and who doesn't run, but there should be no doubt that the United States wants to see an open, free, credible election process. And that's what we're calling on from the leadership of Burma, but we don't believe that we can cause that to happen from the outside.

What we want to do, along with friends like the Philippines and other ASEAN members, is to encourage, urge, persuade the leadership of Burma to enter into this dialogue with their own people, to create the conditions for legitimacy that should be apparent when you have an election. And that's what we're looking to achieve.

Moderator. Thank you very much, ma'am.

Q. (Inaudible.) I was just wondering if there is a plan to release Suu Kyi so she would be able to participate or prepare for the coming—for next year's election. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, if we were in charge of the plan, that would be the plan, because we think she should be released. We don't think she should be in detention. We believe that she has every right, as any person should have, and certainly that she has demonstrated over the years a commitment to democracy, to participate in the active democratic life of her country as she chooses, not as the United States chooses and not as the Burmese leadership chooses, but as she chooses.

So we're going to continue to call for her unconditional release, and we want to see this kind of dialogue among all of the various parties within the country, and then they should determine how to go forward. It shouldn't be up to us to determine that. So we want to create the process that would result in a free, fair, and credible election, so that whoever wished to participate or chose to participate would be able to do so, the results would be legitimate in the eyes of the world. That is what we are hoping for the Burmese people.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Manila, Philippines at Malanday High School, the Marikina Flood Relief Site

Secretary Clinton. We are very proud to have so many Filipino Americans. And I'm very proud that our militaries work together, the American military and the military of the Philippines, saving lives and rescuing people, and I am very pleased that we could donate so many supplies.

Today, I am pleased to announce that there will be more than $5 million in new relief funds for the Philippines. This new support will help rebuild schools like this one, construct new classrooms, and provide 300,000 books and desks for 15,000 students. It will also help to repair damaged water and sanitation systems to prevent the spread of disease, and it will help to refurbish clinics to provide medical supplies and assistance.

So it is a great pleasure to be here at your school and to see all of you back in school. I know that if I had come here a week or two ago, it would not have looked like this. And so I thank everyone who worked hard to put this school back in such good shape. I also want to encourage all of the students to take advantage of your education, to study hard, to learn as much as you can learn so that you can help contribute to the future of your country.

So I learned a phrase as I was coming through, and what is that phrase? He's trying to teach me this phrase.

Participant. Mabuhay.

Secretary Clinton. Mabuhay. And now we have officially opened the book fair so all of the teachers can start to get new books for their classrooms and for their students. I thank you for letting me come to your school. I congratulate you on recovering from the flood. And I promise you that the United States of America will always be a friend to the people of the Philippines. God bless you all. Thank you very much.

Secretary Timothy Geithner, Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, and Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam published this op-ed in Wall Street Journal Asia

The Road Ahead for APEC It's time to plot a course for medium- to long-term growth.

We have just lived through the greatest challenge to the world economy in generations. In acting together, policy makers have shown that they understand the most important lesson of this crisis: Our economies are inexorably linked. We must now work together to ensure strong, stable and balanced growth in the future.

That is why, following the lead of the September Group of 20 meeting in Pittsburgh, we will be working together at this week's Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting in Singapore to ensure a new pattern of regional and global growth that couples adjustment in deficit countries like the United States with more rapid growth of domestic demand in surplus countries. As U.S. households save more, and as the U.S. reduces its fiscal deficit, others must take steps to spur more rapid growth of private demand in their own economies.

As we realize new sources of demand, we must keep our sights on maximizing the potential of global markets. Both exports and imports remain critical in stimulating the flow of knowledge and innovation that is enabling emerging economies to catch up with developed-world living standards.

APEC will play an indispensable role in establishing strong, sustainable and balanced growth. Our 21 members—which include nine members of the G-20— account for 40% of the world's population, over half of global GDP and nearly half of world trade. Our ranks include the world's largest and fastest-growing economies. In the past two decades, we have promoted open markets by lowering tariffs among member economies by two-thirds and expanding trade five-fold. As we meet this week in Singapore, no group is better-positioned to carry forward in the critical Asia-Pacific region the principles for rebalancing global growth that the G-20 leaders agreed to in Pittsburgh.

We already have taken important steps. Each of us has adopted fiscal and monetary policies that are helping to revive growth in our individual economies and, because the policies are being implemented in tandem, are reinforcing each others' efforts. Each of us is working to keep our markets open to each other and to the rest of the world, and to avoid retreating behind trade and financial barriers. Each of us has recognized the importance of strong financial regulation and fiscal balance, and is pursuing these goals in ways that reflect our own circumstances but complement each others' efforts.

But we know that we have more to do. APEC members' priorities have to be focused increasingly on strategies to sustain private demand growth as fiscal stimulus measures are gradually unwound. APEC must also lay the basis for a new period of economic dynamism over the medium- to long-term. Depending on individual economies' circumstances, a combination of macroeconomic policy adjustments and structural reforms will be needed. Market-oriented exchange rates in line with economic fundamentals will be essential in assuring the resource and sectoral shifts to match and foster the new patterns of demand.

To achieve durable growth, all of our economies must have flexible labor markets and an educated labor force ready to compete in global markets. Among other things, emerging economies must strengthen their social-safety nets through sustainable health and retirement-benefit schemes, thus reducing the need for high precautionary saving that contributes to global imbalances.

Regulatory frameworks conducive to competitive markets will support private enterprise, investment and innovation. Advanced economies are working hard to ensure the improvement of financial regulation to ensure that a crisis of this magnitude cannot happen again. At the same time, deeper and more efficient financial markets in the emerging economies will also enable better intermediation of savings and enhance investment productivity.

Reforms are also necessary to promote cross-border private investments, while ensuring an institutional capacity and prudent regulatory framework to enable markets to absorb capital flows that may be large and volatile. We remain committed to APEC's work to combat money laundering and terrorist financing. And as finance ministers of our respective countries, we are keenly aware that our future prosperity will be founded on a continued commitment to globalization.

The events of the last year have shown that our economies are bound together inextricably, and in more complex ways than we previously recognized. APEC members must forge a partnership of common interests to produce strong and balanced growth among our economies. We must reinvigorate the framework of cooperation to ensure that relations between our nations are as positive and mutually productive in the future as they have been in the past.

President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama delivered these remarks in Tokyo, Japan

Prime Minister Hatoyama. President Obama, I would like to welcome you to Japan. I'd like to express my heartfelt welcome to you. It is very hard—despite the tragedy of the mass shooting in your country, that you have taken time out of a busy schedule to come and join us here today. We're very thankful to you.

And today we have had a 90-minute, very intensive discussion. I'm very happy to have had this opportunity to hold this discussion.

Well, we have come to call each other Barack and Yukio. I think I've grown quite accustomed to calling each other by our names. And we did cover a lot of ground today. First, for Japan's diplomacy, the U.S.-Japan alliance is the cornerstone. And this is one thing I've stressed. But as time changes and as the international environment changes, there is a need for us to further develop and deepen the U.S.-Japan alliance to make it even more constructive and future-oriented alliance. This was what I proposed today.

And the U.S.-Japan alliance—well, actually it so happens that next year marks the 50th anniversary of the revision of the U.S.-Japan security treaty. And starting from today we'll be starting a year to start a new process of deliberation. And I have made this proposal, and President Obama has given his consent and support towards this idea.

Now, the U.S.-Japan alliance, looking at it from the security front, naturally we have to cooperate in proliferation deterrence, on information protection, missile defense, and the use of other states amongst others. We need to consider these new systems for issuing security. And this is my thinking.

But the U.S.-Japan alliance is not just focused on security—for example, disaster prevention, or health, education. We had many levels—and also environmental issues, as well. We need to cooperate in all these areas so as to cooperate in the Asia Pacific and others so that we can further deepen our bilateral alliance. I believe that we have reached an agreement on these points.

Now, turning our eyes to the global situation, again there are different topics that we've covered. From our side, I've talked about Afghanistan and our support to Afghanistan. On to Afghanistan; we will not be taking part in the refueling, but instead providing civil assistance, and we are planning to mainly provide civil assistance of 5 billion dollars in five years for agriculture, building of infrastructures, schools. So this is the type of assistance we want to provide. And also to improve security, we want to support the police force in Afghanistan. Furthermore, for the former soldiers, we want to provide vocational training. These are the types of things that we want to conduct.

I have communicated this to the President, and towards this new assistance package, President Obama in principle has stated his gratitude, appreciation for this assistance. And furthermore, when it comes to assistance to Afghanistan, it's important that we try to directly talk with one another as to the assistance to be provided.

Now, in the area of climate change, again, we have talked on this subject. By 2050, we have set out this goal of an 80 percent reduction. And both Japan and U.S. have agreed on this, and we want to make COP-15 a success, and we agreed to cooperate towards this end.

And including China and others, there are other issues that need to be resolved. And therefore we need to collaborate to address these challenges.

Now, in regards to nuclear disarmament, again, we have agreed to cooperate with one another. Now, in regards to nuclear issues and also climate change, we have issued a joint statement. And I do believe that this is quite innovative in itself, and the fact that we can take up these issues as core issues at the summit meeting is something of vital importance.

Now, on the economic front, well, the economy was not a major issue this time, but again, this might reflect the times in which we're living. And over dinner, maybe, we hope to be able to discuss the issue of the economy.

Now, in relation to nuclear issues, North Korea, Iran was also discussed from President Obama. And again, we have agreed to closely cooperate with one another. And Special Representative Bosworth will be visiting North Korea—or may be visiting North Korea shortly. But this is on the premise of the six-party talks. And I do endorse this thinking and have stated so to the President.

And in regards to Iran, again, we have to support—we would like to support the approach to Iran. On the one hand, we want to emphasize our historic relationship, but also, at the same time, I promise to strengthen our alliance vis-à-vis Iran.

And also, again, in Asia, President Obama has stated that we have some—we do have a vital role to play, especially in East Asia. I have set out the concept of East Asian community, and this is because I believe that there is this alliance as the cornerstone on which we can rely.

And in Asia, the fact that the U.S. presence increases is something that has great extension towards at various levels in Asia and East Asia, and Asia on the whole. Both Japan and the United States should deepen, and as a result, in East Asia we hope to bring about peace, stability, and economic prosperity in this region. This is something that we have pledged.

I don't want to take up all the time myself, and therefore I'd like to conclude. But I do think that this summit meeting was extremely meaningful. And on this note, I'd like to once again say that I am very grateful to Barack, President Obama, to take time to join us here at Japan. And also, I'm thankful that he's chosen Japan as his first leg to his visit to Asia. And as Prime Minister, representing the Japanese people, I'd like to express my gratitude. Thank you.

And next, President Obama, please.

President Obama. Well, good evening. It is a great honor to be making my first trip to Japan as President of the United States. I have fond memories of visiting Japan in my youth. I've been looking forward to this trip for some time. I'm only sorry that Michelle and the girls could not join us. The girls have been studying Japan in school, and so they have a great interest in Japanese culture. And hopefully I'll be able to bring them next time.

I want to thank the warm welcome that Prime Minister Hatoyama and the Japanese people have extended. I appreciate the graciousness with which you understood the delay that took place as a consequence of the tragedy at Fort Hood, Texas.

Japan is my first stop as President in Asia. I began my trip here in Tokyo because the alliance between the United States and Japan is a foundation for security and prosperity not just for our two countries but for the Asia Pacific region. In a few months we'll be marking the 50th anniversary of our alliance, which is founded on shared values and shared interests that has served our people so well and has provided peace and security for the region in an unprecedented way.

That anniversary, as Prime Minister Hatoyama pointed out, represents an important opportunity to step back and reflect on what we've achieved, celebrate our friendship, but also find ways to renew this alliance and refresh it for the 21st century. Both Yukio and I were elected on the promise of change, but there should be no doubt, as we move our nations in a new direction, our alliance will endure and our efforts will be focused on revitalizing that friendship so that it's even stronger and more successful in meeting the challenges of the 21st century. It's essential for the United States, it's essential for Japan, and it's essential for the Asia Pacific region.

Throughout my trip and throughout my presidency, I intend to make clear that the United States is a Pacific nation, and we will be deepening our engagement in this part of the world. As I said to Prime Minister Hatoyama, the United States will strengthen our alliances, build new partnerships, and we will be part of multilateral efforts and regional institutions that advance regional security and prosperity.

We have to understand that the future of the United States and Asia is inextricably linked. The issues that matter most to our people—issues of economic growth and job creation, non-proliferation, clean energy—these are all issues that have to be part of a joint agenda. And we had very productive discussions about these issues this evening.

It's true that because of the strength of our economic ties, that was not the first item on our agenda, but we are fortunately going to have the opportunity to spend a lot of time discussing that in Singapore in the coming days. As the world's two leading economies, we have spent a lot of time working together in the G20 to help bring the world back from the brink of financial crisis, and we're going to continue to work to strengthen our efforts so that we can expand job growth in the future. And we will be discussing with our APEC partners how to rebalance our deep economic cooperation with this region to strengthen our recovery.

The Prime Minister and I discussed our cooperation on Afghanistan and Pakistan. And I did thank the people of Japan and the Prime Minister for the powerful commitment of a $5 billion over the next five years to support our shared civilian efforts in Afghanistan, as well as the commitment of a billion dollars to Pakistan.

This underscores Japan's prominent role within a broad international coalition that is advancing the cause of stability and opportunity in Afghanistan and Pakistan. And I shared with the Prime Minister our efforts in refining our approach to make it more successful in the coming year.

We discussed our shared commitment to stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and ultimately seeking a world without them. Since I laid out a comprehensive agenda in Prague to pursue these goals Japan has been an outstanding partner in those efforts. And together we passed a historic resolution in the Security Council last September. We are building a new international consensus to secure loose nuclear materials and strengthen the non-proliferation regime.

And to that end, we discussed both North Korea and the situation in Iran, recognizing that it's absolutely vital that both countries meet their international obligations. If they do, then they can open the door to a better future. If not, we will remain united in implementing U.N. resolutions that are in place and continuing to work in an international context to move towards an agenda of nonproliferation.

Finally, we discussed our partnership on energy issues and climate change. The United States and Japan share a commitment to developing the clean energy of the future and we're focused on combating the threat of climate change. This is an important priority for us; I know it's an important priority for the people of Japan. And we discussed how we can work together to pave the way for a successful outcome in Copenhagen next month.

So I believe that we are off to a very successful start. I'm looking forward to continuing the conversation during dinner, as well as as we both travel to Singapore. And I am confident that we will continue to strengthen the U.S.-Japan alliance so that it serves future generations.

Thank you very much.

Prime Minister Hatoyama. Thank you very much. Now I'd like to proceed to questions. I will appoint the person, and once you are appointed, please come to the microphone, state your name and affiliation, and also to whom—please state to whom you want to pose your question.

On behalf of the Japanese press, please.

Q. Fuji Television. Matsuyama is my name. I'd like to ask both leaders—first to Prime Minister Hatoyama. You have stated that you would like to see Japan enjoy a more equal relationship with the United States in talks about Afghanistan and also the ending of the refueling operations and global warming and nuclear disarmament. Do you think that you're able to talk as equal partners and gain understanding on this point, especially on the Futenma relocation? There is the observation that this will be a difficult issue to resolve, but how did you explain about how to resolve the timeline for resolving this issue?

And to President Obama, you are a proponent of a nuclear-free world, and you've stated, first of all, you would like to visit Hiroshima and Nagasaki while in office. Do you have this desire? And what is your understanding of the historical meaning of the A-bombing in Hiroshima and Nagasaki? Do you think that it was the right decision?

And also considering the North Korean situation, how do you think the U.S.-Japan alliance should be strengthened, and how should both countries cooperate in the field of nuclear disarmament?

And also on the Futenma relocation issue, by when do you think the issue needs to be resolved? And should it be that Japan carry over the discussion— decision to next year, or decide on something outside of what is being discussed? How would you respond?

Prime Minister Hatoyama. Let me start. I was asked a great deal of questions to—especially President Obama, but I'd like to talk about the equal relationship. But before I state so, the President himself has said naturally that we are equal partners and should be equal partners. So in this context we have talked about the assistance to Afghanistan, climate change, and furthermore, nuclear abolishment. And I think you can ask him, but I do believe that he has regarded us, Japan, as an equal partner. I have raised a number of issues on my side, and I think this is proof of our equal partnership.

On the issue of the relocation of the Futenma air station, in regards to this issue, well, to give you the conclusion, there is the high-level working group— we've set up this group so as to be able to resolve the issue as early as possible. And we stated this and my commitment was also expressed during our talks.

But before that, I have explained why we have this discussion, and under the previous government, the U.S.-Japan agreement needs to be regarded seriously. During the election campaign, especially to the Okinawans, I've stated that we would consider relocation outside of Okinawa and outside of the country. It is a fact that we did campaign on this issue, and the Okinawans do have high expectations.

It will be a very difficult issue for sure, but as time goes by, I think it will become even more difficult to resolve the issue. Especially the residents in the Futenma district will find it even more difficult to resolve the issue as time goes by.

So we do understand we need to resolve the issue as soon as possible, and we'll make every effort to resolve the issue as quickly as possible within the working group.

And we hope that this will lead the way to strengthening our alliance, and I sincerely hope that such discussions will take place within the working group. And this is something I have communicated to the President.

President, please.

President Obama. Well, first of all, I am impressed that the Japanese journalists use the same strategy as American journalists—in asking multiple questions.

Let me, first of all, insist that the United States and Japan are equal partners. We have been and we will continue to be. Each country brings specific assets and strengths to the relationship, but we proceed based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and that will continue.

That's reflected in the Japan-U.S. alliance. It will be reflected in the resolution of the base realignment issues related to Futenma. As the Prime Minister indicated, we discussed this. The United States and Japan have set up a high-level working group that will focus on implementation of the agreement that our two governments reached with respect to the restructuring of U.S. forces in Okinawa, and we hope to complete this work expeditiously.

Our goal remains the same, and that's to provide for the defense of Japan with minimal intrusion on the lives of the people who share this space. And I have to say that I am extraordinarily proud and grateful for the men and women in uniform from the United States who help us to honor our obligations to the alliance and our treaties.

With respect to nuclear weapons and the issues of non-proliferation, this is an area where Prime Minister Hatoyama and I have discussed repeatedly in our meetings. We share, I think, a vision of a world without nuclear weapons. We recognize, though, that this is a distant goal, and we have to take specific steps in the interim to meet this goal. It will take time. It will not be reached probably even in our own lifetimes. But in seeking this goal we can stop the spread of nuclear weapons; we can secure loose nuclear weapons; we can strengthen the non-proliferation regime.

As long as nuclear weapons exist, we will retain our deterrent for our people and our allies, but we are already taking steps to bring down our nuclear stockpiles and—in cooperation with the Russian government—and we want to continue to work on the non-proliferation issues.

Now, obviously Japan has unique perspective on the issue of nuclear weapons as a consequence of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. And that I'm sure helps to motivate the Prime Minister's deep interest in this issue. I certainly would be honored, it would be meaningful for me to visit those two cities in the future. I don't have immediate travel plans, but it's something that would be meaningful to me.

You had one more question, and I'm not sure I remember it. Was it North Korea?

Q. Whether or not you believe that the U.S. dropped a nuclear weapon on Hiroshima and Nagasaki—it was right?

President Obama. No, there were three sets of questions, right? You asked about North Korea?

Q. I have North Korea as well, yes.

President Obama. Yes. With respect to North Korea, we had a extensive discussion about how we should proceed with Pyongyang. Obviously we were disturbed by the testing that took place, some of the belligerent actions that had taken place in an earlier period of this year. We have continued to say that our goal is a non-nuclear Korean Peninsula. That's vital for the security of East Asia.

And the United States and Japan, with the other members of the six-party talks, will continue to work to show North Korea that there is a pathway, a door, for them to rejoin the international community that would serve their people well and I believe enhance their security over the long term. They have to walk through that door. In the meantime, we will continue to implement the sanctions that have already been put in place, and we will continue to coordinate closely with Japan and the other six-party members in helping to shape a strategy that meets our security needs and convinces Pyongyang to move in a better direction.

Fact Sheet: APEC Leaders Meeting— Key Accomplishments

On November 15, President Obama participated in the 17th Annual Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders' meeting in Singapore. APEC members account for 53% of global GDP, purchase 58% of U.S. goods exports, and represent a market of 2.7 billion consumers. In 2008, U.S. goods exports to the Asia-Pacific totaled $747 billion, an increase of 8.3% over 2007. During that same period, U.S. services exports to the region totaled $186.5 billion, up 7.7 percent.

U.S. Hosting of APEC in 2011. President Obama expressed his strong support for APEC and stated that the United States is a Pacific nation whose economic ties to the Asia-Pacific are strong and enduring. He pledged that under his Administration, the United States will be an active and engaged partner in APEC and the region. He announced that in 2011, when the United States hosts APEC, he looks forward to welcoming his fellow APEC leaders to Hawaii.

Balanced, Sustainable, and Inclusive Growth. APEC leaders endorsed the Pittsburgh G20 principles and agreed to implement the policies of the G20 Framework for Strong, Sustainable, and Balanced Growth, further expanding the global commitment to achieve more balanced growth that is less prone to destabilizing booms and busts. Leaders pledged to make growth more inclusive through APEC initiatives that will support development of small and medium enterprises, facilitate worker retraining, and enhance economic opportunity for women.

Regional Economic Integration. Despite strong export growth to the Asia-Pacific, the United States' share of the total trade in the region has declined by three percent in the past five years. To improve U.S. competitiveness in this vital part of the world, President Obama announced to APEC leaders that the Administration, in close consultation with the U.S. Congress and stakeholders, will engage with current and potential future members of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Free Trade Agreement to shape a broad-based, comprehensive, and high-standard platform to successfully integrate the economies of the Asia-Pacific. APEC leaders announced their commitment to accelerate economic integration and, to that end, endorsed a U.S.-Australia initiative in APEC to promote cross-border services trade in the region.

Facilitating Trade. APEC leaders took steps to facilitate increased trade in the region by simplifying complicated customs procedures and documentation resulting from the region's numerous trade agreements, improving the region's enforcement of intellectual property rights, and speeding the movement of goods across and within borders. They also announced an action plan designed to make it 25 percent cheaper, easier, and faster to conduct business in the region by 2015 by decreasing costs and streamlining processes associated with starting and operating a business in APEC economies.

Supporting the Multilateral Trading System. President Obama expressed his eagerness to complete an ambitious and balanced Doha agreement and called on others to join the United States at the negotiating table. APEC leaders instructed their trade ministers to work towards a successful conclusion of the Doha Development Agenda in 2010 and reaffirmed their commitment to refrain from raising new barriers to investment or to trade in goods and services.

Climate Change. President Obama urged all APEC member economies to work together to address the shared challenge of climate change. He and APEC leaders called for collective action by all economies and committed to reaching an ambitious outcome in Copenhagen in December.

Low Carbon and Green Growth. Demonstrating their will to advance energy security and “green” development, Leaders endorsed the G20 commitment to rationalize and phase out over the medium-term inefficient fossil fuel subsidies that encourage wasteful consumption. Leaders commended APEC efforts to review its members' energy efficiency policies and to foster regional trade in environmental goods and services, which would spur the growth of “green collar” jobs.

Food Security, Food Safety, and Secure Trade. Leaders instructed their officials to implement programs aimed at improving agricultural productivity and enhancing agricultural markets in the APEC region. Leaders also commended U.S.-led APEC initiatives that bring together public and private sector experts to promote international best practices that will improve regional food and product safety and combat trade in counterfeit medical products. They called for a continuation of APEC's work in areas such as trade and aviation security, counter-terrorism financing, and emergency and disaster preparedness.

U.S.-ASEAN Leaders Joint Statement Delivered at the 1st ASEAN-U.S. Leaders' Meeting in Singapore

Enhanced Partnership for Enduring Peace and Prosperity

1. We, the Heads of State/Government of Brunei Darussalam, the Kingdom of Cambodia, the Republic of Indonesia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, Malaysia, the Union of Myanmar, the Republic of the Philippines, the Republic of Singapore, the Kingdom of Thailand and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the United States (U.S.), held our first ASEAN-U.S. Leaders' Meeting on 15 November 2009 in Singapore. The Meeting was co-chaired by H.E. Abhisit Vejja-jiva, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand, in his capacity as Chairman of ASEAN, and the Honourable Barack Obama, President of the United States. The Secretary-General of ASEAN was also in attendance. We agreed to hold a second Leaders' meeting in 2010.

2. We noted with satisfaction that over the last 32 years of Dialogue relations, ASEAN and the United States have developed mutually beneficial cooperation in many areas, reflecting our broad shared interests guided by the Joint Vision Statement on the ASEAN-U.S. Enhanced Partnership of 17 November 2005, the 2006 Plan of Action to Implement the ASEAN-U.S. Enhanced Partnership, and Revised Priorities for Cooperation under the ASEAN-U.S. Enhanced Partnership 2009. We welcomed the role of the Philippines as the Country Coordinator for ASEAN-U.S. Dialogue Relations from July 2009 to July 2012, and requested the Philippines to lead the drafting of the next five-year Plan of Action.

3. The United States welcomed ASEAN's plans to achieve an ASEAN Community by 2015 based on the ASEAN Charter, and reaffirmed its commitment to support those plans. We have agreed to increase our collaboration and will establish an ASEAN-U.S. Eminent Persons Group in support of enhanced ASEAN-U.S. cooperation in addressing regional and global issues.

4. We agreed on the need for a broader and deeper ASEAN-U.S. cooperation to promote educational exchanges, including in science and technology and in people-to-people interactions. We pledged to increase opportunities for English language learning and those studying overseas in the United States and ASEAN. We also agreed to explore future areas of cooperation such as people/labour mobility, interfaith dialogue and development cooperation.

5. The President of the United States pronounced the U.S. policy of enhancing engagement with ASEAN which it regards as a key partner in the promotion of peace, stability and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. The Leaders of ASEAN welcomed the accession of the United States to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) in Southeast Asia, the naming of an Ambassador for ASEAN Affairs, the intent to open a U.S. Mission to ASEAN in Jakarta, and its ASEAN Development Vision to Advance National Cooperation and Economic Integration (ADVANCE) program.

6. We shared a vision of a regional architecture that is inclusive, promotes shared values and norms, and respects the diversity within the region. We agreed to work closely together in building this regional architecture, and were ready to study initiatives of this nature. We reaffirmed the importance of ASEAN centrality in this process.

7. The President of the United States also expressed U.S. support for the establishment of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, which demonstrates the commitment of the ASEAN Member States in the promotion and protection of human rights. The United States invited the members of the Commission to visit the United States in 2010 to consult with international experts in this field. The United States also supported the Human Rights Resource Centre for ASEAN, a track 2 initiative, with a university in Jakarta as the hub of the Centre and including a network of universities throughout ASEAN.

8. The United States welcomed the ASEAN Leaders Statement on ASEAN Connectivity adopted at the 15th ASEAN Summit in Hua Hin, Thailand.

9. The Leaders of ASEAN welcomed the continued active support of the United States in the other regional fora, such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), which is a critically important regional political and security forum. ASEAN noted the interest of the United States in the ASEAN Defence Ministers MeetingPlus (ADMM-Plus) and welcomed the intention of the U.S. Secretary of Defence to undertake consultations with his ASEAN counterparts concerning the ADMM-Plus.

10. The Leaders of ASEAN welcomed the high level dialogue and the policy of the United States to engage with the Government of Myanmar, as indicated by the recent visit of U.S. officials to Myanmar. We expressed our hope that this effort, as well as ASEAN's, would contribute to broad political and economic reforms and the process will be further enhanced in the future. We also underscored the importance of achieving national reconciliation and that the general elections to be held in Myanmar in 2010 must be conducted in a free, fair, inclusive and transparent manner in order to be credible to the international community. We called on the Government of Myanmar to help create the conditions for credible elections including by initiating a dialogue with all stakeholders to ensure that the process is fully inclusive. We also reiterated our continued support to the good offices of the United Nations Secretary-General in the democratization process in Myanmar. We also noted the Joint Communiqué of the 42nd ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting in Phuket, 20 July 2009.

11. Drawing on valuable lessons from the crises of 1997 and 2008, we resolved to contribute to reforming the global economic and financial architecture to safeguard the global economy from future crises, and to promote regional and global economic growth and recovery.

12. We discussed ASEAN's growing capacity and role in global issues. The United States will support ASEAN's continuing role in multilateral efforts where ASEAN has a growing ability to make contributions. The President of the United States also supported regional efforts initiated by ASEAN and ASEAN-led fora, to address the impact of the global financial and economic crisis in the region and looked forward to continued close coordination between such regional efforts and the global efforts undertaken by the G-20. The Leaders of ASEAN will endeavour to do their part to implement policies in support of the G-20 principles laid out in the Framework for Strong, Sustainable and Balanced Growth.

13. We were pleased to note that economic relations between ASEAN and the United States continue to be strong and dynamic. We applauded the sizeable increase in trade and investment between ASEAN and the United States over the past several years. Two-way goods trade reached $178 billion in 2008, and, ASEAN is host to U.S. foreign direct investment of $153 billion, making it the favoured U.S. investment destination in Asia. We stressed the need to further enhance economic cooperation and partnership through new initiatives under the ASEAN-U.S. Trade and Investment Framework Arrangement (ASEAN-U.S. TIFA), to be agreed upon by the ASEAN Trade Ministers and the United States Trade Representative. We tasked the officials to initially focus on trade and customs facilitation. We also welcomed the meeting of ASEAN Finance Ministers and the U.S. Secretary of the Treasury on 12 November 2009 in Singapore as another element of broader engagement of ASEAN and the United States.

14. Recognizing the importance of trade and investment liberalization to our future economic growth and prosperity, we welcomed the results of the 2009 APEC Leaders' meeting, and reaffirmed our commitment to accelerating regional economic integration in the Asia-Pacific by promoting greater convergence among APEC economies in key trade and investment policy areas, and the importance of bringing the Doha Round to a successful conclusion in 2010. We also supported the G-20 statement in fighting protectionism.

15. We resolved to deepen cooperation against international terrorism under the framework of the ASEAN-U.S. Joint Declaration for Cooperation to Combat International Terrorism. We requested our concerned officials to identify and implement actions towards this goal.

16. We also agreed to strengthen efforts to prevent and combat other transnational crimes, such as illicit drug trafficking, trafficking in persons, money laundering, arms smuggling, sea piracy, international economic crime and cyber crime, in accordance with national laws and regulations.

17. We agreed to intensify ASEAN-U.S. development cooperation in support of ASEAN efforts in achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), narrowing development gap among ASEAN Member States, and enhancing regional integration and realising an ASEAN Community by 2015.

18. We welcomed the U.S.-Lower Mekong Initiative to promote cooperation in the areas of environment, health, education and infrastructure development and the U.S. commitment to discuss specific activities for cooperation and follow-up. We supported the convening of ministerial meetings between the United States and Lower Mekong Basin countries on an annual basis. We also welcomed cooperation in the other sub-regional frameworks.

19. We reaffirmed our commitment to nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament. The Leaders of ASEAN also welcomed the efforts of the President of the United States in promoting international peace and security including the vision of a nuclear weapons free world through efforts such as the agreement between the United States and Russia to reduce their respective nuclear arsenals through the START Follow-on Treaty negotiations.

20. We are convinced that the establishment of a South-East Asia Nuclear Weapons Free Zone (SEANWFZ) will contribute towards global nuclear disarmament and nuclear non proliferation and peace and security in the region. We encouraged nuclear weapon states and States parties to the SEANWFZ to conduct consultations, in accordance with the objectives and principles of the Treaty, to resolve comprehensively outstanding issues with the view to ensuring the early accession of the nuclear weapon states including the United States to the Protocol of the Treaty.

21. We will increase consultation and cooperation on the challenges affecting the international community, including non-proliferation, disarmament and regional peace and security. We agreed to work towards preventing the spread of nuclear weapons and work together to build a world without nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. We reaffirmed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as the essential foundation for the pursuit of nuclear disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation and peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We agreed to support the Philippines as it assumes the presidency of the 2010 NPT Review Conference, which provides an important opportunity for the international community to act in a concerted manner towards these ends. We also declared our support for the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, and welcomed the declared intention of the United States to ratify the treaty. We urged all states to ratify the treaty and facilitate its early entry into force. We welcomed the establishment in the ARF of an Intersessional Meeting on Non-proliferation and Disarmament as a venue to further explore dialogue and cooperation on these issues.

22. We urged the DPRK to return to the Six-Party Talks process and to fully implement its commitments made in the September 19, 2005 Joint Statement of the Six-Party Talks to abandoning all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programs and returning, at an early date, to the NPT and to IAEA safeguards. We also urged the DPRK to comply fully with its obligations in accordance with the relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions, including those related to denuclearization and resuming its missile launch moratorium.

23. We agreed to work closely to ensure the success of the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and that the agreed outcome should incorporate long-term cooperative actions to address climate change. We also recognized the critical importance of adapting to the increasingly severe effects of climate change in the region. We agreed to strengthen our collaboration in both research on climate impacts and development and implementation of appropriate policies and measures.

24. We stressed that access to diverse, reliable, affordable, and clean energy is critical for sustainable economic growth, and agreed that accelerated deployment of clean energy technology and energy efficiency measures would diversify our energy supplies and strengthen our energy security. The United States proposed that the U.S. Secretary of Energy and the ASEAN Ministers on Energy meet in 2010 to advance energy security and clean energy and to explore cooperation in renewable and alternative energy, such as hydro power and biofuels in order to supplement the region's traditional fossil fuel energy sources. We agreed to study the possibility of establishing of public/private working groups to make policy recommendations to develop clean energy.

25. We agreed to strengthen cooperation on food security, in particular to promote investment, capacity building, sharing of experience and best practices, research and development as well as infrastructure development in the agricultural sector.

26. We also agreed to further strengthen cooperation on disaster management by building on initiatives such as the ARF Voluntary Demonstration of Response on Disaster Relief (ARF-VDR). The Leaders of ASEAN expressed their appreciation for the recent contribution of the United States to disaster relief efforts in the region. The United States also supported ASEAN efforts to enhance its capacity building in disaster management and emergency response. The Leaders of ASEAN welcomed the U.S. support for the ASEAN Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency Response (AAD-MER) and its offer of assistance to establish an ASEAN multi-hazard early warning system.

27. We welcomed the cooperation initiated by the ASEAN Health Ministers Meeting and the U.S. Centre for Disease Control in May 2009 to address the threat of the Influenza A(H1N1) virus. We recognized that multisectoral pandemic preparedness and response efforts need to be strengthened to fight future outbreaks of diseases with pandemic potential. In this regard, we asked relevant officials to further enhance consultation, including on stockpiling of antiviral and other essential medicines and medical equipment to jointly prevent and control the Influenza A(H1N1) and other pandemic diseases. We agreed to study the possibility of establishing public/private working groups to make policy recommendations to develop health initiatives.

28. With a view to sustaining the momentum of the ASEAN-U.S. dialogue partnership after the Inaugural Leaders' Meeting, we stressed the importance of continuing dialogue at the highest level between the two sides.

President Barack Obama and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono delivered these remarks in Singapore

President Obama. Hello, everybody. I just wanted to make a brief statement about the wonderful relationship that I've been able to develop with President Yudhoyono. As many of you know, I have some historic ties to Indonesia, but I am also extraordinarily impressed with the progress that Indonesia has made in developing its democracy. I want to congratulate the President for his recent re-election, and he now has his government in place.

Indonesia is not only regionally important, but as a member of the G20, as one of the world's largest democracies, as one of the world's largest Islamic nations, it has enormous influence and really is, I think, a potential model for the kind of development strategies, democracy strategies, as well as interfaith strategies that are going to be so important moving forward.

We had a strong discussion about a range of issues and how we can create even better bilateral relations than we already have—a comprehensive agreement, comprehensive partnership agreement that we're developing that will cover things like education, working on clean energy issues, expanding the Peace Corps' presence in Indonesia, counterterrorism issues. These are all areas in which we intend to focus in the months and years to come.

We discussed some of the broader challenges of getting a meaningful Copenhagen agreement and continuing to stabilize the world economy and promoting growth, both through trade and investment and also through what has been discussed throughout the ASEAN summit, the idea of inclusive development and growth where it's not just at the top but is spread out among the population.

So I am very excited about our prospects for deepening relations in the future, and I want to make sure that everybody knows that I intend to be visiting Indonesia next year. The invitation that's been extended to—by President Yudhoyono is one that I want to take up, and I'm hoping to be able to take Michelle and the girls as well so that they can take a look at some of my old haunting grounds. And again, I want to thank you, Mr. President, for your leadership and your commitment to improving ties between the United States and Indonesia. Thank you very much.

President Yudhoyono. Thank you.

Yes, President Obama and I had a very good discussion on wide range of issues of common interests. President Obama is a friend of Indonesia. He knows Indonesia very well, and he is well respected in Indonesia.

In this meeting, I told President Obama that I really appreciate his fresh new approach to the world, to many international issues, including his positive outreach to the Islamic world.

We also renewed our commitment to elevate our relation at higher level for comprehensive partnerships, and I welcome also the future cooperation between Indonesia and the United States in various fields such as trade and investment, education and technology, climate change, food and energy security, countering communicable diseases and also counterterrorism and people-to-people contact.

And lastly, as has been shared by President Obama, I look forward to welcoming President Obama to Indonesia next year, and he will be warmly welcomed by the Indonesian people.

Thank you.

President Obama. Thank you so much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton was interviewed in Singapore by David Gregory of NBC's Meet the Press

Q. Can I ask you something different about China, which is in light of the fact that China has a robust espionage policy against the United States, that they are cooperating with Iran in international affairs. Are they hurting our national security interests?

Secretary Clinton. Well, look, we are well aware of not just one country but many countries that try to gain advantage, not just politically and strategically, but commercially vis-à-vis our own country. And we are also well aware that many countries have relationships with those with whom we do not. But I think it's more significant that China signed on to our P-5+1 statement in New York, China has been at the table as we have been pushing Iran to fulfill what they agreed to in principle to send out their low-enriched uranium so that it can be reprocessed elsewhere.

So I think it's a much more complicated and mixed story. But I travel on behalf of our country and I meet with leaders from all over the world every day, and I have no illusions going in to any meeting that anybody stands for America's interest besides me. The task is to look for where we can find common ground and common interests. It is significant that China signed on to the toughest sanctions ever against North Korea, because we worked very hard to make the case that those sanctions were not just something that America or South Korea or Japan wanted, but they were in the interest of China.

Similarly, in my conversations with Chinese leaders, I make it very clear that a nuclear-armed Iran will destabilizes the region that produces the oil and the gas that China desperately needs and for which they have contracts. So why wouldn't we try to stabilize the region by preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons in the first place?

So that's what diplomacy is about. I mean, you don't—you start from the premise of what are your security interests, what is it that you wish to present, and how do you make the case that what you're seeking is also in the interests of your counterpart?

President Barack Obama delivered these remarks at a town hall meeting with future Chinese leaders at the Museum of Science and Technology in Shanghai, China

President Obama. Good afternoon. It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you. I'd like to thank Fudan University's President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome. I'd also like to thank our outstanding Ambassador, Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations. I don't know what he said, but I hope it was good.

What I'd like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I'm really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we've received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman. And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.

This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country. Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world—the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity. And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China's journey to the 21st century, I'm eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China's distant past. Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall. Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future.

The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries. Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China. It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people. However, America's ties to this city—and to this country— stretch back further, to the earliest days of America's independence.

In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty. Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China. This is a common American impulse—the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.

Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions. And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties. For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so. And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation.

A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis. The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success—because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed. As one American player described his visit to China—”[The]people are just like us…The country is very similar to America, but still very different.”

Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979. And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.

In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion— today it tops over $400 billion each year. The commerce affects our people's lives in so many ways. America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear; and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry. This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life. And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity.

In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time—economic recovery and the development of clean energy; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change; the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe. All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.

And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited. Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors. The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we've seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students. There are nearly 200 “friendship cities” drawing our communities together. American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery. And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of bas-ketball—I'm only sorry that I won't be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I'm visiting.

It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change. China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty—an accomplishment unparalleled in human history—while playing a larger role in global events. And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.

There is a Chinese proverb: “Consider the past, and you shall know the future.” Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years. Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty. But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined—not when we consider the past. Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure. We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.

And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding—on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another. For just as that American table tennis player pointed out—we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways.

I believe that each country must chart its own course. China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture. The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy.

Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles—that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights; that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes; that commerce should be open, information freely accessible; and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.

Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters. In many ways—over many years—we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union. We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery. It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced. Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal rights.

None of this was easy. But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms. That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and “dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal” could long endure. That is why Dr. Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed. That's why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores; why opportunity is available to all who would work for it; and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.

And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world. We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation. These freedoms of expression and worship—of access to information and political participation—we believe are universal rights. They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities—whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation. Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America's openness to other countries; our respect for different cultures; our commitment to international law; and our faith in the future.

These are all things that you should know about America. I also know that we have much to learn about China. Looking around at this magnificent city—and looking around this room—I do believe that our nations hold something important in common, and that is a belief in the future. Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements. For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow's generation can do better than today's.

In addition to your growing economy, we admire China's extraordinary commitment to science and research—a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use. China is now the world's largest Internet user—which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event. This country now has the world's largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change—and I'm looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow. But above all, I see China's future in you—young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.

I've said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected. The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek—all of these things are shared. And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game; one country's success need not come at the expense of another. And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China's rise. On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations—a China that draws on the rights, strengths, and creativity of individual Chinese like you.

To return to the proverb—consider the past. We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide. That is a lesson that human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations. And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government. It must be rooted in our people—in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play. And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.

That's why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000. And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century. And I'm absolutely confident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people. For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.

So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world. And if there's one thing that we can take from today's dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.

So thank you very much. And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you. Thank you very much.

Q. I will be reading a question selected on the Internet to you, and this question is from somebody from Taiwan. In his question, he said: I come from Taiwan. Now I am doing business on the mainland. And due to improved cross-straits relations in recent years, my business in China is doing quite well. So when I heard the news that some people in America would like to propose—continue selling arms and weapons to Taiwan, I begin to get pretty worried. I worry that this may make our cross-straits relations suffer. So I would like to know if, Mr. President, are you supportive of improved cross-straits relations? And although this question is from a businessman, actually, it's a question of keen concern to all of us young Chinese students, so we'd really like to know your position on this question. Thank you.

President Obama. Thank you. Well, I have been clear in the past that my administration fully supports a one-China policy, as reflected in the three joint commu-niqués that date back several decades, in terms of our relations with Taiwan as well as our relations with the People's Republic of China. We don't want to change that policy and that approach.

I am very pleased with the reduction of tensions and the improvement in cross-straits relations, and it is my deep desire and hope that we will continue to see great improvement between Taiwan and the rest of—and the People's Republic in resolving many of these issues.

One of the things that I think that the United States, in terms of its foreign policy and its policy with respect to China, is always seeking is ways that through dialogue and negotiations, problems can be solved. We always think that's the better course. And I think that economic ties and commercial ties that are taking place in this region are helping to lower a lot of the tensions that date back before you were born or even before I was born.

Now, there are some people who still look towards the past when it comes to these issues, as opposed to looking towards the future. I prefer to look towards the future. And as I said, I think the commercial ties that are taking place—there's something about when people think that they can do business and make money that makes them think very clearly and not worry as much about ideology. And I think that that's starting to happen in this region, and we are very supportive of that process.

President Obama. Jon—I'm going to call on my Ambassador because I think he has a question that was generated through the Web site of our embassy. This was selected, though, by I think one of the members of our U.S. press corps so that—

Ambassador Huntsman. That's right. And not surprisingly, “in a country with 350 million Internet users and 60 million bloggers, do you know of the firewall?” And second, “should we be able to use Twitter freely”—is the question.

President Obama. Well, first of all, let me say that I have never used Twitter. I noticed that young people—they're very busy with all these electronics. My thumbs are too clumsy to type in things on the phone. But I am a big believer in technology and I'm a big believer in openness when it comes to the flow of information. I think that the more freely information flows, the stronger the society becomes, because then citizens of countries around the world can hold their own governments accountable. They can begin to think for themselves. That generates new ideas. It encourages creativity.

And so I've always been a strong supporter of open Internet use. I'm a big supporter of non-censorship. This is part of the tradition of the United States that I discussed before, and I recognize that different countries have different traditions. I can tell you that in the United States, the fact that we have free Internet—or unrestricted Internet access is a source of strength, and I think should be encouraged.

Now, I should tell you, I should be honest, as President of the United States, there are times where I wish information didn't flow so freely because then I wouldn't have to listen to people criticizing me all the time. I think people naturally are—when they're in positions of power sometimes thinks, oh, how could that person say that about me, or that's irresponsible, or—but the truth is that because in the United States information is free, and I have a lot of critics in the United States who can say all kinds of things about me, I actually think that that makes our democracy stronger and it makes me a better leader because it forces me to hear opinions that I don't want to hear. It forces me to examine what I'm doing on a day-to-day basis to see, am I really doing the very best that I could be doing for the people of the United States.

And I think the Internet has become an even more powerful tool for that kind of citizen participation. In fact, one of the reasons that I won the presidency was because we were able to mobilize young people like yourself to get involved through the Internet. Initially, nobody thought we could win because we didn't have necessarily the most wealthy supporters; we didn't have the most powerful political brokers. But through the Internet, people became excited about our campaign and they started to organize and meet and set up campaign activities and events and rallies. And it really ended up creating the kind of bottom-up movement that allowed us to do very well.

Now, that's not just true in—for government and politics. It's also true for business. You think about a company like Google that only 20 years ago was—less than 20 years ago was the idea of a couple of people not much older than you. It was a science project. And suddenly because of the Internet, they were able to create an industry that has revolutionized commerce all around the world. So if it had not been for the freedom and the openness that the Internet allows, Google wouldn't exist.

So I'm a big supporter of not restricting Internet use, Internet access, other information technologies like Twitter. The more open we are, the more we can communicate. And it also helps to draw the world together.

Think about—when I think about my daughters, Malia and Sasha—one is 11, one is 8—from their room, they can get on the Internet and they can travel to Shanghai. They can go anyplace in the world and they can learn about anything they want to learn about. And that's just an enormous power that they have. And that helps, I think, promote the kind of understanding that we talked about.

Now, as I said before, there's always a downside to technology. It also means that terrorists are able to organize on the Internet in ways that they might not have been able to do before. Extremists can mobilize. And so there's some price that you pay for openness, there's no denying that. But I think that the good outweighs the bad so much that it's better to maintain that openness. And that's part of why I'm so glad that the Internet was part of this forum.

U.S.-China Clean Energy Announcements

Today, President Barack Obama and President Hu Jintao announced a far-reaching package of measures to strengthen cooperation between the United States and China on clean energy. Attached are six fact sheets on the U.S-China clean energy announcements.

1. U.S.-China Clean Energy Research Center. The two Presidents announced the establishment of the U.S.-China Clean Energy Research Center. The Center will facilitate joint research and development of clean energy technologies by teams of scientists and engineers from the United States and China, as well as serve as a clearinghouse to help researchers in each country. The Center will be supported by public and private funding of at least $150 million over five years, split evenly between the two countries. Initial research priorities will be building energy efficiency, clean coal including carbon capture and storage, and clean vehicles. The Protocol formally establishing the Center was signed in Beijing by U.S. Energy Secretary Steven Chu, Chinese Minister of Science and Technology Wan Gang, and Chinese National Energy Agency Acting Administrator Zhang Guobao.

2. U.S.-China Electric Vehicles Initiative. The two Presidents announced the launch of the U.S.-China Electric Vehicles Initiative. Building on the first-ever US-China Electric Vehicle Forum in September 2009, the initiative will include joint standards development, demonstration projects in more than a dozen cities, technical roadmapping and public education projects. The two leaders emphasized their countries' strong shared interest in accelerating the deployment of electric vehicles in order to reduce oil dependence, cut greenhouse gas emissions and promote economic growth.

3. U.S. China Energy Efficiency Action Plan. The two Presidents announced the launch of a new U.S.-China Energy Efficiency Action Plan. Under the new plan, the two countries will work together to improve the energy efficiency of buildings, industrial facilities, and consumer appliances. U.S. and Chinese officials will work together and with the private sector to develop energy efficient building codes and rating systems, benchmark industrial energy efficiency, train building inspectors and energy efficiency auditors for industrial facilities, harmonize test procedures and performance metrics for energy efficient consumer products, exchange best practices in energy efficient labeling systems, and convene a new U.S.-China Energy Efficiency Forum to be held annually, rotating between the two countries.

4. U.S. China Renewable Energy Partnership. The two Presidents announced the launch of a new U.S.-China Renewable Energy Partnership. Under the Partnership, the two countries will develop roadmaps for wide-spread renewable energy deployment in both countries. The Partnership will also provide technical and analytical resources to states and regions in both countries to support renewable energy deployment and will facilitate state-to-state and region-to-region partnerships to share experience and best practices. A new Advanced Grid Working Group will bring together U.S. and Chinese policymakers, regulators, industry leaders, and civil society to develop strategies for grid modernization in both countries. A new U.S.-China Renewable Energy Forum will be held annually, rotating between the two countries.

5. 21st Century Coal. The two Presidents pledged to promote cooperation on cleaner uses of coal, including large-scale carbon capture and storage (CCS) demonstration projects. Through the new U.S.-China Clean Energy Research Center, the two countries are launching a program of technical cooperation to bring teams of U.S. and Chinese scientists and engineers together in developing clean coal and CCS technologies. The two governments are also actively engaging industry, academia, and civil society in advancing clean coal and CCS solutions. The Presidents welcomed: (i) a grant from the U.S. Trade and Development Agency to the China Power Engineering and Consulting Group Corporation to support a feasibility study for an integrated gasification combined cycle (IGCC) power plant in China using American technology, (ii) an agreement by Missouri-based Peabody Energy to invest participate in GreenGen, a project of several major Chinese energy companies to develop a near-zero emissions coal-fired power plant, (iii) an agreement between GE and Shenhua Corporation to collaborate on the development and deployment of IGCC and other clean coal technologies; and (iv) an agreement between AES and Songzao Coal and Electric Company to use methane captured from a coal mine in Chongqing, China, to generate electricity and reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

6. Shale Gas Initiative. The two Presidents announced the launch of a new U.S.-China Shale Gas Resource Initiative. Under the Initiative, the U.S. and China will use experience gained in the United States to assess China's shale gas potential, promote environmentally-sustainable development of shale gas resources, conduct joint technical studies to accelerate development of shale gas resources in China, and promote shale gas investment in China through the U.S.-China Oil and Gas Industry Forum, study tours, and workshops.

7. U.S. China Energy Cooperation Program. The two Presidents announced the establishment of the U.S.-China Energy Cooperation Program. The program will leverage private sector resources for project development work in China across a broad array of clean energy projects, to the benefit of both nations. More than 22 companies are founding members of the program. The ECP will include collaborative projects on renewable energy, smart grid, clean transportation, green building, clean coal, combined heat and power, and energy efficiency.

U.S.-China Joint Statement delivered in Beijing, China

At the invitation of President Hu Jintao of the People's Republic of China, President Barack Obama of the United States of America is paying a state visit to China from November 15–18, 2009. The Presidents held in-depth, productive and candid discussions on U.S.-China relations and other issues of mutual interest. They highlighted the substantial progress in U.S.-China relations over the past 30 years since the establishment of diplomatic ties, and they reached agreement to advance U.S.-China relations in the new era. President Obama will have separate meetings with Wu Bangguo, Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and Premier Wen Jiabao. President Obama also spoke with and answered questions from Chinese youth.

I. The U.S.-China Relationship

The United States and China agreed that regular exchanges between leaders of the two countries are essential to the long-term, sound, and steady growth of U.S.-China relations. The two sides are of the view that the three meetings between the two presidents and other important bilateral exchanges this year have strengthened relations. President Obama invited President Hu to make a visit to the United States next year, and President Hu accepted the invitation with pleasure. Leaders of the two countries will continue to maintain close communication through mutual visits, meetings, telephone conversations and correspondence.

The United States and China spoke highly of the important role of the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue and recognized that the Dialogue offers a unique forum to promote understanding, expand common ground, reduce differences, and develop solutions to common problems. Both sides believed that the first round of the Dialogue held in Washington, D.C., in July this year was a fruitful one and agreed to honor in good faith the commitments made and hold the second round in Beijing in the summer of 2010. The two sides agreed that they will continue to use the direct communication links among senior leaders to maintain timely communication on major and sensitive issues, institutionalize the annual exchange of visits by the two foreign ministers and encourage senior officials of other departments of the two countries to exchange visits on a regular basis.

The United States and China commended the outcomes of the visit to the United States by General Xu Caihou, Vice Chairman of the Chinese Central Military Commission, in October this year, and stated that they will take concrete steps to advance sustained and reliable military-to-military relations in the future. The two sides will prepare for the visit to the United States by General Chen Bingde, Chief of the General Staff of China's People's Liberation Army, and the visits to China by Robert Gates, the U.S. Secretary of Defense, and Admiral Michael Mullen, Chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff. The two sides will actively implement various exchange and cooperation programs agreed between the two militaries, including by increasing the level and frequency of exchanges. The goal of these efforts is to improve their capabilities for practical cooperation and foster greater understanding of each other's intentions and of the international security environment.

The United States and China agreed to deepen counter-terrorism consultation and cooperation on an equal and mutually beneficial basis and to strengthen law-enforcement cooperation. They agreed to exchange evidence and intelligence on law enforcement issues in a timely and reciprocal manner. The two countries will undertake joint investigations and provide investigative assistance on cases of mutual interest. The United States and China will strengthen cooperation on criminal investigations and deepen collaboration in combating embezzlement as well as in counter-narcotics and pre-cursor chemical control and in combating unlawful migration. They also will boost joint efforts to combat transnational crime and criminal organizations as well as money laundering and the financing of terrorism including counterfeiting and recovery of illicit funds. They will work to combat smuggling and human trafficking.

The United States reaffirmed its support for Expo 2010 Shanghai.

The United States and China applauded the rich achievements in scientific and technological cooperation and exchanges between the two countries over the past 30 years since the signing of the U.S.-China Agreement on Cooperation in Science and Technology and agreed to further upgrade the level of exchanges and cooperation in scientific and technological innovation through the U.S.-China Joint Commission on Science and Technology Cooperation.

The United States and China look forward to expanding discussions on space science cooperation and starting a dialogue on human space flight and space exploration, based on the principles of transparency, reciprocity and mutual benefit. Both sides welcome reciprocal visits of the NASA Administrator and the appropriate Chinese counterpart in 2010.

The United States and China agreed to strengthen their cooperation on civil aviation, and confirmed their intent to expand the Memorandum of Agreement for Technical Cooperation in the field of Civil Aviation between the Federal Aviation Administration of the United States of America and the Civil Aviation Administration of China (CAAC). The two sides welcomed cooperation by public and private bodies on the development of high speed railway infrastructure.

The United States and China undertook to implement the newly signed Memorandum of Understanding Between the Department of Agriculture of the United States of America and the Ministry of Agriculture of the People's Republic of China on Cooperation in Agriculture and Related Fields.

The two countries agreed to collaborate further in joint research in the health sector including on stem cells. They will deepen cooperation on global public health issues, including Influenza A (H1N1) prevention, surveillance, reporting and control, and on avian influenza, HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria. They will also enhance cooperation on food and product safety and quality.

The United States and China underlined that each country and its people have the right to choose their own path, and all countries should respect each other's choice of a development model. Both sides recognized that the United States and China have differences on the issue of human rights. Addressing these differences in the spirit of equality and mutual respect, as well as promoting and protecting human rights consistent with international human rights instruments, the two sides agreed to hold the next round of the official human rights dialogue in Washington D.C. by the end of February 2010. The United States and China agreed that promoting cooperation in the field of law and exchanges on the rule of law serves the interests and needs of the citizens and governments of both countries. The United States and China decided to convene the U.S.-China Legal Experts Dialogue at an early date.

The two countries noted the importance of people-to-people and cultural exchanges in fostering closer U.S.-China bilateral relations and therefore agreed in principle to establish a new bilateral mechanism to facilitate these exchanges. The two sides are pleased to note the continued increase in the number of students studying in each other's country in recent years. Nearly 100,000 Chinese are now studying in the United States, and the U.S. side will receive more Chinese students and facilitate visa issuance for them. The United States has approximately 20,000 students in China. The United States seeks to encourage more Americans to study in China by launching a new initiative to send 100,000 students to China over the coming four years. China welcomed this decision by the United States. The two sides agreed to expedite negotiations to renew in 2010 the Implementing Accord for Cultural Exchange for the Period Through 2010–2012 under the Cultural Agreement Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the People's Republic of China. The United States and China agreed to jointly hold the Second U.S.-China Cultural Forum in the United States at an appropriate time.

II. Building and Deepening Bilateral Strategic Trust

The United States and China are of the view that in the 21st century, global challenges are growing, countries are more interdependent, and the need for peace, development, and cooperation is increasing. The United States and China have an increasingly broad base of cooperation and share increasingly important common responsibilities on many major issues concerning global stability and prosperity. The two countries should further strengthen coordination and cooperation, work together to tackle challenges, and promote world peace, security and prosperity.

The two countries believe that to nurture and deepen bilateral strategic trust is essential to U.S.-China relations in the new era. During their discussions, the Chinese side said that it resolutely follows the path of peaceful development and a win-win strategy of opening-up, and is committed to promoting the building of a harmonious world of enduring peace and common prosperity. The United States reiterated that it welcomes a strong, prosperous and successful China that plays a greater role in world affairs. The United States stated that it is committed to working with other countries in addressing the most difficult international problems they face. China welcomes the United States as an Asia-Pacific nation that contributes to peace, stability and prosperity in the region. The two sides reiterated that they are committed to building a positive, cooperative and comprehensive U.S.-China relationship for the 21st century, and will take concrete actions to steadily build a partnership to address common challenges.

The United States and China underscored the importance of the Taiwan issue in U.S.-China relations. China emphasized that the Taiwan issue concerns China's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and expressed the hope that the United States will honor its relevant commitments and appreciate and support the Chinese side's position on this issue. The United States stated that it follows its one China policy and abides by the principles of the three U.S.-China joint communiqués. The United States welcomes the peaceful development of relations across the Taiwan Strait and looks forward to efforts by both sides to increase dialogues and interactions in economic, political, and other fields, and develop more positive and stable cross-Strait relations.

The two countries reiterated that the fundamental principle of respect for each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity is at the core of the three U.S.-China joint communiqués which guide U.S.-China relations. Neither side supports any attempts by any force to undermine this principle. The two sides agreed that respecting each other's core interests is extremely important to ensure steady progress in U.S.-China relations.

The United States and China believe that bilateral cooperation on common global challenges will contribute to a more prosperous and secure world. They reaffirmed their commitment made on 27 June 1998 not to target at each other the strategic nuclear weapons under their respective control. The two sides believed that the two countries have common interests in promoting the peaceful use of outer space and agree to take steps to enhance security in outer space. The two sides agreed to discuss issues of strategic importance through such channels as the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue and military-to-military exchanges.

The United States and China agreed to handle through existing channels of consultations and dialogue military security and maritime issues in keeping with norms of international law and on the basis of respecting each other's jurisdiction and interests.

III. Economic Cooperation and Global Recovery

The two sides are determined to work together to achieve more sustainable and balanced global economic growth. To that end, the two sides noted that their forceful and timely policy responses helped stem the decline in global output and stabilized financial markets. The two sides agreed to sustain measures to ensure a strong and durable global economic recovery and financial system. The two sides reiterated that they will continue to strengthen dialogue and cooperation on macro-economic policies. The two sides pledge to honor all commitments made at the inaugural meeting of the Strategic and Economic Dialogue, the G-20 summits, and APEC in Singapore.

The two sides commended the important role of the three G-20 summits in tackling the global financial crisis, and committed to work with other members of the G-20 to enhance the G-20's effectiveness as the premier forum for international economic cooperation. The two sides agreed to work together, including through a cooperative process on mutual assessment to make the G-20 Framework for Strong, Sustainable and Balanced Growth a success. The two sides welcomed recent agreements by the G-20 to ensure that the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) have sufficient resources and to reform their governance structures in order to improve IFIs credibility, legitimacy and effectiveness. The two sides stressed the need to follow through on the quantified targets for the reform of quota and voting shares of IFIs as soon as possible, increasing the voice and representation of emerging markets and developing countries in these institutions consistent with the Pittsburgh Summit Leaders Statement. They also agreed to work together to strengthen the capacity of these institutions to prevent and respond to future crises.

The two sides will further enhance communication and the exchange of information regarding macro-economic policy, and work together to pursue policies of adjusting domestic demand and relative prices to lead to more sustainable and balanced trade and growth. China will continue to implement the policies to adjust economic structure, raise household incomes, expand domestic demand to increase contribution of consumption to GDP growth and reform its social security system. The United States will take measures to increase national saving as a share of GDP and promote sustainable non-inflationary growth. To achieve this, the United States is committed to returning the federal budget deficit to a sustainable path and pursuing measures to encourage private saving. Both sides will also pursue forward-looking monetary policies with due regard for the ramifications of those policies for the international economy.

The two sides recognize the importance of open trade and investment to their domestic economies and to the global economy, and are committed to jointly fight protectionism in all its manifestations. The two sides agreed to work proactively to resolve bilateral trade and investment disputes in a constructive, cooperative, and mutually beneficial manner. Both sides will expedite negotiation on a bilateral investment treaty. The two sides are committed to seeking a positive, ambitious, and balanced conclusion to the Doha Development Agenda in 2010.

The two sides spoke highly of the outcomes of the 20th Meeting of the U.S.-China Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade. The two sides reaffirmed the commitment at this JCCT meeting and look forward to their full implementation.

IV. Regional and Global Challenges

The two sides noted that, at a time when the international environment is undergoing complex and profound changes, the United States and China share a responsibility to cooperatively address regional and global security challenges. The two sides stressed that they share broad common interests in the Asia-Pacific region and support the development and improvement of an open and inclusive regional cooperation framework that is beneficial to all. The two sides will work to encourage APEC to play a more effective role in promoting regional trade and investment liberalization and economic and technical cooperation and for the ASEAN Regional Forum to play a more effective role in strengthening regional security cooperation.

The two sides agreed that respect for the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, IAEA mandates, and implementation of all relevant UN Security Council resolutions are essential for the success of our joint efforts to stem the spread of nuclear weapons. The two presidents recalled their participation at the September 24, 2009, UN Security Council Summit on nuclear nonproliferation and nuclear disarmament. They welcomed the outcome of the Summit and expressed their strong support for UN Security Resolution 1887.

The two sides reaffirmed the importance of continuing the Six-Party Talks process and implementing the September 19, 2005, Joint Statement, including denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, normalization of relations and establishment of a permanent peace regime in Northeast Asia. The two sides stated that they will work together with other parties concerned to comprehensively achieve the purpose and overall goal of the Six-Party Talks through consultations and dialogues. The Chinese side welcomed the start of high-level contacts between the United States and the DPRK. The two sides expressed the hope that the multilateral mechanism of the Six Party Talks would convene at an early date.

The two sides noted with concern the latest developments with regard to the Iranian nuclear issue. The two sides agreed that Iran has the right to peaceful uses of nuclear energy under the NPT and it should fulfill its due international obligations under that treaty. They welcomed the talks in Geneva on October 1st between the P5+1 and Iran as a promising start towards addressing international concerns about Iran's nuclear program, and expressed their readiness to continue that engagement as soon as possible. The two sides emphasized that all efforts should be made to take confidence building steps and called on Iran to respond positively to the proposal of the IAEA Director General. The two sides reaffirmed their strong support for a comprehensive and long-term solution to the Iranian nuclear issue through negotiations, and called on Iran to engage constructively with the P5+1 and to cooperate fully with the IAEA to facilitate a satisfactory outcome.

The two sides welcomed all efforts conducive to peace, stability and development in South Asia. They support the efforts of Afghanistan and Pakistan to fight terrorism, maintain domestic stability and achieve sustainable economic and social development, and support the improvement and growth of relations between India and Pakistan. The two sides are ready to strengthen communication, dialogue and cooperation on issues related to South Asia and work together to promote peace, stability and development in that region.

The two sides underlined their commitment to the eventual realization of a world free of nuclear weapons. They reiterated their opposition to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and will jointly uphold the international nuclear non-proliferation regime. They agreed to enhance non-proliferation cooperation on the basis of mutual respect and equality. They will work together to achieve a successful Review Conference of Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in 2010. They committed to pursue ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty as soon as possible, and will work together for the early entry into force of the CTBT. They support the launching of negotiations on the Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty at an early date in the Conference on Disarmament, and stand ready to strengthen communication and cooperation in nuclear safety and security and in combating nuclear terrorism. China attaches importance to the U.S. initiative to hold a nuclear security summit in April 2010 and will actively participate in the preparations for the summit.

The two sides also discussed the importance of UN peacekeeping operations in promoting international peace and security.

The two sides agreed to enhance dialogue on development issues to explore areas of cooperation and coordination and to ensure that both countries' efforts are conducive to achieving sustainable outcomes.

V. Climate Change, Energy and Environment

The two sides held a constructive and productive dialogue on the issue of climate change. They underscored that climate change is one of the greatest challenges of our time. The two sides maintain that a vigorous response is necessary and that international cooperation is indispensable in responding to this challenge. They are convinced of the need to address climate change in a manner that respects the priority of economic and social development in developing countries and are equally convinced that transitioning to a low-carbon economy is an opportunity to promote continued economic growth and sustainable development in all countries.

Regarding the upcoming Copenhagen Conference, both sides agree on the importance of actively furthering the full, effective and sustained implementation of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in accordance with the Bali Action Plan. The United States and China, consistent with their national circumstances, resolve to take significant mitigation actions and recognize the important role that their countries play in promoting a sustainable outcome that will strengthen the world's ability to combat climate change. The two sides resolve to stand behind these commitments.

In this context both sides believe that, while striving for final legal agreement, an agreed outcome at Copenhagen should, based on the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities, include emission reduction targets of developed countries and nationally appropriate mitigation actions of developing countries. The outcome should also substantially scale up financial assistance to developing countries, promote technology development, dissemination and transfer, pay particular attention to the needs of the poorest and most vulnerable to adapt to climate change, promote steps to preserve and enhance forests, and provide for full transparency with respect to the implementation of mitigation measures and provision of financial, technology and capacity building support.

The two sides are committed to working together and with other countries in the weeks ahead for a successful outcome at Copenhagen.

The two sides agreed that the transition to a green and low-carbon economy is essential and that the clean energy industry will provide vast opportunities for citizens of both countries in the years ahead and welcomed significant steps forward to advance policy dialogue and practical cooperation on climate change, energy and the environment, building on the U.S.-China Memorandum of Understanding to Enhance Cooperation on Climate Change, Energy and Environment announced at the first round of U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue this July and formally signed during the Presidential visit.

The two sides recognized the importance of the Ten Year Framework on Energy and Environment Cooperation (TYF) and commit to strengthen cooperation in promoting clean air, water, transportation, electricity, and resource conservation. Through a new U.S.-China Energy Efficiency Action Plan under the TYF, the United States and China will work together to achieve cost-effective energy efficiency improvements in industry, buildings and consumer products through technical cooperation, demonstration and policy exchanges. Noting both countries significant investments in energy efficiency, the two Presidents underscored the enormous opportunities to create jobs and enhance economic growth through energy savings.

The two sides welcomed the signing of the Protocol Between the Department of Energy of the United States of America and the Ministry of Science and Technology and the National Energy Administration of the People's Republic of China on a Clean Energy Research Center. The Center will facilitate joint research and development on clean energy by teams of scientists and engineers from both countries, as well as serve as clearing house to help researchers in each country, with public and private funding of at least $150 million over five years split evenly between the two countries. The Center will have one headquarters in each country. Priority topics to be addressed will include energy efficiency in buildings, clean coal (including carbon capture and sequestration), and clean vehicles.

The two sides welcomed the launch of a U.S.-China Electric Vehicles Initiative designed to put millions of electric vehicles on the roads of both countries in the years ahead. Building on significant investments in electric vehicles in both the United States and China, the two governments announced a program of joint demonstration projects in more than a dozen cities, along with work to develop common technical standards to facilitate rapid scale-up of the industry. The two sides agreed that their countries share a strong common interest in the rapid deployment of clean vehicles.

The two sides strongly welcomed work in both countries to promote 21st century coal technologies. They agreed to promote cooperation on large-scale carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) demonstration projects and to begin work immediately on the development, deployment, diffusion, and transfer of CCS technology. The two sides welcomed recent agreements between Chinese and U.S. companies, universities, and research institutions to cooperate on CCS and more efficient coal technologies.

The two sides welcomed the signing of the Memorandum of Cooperation between the Environmental Protection Agency of the United States and the National Development and Reform Commission of China to Build Capacity to Address Climate Change.

The two sides welcomed the launch of The U.S.-China Renewable Energy Partnership. Through this Partnership, the two countries will chart a pathway to wide-scale deployment of wind, solar, advanced bio-fuels, and a modern electric power grid in both countries and cooperate in designing and implementing the policy and technical tools necessary to make that vision possible. Given the combined market size of the two countries, accelerated deployment of renewable energy in The United States and China can significantly reduce the cost of these technologies globally.

The two sides welcomed the establishment of The U.S.-China Energy Cooperation Program (ECP), a partnership between government and industry to enhance energy security and combat climate change. The ECP will leverage private sector resources and expertise to accelerate the deployment of clean energy technology.

The two sides commended the results of the recently-held Fourth U.S.-China Energy Policy Dialogue and Ninth U.S.-China Oil and Gas Industry Forum and welcomed the launch of a U.S.-China Shale Gas Resource Initiative to accelerate the development of unconventional natural gas resources in China. Drawing on recent experience in the United States, this initiative aims to improve energy security in both countries and help China transition to a low-carbon economy.

The two sides agreed to work together to advance global efforts to promote the peaceful use of nuclear energy. They welcomed the recently-concluded Third Executive Committee Meeting of the Global Nuclear Energy Partnership, and the commitment of the partnership to explore ways to enhance the international framework for civil nuclear energy cooperation. They agreed to consult with one another in order to explore such approaches— including assurance of fuel supply and cradle-to-grave nuclear fuel management so that countries can access peaceful nuclear power while minimizing the risks of proliferation.

President Barack Obama and President Lee Myung-Bak delivered these remarks in Seoul, South Korea

President Lee. We have beautiful weather today. I know that yesterday we had subzero cold. And President Obama brought with him very nice weather. On behalf of the people of the Republic of Korea, I wish to extend our warmest welcome and greetings to President Obama and his delegation.

We know how much President Obama appreciates and understands the value of Korean and Asian cultures. I believe that President Obama's global leadership, a leadership that is based on mutual respect and mutual goals, will help usher in an era of hope and renewal to the United States and better serve peace and prosperity throughout the world.

Having held three summit meetings with him, and having met many times in various multilateral settings over the past 10 months, I think I can say that we have indeed become very close friends. In particular, I think our discussions today have been particularly in depth and very fruitful, very honest talks. The relationship between our two countries is excellent and stands stronger than ever. President Obama and I believe that it can become even stronger. So we will continue to consult on specific ways to move our relationship forward.

President Obama and I reaffirmed the solid ROK-U.S. defense posture, including the extended deterrence. We also agreed to further develop our partnership so that it can become an example of what a strategic alliance of the 21st century should be by faithfully implementing the joint vision for the alliance adopted at our last meeting in June.

As part of these efforts, we agreed to have our foreign and defense ministers to meet and discuss specific ways to develop our alliance to the future sometime next year, which marks the 60th anniversary of the outbreak of the Korean War.

President Obama and I expressed our shared satisfaction that Korea and the United States are working closely together with regards to our approach vis-à-vis North Korea and the nuclear issue. We also reaffirmed our commitment to the complete and verifiable denuclearization of North Korea through the six-party talks. We fully share the view that the North Korean nuclear issue requires a definite and comprehensive resolution, as I described in our grand bargain, and agreed to closely consult on how to elaborate and implement this approach.

It is my hope that North Korea would accept our proposal so that we can usher in a new era in which North Korea can be assured of its security and its people can enjoy real improvements in their quality of life. We agreed to work closely together with the other countries in the six-party process to bring North Korea back to the six-party talks at an early date, and make sure that North Korea takes substantive measures towards its denuclearization.

Moreover, we noted our shared concern for North Korean humanitarian issues and agreed to work together to bring improvements in this area.

Meanwhile President Obama and I reaffirmed the economic and strategic importance of the Korea-U.S. free trade agreement. We agreed to redouble our efforts to move the agreement forward.

Noting with satisfaction the achievements of the G20 summit meeting in Pittsburgh, President Obama and I agreed to continue cooperating on implementing a framework for ensuring a strong sustainable and balanced growth. We also agreed to work together to ensure the success of next November's G20 summit to be held here in Korea.

At the same time, we share the view that such global challenges as climate change, green growth, nonproliferation, and counterterrorism requires a collective response.

In particular I would like to commend President Obama's endeavor towards a world without nuclear weapons, and in this respect the Republic of Korea intends to participate in and do its part to ensure the success of next April's nuclear security summit in Washington, D.C.

I am very pleased that we were able to have candid discussions on important issues that confront us, and I'm happy that we produced fruitful outcomes.

I also wish to once again congratulate President Obama on his very successful trip to Asia. And let me once again join the Korean people in expressing to President Obama and his delegation our warmest sentiments of friendship.

Thank you.

President Obama. Well, it's a great honor to be making my first trip to the Republic of Korea as President of the United States. I want to thank my good friend, President Lee, and the Korean people, for their extraordinary hospitality. And I have to say that the arrival ceremony for our state visit was as spectacular as any that we've seen.

I was privileged to host President Lee in Washington in June. As he mentioned, we've seen each other in many multilateral forums, as well, and we've developed a strong working relationship and friendship. And it's a great pleasure to visit this beautiful city.

The Republic of Korea is a close and valued friend and ally of the United States. The strong bonds between our people were forged in the battles of the Korean War nearly 60 years ago. Our alliance, which is grounded in shared interests and values, has provided peace and security on this peninsula and in the region for many decades. And I'm pleased to say that our alliance has never been stronger than it is today.

The 60th anniversary of the outbreak of the Korean War presents an important opportunity to honor the service of our veterans, to reflect on the principles for which they fought, and to move forward in adapting our alliance to meet the challenges of the 21st century. As part of this process, we agreed that Secretaries Clinton and Gates will meet with their Korean counterparts next year to work on realizing our shared vision for the alliance going forward.

The Republic of Korea has made extraordinary progress in the six decades since the Korean War. Evidence of that progress can be seen in Korea's strong democracy, its vibrant economy, but it can also be seen in Korea's increasingly prominent role in global affairs. Indeed, in just one generation, the Republic of Korea has gone from a recipient of aid to a donor nation and—under the leadership of President Lee, a leader within the G20.

The United States has been proud to stand as a friend and ally of the Korean people throughout this period. And later today, I'll also visit some of our servicemen and women, who represent America's unwavering commitment to the security of this country. In going forward, I know that our two nations can strengthen our cooperation on a range of critical issues, including several that we discussed today.

On North Korea, our governments have maintained extraordinarily close cooperation, and President Lee and I are in full agreement on our common approach going forward. I reaffirmed my commitment to continue working together in the six-party process to achieve a definitive and comprehensive resolution of the nuclear issue. As a part of that effort, we will be sending Ambassador Bosworth to North Korea on December 8th to engage in direct talks with the North Koreans.

Our message is clear: If North Korea is prepared to take concrete and irreversible steps to fulfill its obligations and eliminate its nuclear weapons program, the United States will support economic assistance and help promote its full integration into the community of nations. That opportunity and respect will not come with threats—North Korea must live up to its obligations.

The Republic of Korea is also, obviously, a close trading partner of the United States, and the relationship between our nations advance our common prosperity. To strengthen those ties, President Lee and I discussed the U.S.-Korea free trade agreement, which holds out the promise of serving our mutual interests. And together, we're committed to working together to move the agreement forward.

I also thanked President Lee for his leadership at the G20, as we continue our efforts to transition from rescuing the global economy to promoting balanced and sustainable growth. In that effort, Korea will play a critical role as a host for the G20 next year.

We also discussed the importance of promoting security and stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and I welcomed President Lee's decision to establish a Provincial Reconstruction Team in Afghanistan. This important contribution will help support the strengthening of Afghan capacity, which is essential to achieving our goals in Afghanistan.

And finally, we agreed to coordinate our efforts to clean energy and climate change. I told President Lee that Korea's recent announcement of an ambitious target for 2020 is a model for emerging economies. And building on the progress that we made at APEC and in Beijing, I will continue to work closely with President Lee to help pave the way for a successful outcome in Copenhagen next month.

Once again, I want to thank President Lee and the Korean people for their warm hospitality. I look forward to working with you, Mr. President, to strengthen a relationship that does so much to advance the mutual interests of our citizens. And as a fan of Korean culture and Korean barbecue, I'm also very much looking forward to lunch that we'll be having in a few minutes. So thank you very much. Kamsa hamnida.

Q. First of all, welcome to Korea, Mr. President. A question going out to President Lee regarding the North Korea nuclear issue. Do you envisage any timeline between Korea and the United States in order to resolve the North Korean nuclear issue? Do you have any deadlines about it? And also regarding the grand bargain proposal that you proposed to North Korea, how do you think that the North Koreans will react to your grand bargain proposal? And both of you mentioned the result of your talks, but what kind of things did you discuss regarding the KORUS FTA?

A question going out to President Obama on the KORUS FTA—the KORUS FTA is regarded here within Korea as something that will further strengthen bilateral relationship between Korea and the United States, and many Korean people are hopeful or hoping for the early ratification of the KORUS FTA. And I would just like to ask, Mr. President, of your strategic vision regarding the KORUS FTA?

And as for the grand bargain proposal, I would just like to ask you how much do you intend to cooperate with the South Koreans in implementing this?

President Lee. I think we promised to ask one question to one leader, but I think you're asking many questions all at once. First of all, on North Korea nuclear issue and convincing North Korea to give up their nuclear weapons program, it is not a simple matter. We know that for sure. For the last 20 years or so, we've been dealing with the North Koreans and negotiating with the North Koreans. We would take one step forward and two steps back, and that has taken 20 years, and still we do not have a full resolvement of this issue.

Now, with President Obama and the White House, we were successful in passing and adopting a U.N. Security Council resolution. International cooperation is perfect in my opinion in terms of trying to resolve this issue peacefully, and I think we are entering into a new chapter in bringing this issue to an end.

I do not put any deadline to resolving this North Korean nuclear issue. Of course we would want to resolve this issue as soon as possible because that is critical for ensuring peace and stability of the region and the world. And so this is why I proposed a grand bargain proposal.

And what's important is to really know whether North Korea has genuine intent to give up fully and verifiably their nuclear weapons program. We must find out the intention of the North Koreans, and as soon as we find out, the better it is. And the negotiations to convince North Korea to resolve their nuclear weapons issue, like I said, it is not going to be easy, but I believe it is possible that we can resolve this issue peacefully. So together with President Obama and the international community, we will work to resolve this issue.

About the grand bargain, the North Koreans haven't yet conveyed what they thought of the grand bargain, but in order for the North Koreans to ensure their stability, to improve the lives of the North Korean population, to have economic prosperity—in short, for a better future the North Koreans—it is my wish that the North Koreans will adopt the grand bargain proposal.

And as for the KORUS FTA, I'm sure President Obama will be making a comment, so I'll just listen.

President Obama. Well, first of all, with respect to North Korea, there's going to be extraordinarily close coordination between our two countries, as there has been for many years.

The thing I want to emphasize is that President Lee and I both agree on the need to break the pattern that has existed in the past in which North Korea behaves in a provocative fashion; it then is willing to return to talks; it talks for a while and then leaves the talks seeking further concessions, and there's never actually any progress on the core issues.

I think President Lee is exactly right, and my administration is taking the same approach, which is the door is open to resolving these issues peacefully, for North Korea to see over time the reduction of sanctions and its increasing integration into the international community—something that will be good for its people—but it will only happen if North Korea is taking serious steps around the nuclear issue. And we will not distracted by a whole host of other side items that end up generating a lot of meetings but not concrete action.

Now, with respect to the free trade agreement, I am a strong believer that both countries can benefit from expanding our trade ties. And so I have told President Lee and his team, [] I am committed to seeing the two countries work together to move this agreement forward. There are still issues that are being discussed and worked on and we have put our teams in place to make sure that we are covering all the issues that might be a barrier to final ratification of the agreement.

With respect to the United States, I think it's important to understand—and I shared this with President Lee—that American companies and workers are very confident in our ability to compete and we recognize that there's not only a economic but also a strategy interest in expanding our ties to South Korea. There is obviously also a concern within the United States around the incredible trade imbalances that have grown over the last several decades. Those imbalances are not as prominent with Korea, but there has been a tendency I think to lump all of Asia together when Congress looks at trade agreements and says it appears as if this is one-way street.

And one of my goals is to make sure that as we work through these issues, that the American people, American businesses, American workers recognize that we have to look at each agreement and each country on its own merits, and make sure that we can create the kind of win-win situation that I know President Lee is interested in seeing, as well.

I think that we've got a question. Julianna.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President, President Lee. President Obama, it appears that Iran has rejected the international offer on its nuclear problem. What are the severe consequences that you threaten, and when will we see them?

And for President Lee, are you willing to open up your market to U.S. automobiles to get the Korean free trade agreement moving again?

President Obama. With respect to Iran, at the beginning of my administration we put in place a policy that we have executed as drawn up over the last several months. What we said was that we would take a new approach and say to Iran that we are willing to engage them directly; that we would organize the international community around a series of proposals that would permit Iran to show its intentions to give up any nuclear weapon programs and pursue peaceful nuclear energy under the framework of a nonproliferation regime; that even as we were organizing the international community to put forward a fair deal to the Iranians, that we would also move on a dual track and that we weren't going to duplicate what has happened with North Korea in which talks just continue forever without any actual resolution to the issue—so that we indicated that our offer would be on the table for a certain period of time, and that when that time ran out, we would look at other approaches that would increase pressure on Iran to give up its nuclear weapons program.

Since that time, through the auspices of the International Atomic Energy Agency, as well as the P5-plus-1, we put forward such a proposal, one in which low-enriched uranium could be removed from Iran, processed outside of Iran, returned to them in a way that couldn't be weaponized and used for research purposes.

The fairness of the deal I think is confirmed by the fact that Russia, China, the other members of the P5-plus-1, as well as Mohamed ElBaredei, the Secretary General of the IAEA, all confirmed that this was a smart, creative proposal that could lead to a path in which Iran was no longer in breach of its international agreements, and that Iran should accept them.

Iran has taken weeks now and has not shown its willingness to say yes to this proposal. And I have not seen the report that you're referring to today, but we've seen indications that, whether it's for internal political reasons or because they are stuck in some of their own rhetoric, they have been unable to get to yes.

And so as a consequence, we have begun discussions with our international partners about the importance of having consequences; that the dual-track approach requires Iran to get a clear message that when it fails to take advantage of these opportunities, that in fact it is not making itself more secure, it's making itself less secure. And our expectation is, is that over the next several weeks we will be developing a package of potential steps that we could take that will indicate our seriousness to Iran.

I continue to hold out the prospect that they may decide to walk through this door. I hope they do. But what I'm pleased about is the extraordinary international unity that we've seen. If you think at the beginning of the year how disjointed international efforts were and how uneven perceptions were about Iran's nuclear program and where we are today, I think it's an indication that we've taken the right approach.

President Lee. With regards to the automobile, in principle I believe in free trade and I believe that the international community must strengthen free trade. The last two decades or so I think free trade and the movement of goods and services was the driving force behind the development and economic prosperity that we enjoy today.

But at the same time, I also believe that the global economy should grow in a more sustained and balanced way, as well. If there are any imbalances between two economies, it should be corrected. And this is a topic and an agenda that is being discussed within the G20 forum, and this is something that President Obama and I talked about, as well.

For me, Korea and the United States, the facts are clear, trade imbalances between our two countries is not great. I think it is safe to say that we have almost a balanced account between Korea and the United States. Of course, when Korea was a closed economy with protectionist measures, there were some trade imbalances. But compared to countries like China and Japan, the trade imbalances between our two countries is very miniscule.

And President Obama, as he mentioned in his brief remarks just now, he said that all different economies should be judged on their own merits, and free trade agreements is not an exception. And he and I had very candid and frank discussions and forward-looking discussions between us today during the meeting on how to move the KORUS FTA forward. And I very much appreciate President Obama for engaging in such discussions.

In the United States I think there is a misperception that KORUS FTA, once it is passed, that it is somehow going to only benefit Korea and be detrimental to American consumers, which is not true. Of course there are economic perspectives to take into consideration, but there are—a much bigger strategic perspective to this. And I believe overall this is beneficial for both Korea and the United States.

Of course each industry will be impacted differently. Here in Korea the service sector, the agricultural sector, they are completely against the passage of the KORUS FTA because they lag far behind their American counterparts. But for us, the Korean government, we view the KORUS FTA in a more comprehensive matter. Overall it is beneficial for us in the long term.

If there [are] any problems in the automobile sector, like you asked, then we are ready to resolve this issue. There are other automobile manufacturers, like in the Europeans—as we all know, they produce a tremendous number of automobiles, and we have a free trade agreement with the 27-member European Union, and we have an agreement which has been signed. And we are engaging more and more with our European partners.

And so I think we should have more opportunities to talk about these issues with each other. And on this issue, President Obama and I talked about in detail again how to move forward this agreement. I believe that, again, this is beneficial for both Korea and the United States.

Thank you. We will be now concluding the joint press availability between Korea and the U.S.

President Barack Obama was interviewed in Beijing, China by Xiang Xi of Southern Weekly

Q. America has not recognized China's market economic status. So what effort you give to this question?

President Obama. Well, keep in mind that China's non-market status under the WTO only applies to a few segments of the economy. Most of China's economic sectors are treated as part of the market economy. That's why trade with the United States is so robust. And my understanding is, is that the Chinese government is taking steps necessary in order for it to achieve a market status by 2015, and certainly we are interested in working with China for such a result.

Q. We notice China and America has a large content of trade, but America has many restrictions against China on high-technology exportation. Both China and America's companies are not very satisfied on this. So it also restricts the two countries' trade balance. How do you comment on this?

President Obama. Well, first of all, I think it's just important to recognize obviously that the United States has the most open markets in the world. That's why China is able to accumulate such significant trade surpluses with the United States. The issue of high-tech exports, though, is something that we are reviewing. I discussed this with President Hu. We do think there are opportunities for U.S. exporters to export high-tech technology or to export high technology to China. And some of these restrictions may be outdated, so we're going to be doing a comprehensive review.

One of the main goals I think in the G20 summit in Pittsburgh was to agree that we need a more balanced growth pattern in which China is increasing domestic demand, and other surplus countries are increasing domestic demand, and the United States is saving more and exporting more. That I think will help to stabilize the world financial system as well as help create higher standards of living here in China and more jobs in the United States. And so this could be part of a broader approach that we need to take, and that includes looking at trade provisions, it includes what our currency policies are. All these things go into this broader goal of more balanced growth.

Q. You talked twice, in Tokyo and Shanghai, that America not trying to contain China's rise. So how do you plan to carry out this policy? How do you do it?

President Obama. Well, I think through the kinds of ongoing discussions and dialogue that we're currently having with China. It is in the United States' interests to have a stable and prosperous China that helps to anchor a stable and prosperous Asia in the same way that Japan's stability, South Korea's stability creates a more peaceful world and greater commercial ties with the United States. The same is true in respect to our policy towards China.

I think that the only thing that could prevent such a positive outcome is if there are misunderstandings and miscalculations between the two sides. And that's why it's so important for us to have these continuous dialogues both on the economic set of issues, but also on security issues. And the more trust that's been established between the two countries, the less likely such misunderstandings could occur.

Q. Thank you very much.