The perplexities of speech and communication are on vivid display in a recent article by Susan J. Brison entitled Speech and Other Acts.1
Susan J. Brison, Speech and Other Acts: A Reply to Charles W. Collier, “Hate Speech and the Mind-Body Problem: A Critique of Postmodern Censorship Theory,” 10 LEGAL THEORY 261 (2004); see also Charles W. Collier, Hate Speech and the Mind-Body Problem: A Critique of Postmodern Censorship Theory, 7 LEGAL THEORY 203 (2001).
Susan J. Brison, Speech, Harm, and the Mind-Body Problem in First Amendment Jurisprudence, 4 LEGAL THEORY 39, 61 (1998).
There is, of course, a rather elementary sense in which one might be tempted to proclaim that “all speech is conduct”—the sense, namely, in which speech requires and presupposes some conduct, such as moving one's lips and vocal chords, making marks on paper, and so on. But if “all conduct is expressive,” then my dog is expressing herself whenever she barks or even when she chases a squirrel. G.E.M. Anscombe had the best answer to that: “brutes … can have [intentions], though … a cat's movements in stalking a bird are hardly to be called an expression of intention. One might as well call a car's stalling the expression of its being about to stop.”3
G.E.M. ANSCOMBE, INTENTION §2, at 5 (2d ed. 1963).
From the fact that speech requires and presupposes conduct we should not conclude that “all speech is conduct,” any more than we should conclude that “playing chess is moving pieces of wood.” These formulations are inadequate and misleading because they leave out what is most important: the transmission of meaning. For a more plausible theory, the defining scope of speech must extend to cases involving communication. Indeed, for purposes of the First Amendment, only speech in its aspect as communication—and conduct that is intended to communicate even if it is not speech in the strict sense—are at issue. As the U.S. Supreme Court has remarked: “To hold otherwise would be to create a rule that all conduct is presumptively expressive.”4
Clark v. Community for Creative Non-Violence, 468 U.S. 288, 293 n.5 (1984); see also United States v. O'Brien, 391 U.S. 367, 376 (1968) (“We cannot accept the view that an apparently limitless variety of conduct can be labeled ‘speech’ whenever the person engaging in the conduct intends thereby to express an idea”).
In this brief essay it will not be possible to give every subject the attention it deserves. The discussion will be limited largely to “symbolic” speech, which lies on the important definitional boundary between speech in the full (usually linguistic) sense and that which is not speech at all. Communication will be understood (as the Court understands it) in a commonsense way as the (intentional) transmission of meaning from one person to another.
I
To the extent that the Supreme Court has a theory of speech, it is the following:
- For “the expression of an idea” to count as speech, it must be “sufficiently imbued with elements of communication.”
- “An intent to convey a particularized message [must be] present.”
- “[I]n the surrounding circumstances the likelihood [must be] great that the message would be understood by those who viewed it.”5
Spence v. Washington, 418 U.S. 405, 409–11 (1974).
Brison dismisses this theory outright, saying that it “does not succeed in distinguishing speech from nonspeech conduct” and that “it has proven to be notoriously difficult—some would say impossible—for the Court to distinguish speech from other forms of intentional action.”6
Brison, supra note 1, at 263.
Consider the following examples.
Example 1. I am asleep in a train compartment, speeding through the European countryside. Another occupant of the compartment takes out a cigar, lights it up, and begins to smoke. As the smoke wafts my way, my nostrils begin twitching, my throat becomes parched, and my resulting cough wakes me up.
See, e.g., Donald Davidson, Psychology as Philosophy, in ESSAYS ON ACTIONS AND EVENTS 229 (1980) (“an event is an action if and only if it can be described in a way that makes it intentional”).
CARLOS J. MOYA, THE PHILOSOPHY OF ACTION 54 (1990).
Brison, supra note 1, at 265.
Example 2. Now I am awake, and the smoke is still affecting my throat and nostrils. Being very polite and not wishing to disturb anyone, I try not to cough unnecessarily, but eventually it becomes too much and I finally decide to clear my throat with a brief, quiet cough.
(This example is designed to show that intentional action is not necessarily communicative.) This time I coughed on purpose, as everyone normally does when they cough (without, perhaps, thinking about it quite so much). Even assuming this cough sounds exactly like the previous one, here I was not, strictly speaking, forced (as in Example 1) to cough; I could have avoided coughing by, for example, holding my breath or bolting from the compartment for fresh air. It is true that I meant (intended) to cough, but normally “a cough is just a cough,” and I “meant” nothing else by it. In fact, if anything I tried to avoid drawing any particular attention to my plight. So here there is intention and conduct but not (I shall argue) communication or speech.
To return to the distinction between actions and events: Here, coughing is an action and not simply (as in Example 1) an event, since it is intentional under the description “coughing on purpose to clear my throat.” (Of course, it could also be correctly described as [unintentionally] “contracting certain throat muscles and setting off certain vibrations in the air.”) But is it an expressive action?
Brison seems to think so: “In deciding not to suppress the cough or leave the room, Y acted in a way that he knew would communicate something to X.”10
Id.
Id.
Take, for example, the common form of greeting someone by raising your hand, and suppose that just as you are raising your hand to scratch your head, a friend comes into view. If your friend thinks she has been greeted, does that mean you greeted her? If so, then it would never make sense to say that she mistakenly thought she had been greeted. And you should henceforth be very careful about raising your hand….
Brison supplements this analysis with her own example of yawning “when one has decided not to resist the urge to yawn during a talk that has gone on for too long, knowing (but not intending) that the yawn will signal … to the speaker that the talk has gone on too long, whether or not the yawner intends this to be the message communicated.”13
Brison, supra note 1, at 265.
(1) Yawning is not particularly difficult to suppress or conceal (unlike the coughing described above). This fact is well known and makes the unsuppressed or unconcealed yawn all the more significant. (2) Yawning out of boredom has a long, conventional history, well known the world over, and celebrated in stylized depictions since time immemorial in literature, drama, and film. The Oxford English Dictionary even defines yawn in one sense as “denoting something that induces boredom,” and gives as an example: “[They] were very slow in taking the hint conveyed by his violent yawnings, that he was anxious to retire to rest.”14
20 OXFORD ENGLISH DICTIONARY 703 (2d ed. 1989).
This is a case where philosophical usage diverges from legal usage (assuming one could make a legal case out of yawning). If a man replenishes a house's water supply with poisoned water, knowing full well it will poison the inhabitants but doing so only to earn his pay for supplying water, “it would be incorrect” (from a philosophical point of view) “to say that his act of replenishing the house supply with poisoned water was intentional.” ANSCOMBE, supra note 3,§25, at 42. But that would hardly be a winning legal defense.
Justice Brennan suggests a closer case: “A tired person might, for example, drag a flag through the mud, knowing that this conduct is likely to offend others, and yet have no thought of expressing any idea.” Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 403 n.3 (1989).
Even within philosophy there are objective, verifiable limits on what can credibly be claimed as one's intentions (unlike, say, dreams, which can be as incredible as you please). In Anscombe's example above, the analysis could go either way as details are filled in. If the provider of the poisoned water was in fact simply doing his usual job, following his normal routine, and, we might say, delivering the water “in spite of”—rather than “because of”—its being poisoned, that would be a very different case from one in which he was taking unusual measures and actively going out of his way to avoid detection. See ANSCOMBE, supra,§§23–25. One cannot simply make up a set of facts and stipulate, however implausibly, that the action in question is unintentional (at least if one wishes to convince anyone else).
In other words, our intentions are not some sort of mental facts that we alone can truly know. Instead, intentions are revealed in what we would or could (plausibly) say in response to the question “Why?” (“Why did you do that?”)
Example 3. The smoking continues. Now I am getting a little peeved and I begin pondering how I might get the smoker to desist. But, still being unfailingly polite, I contrive to do so without causing a confrontation. Perhaps I can help the smoker “figure out” that there is a problem without seeming to complain. So I cough again, this time in hopes of getting the smoker to infer that the smoke is bothering me—and to desist. (Let's assume this cough sounds exactly like the previous ones.)16
This and the following example are suggested by Peter Meijes Tiersma, Nonverbal Communication and the Freedom of “Speech,” 1993 WIS. L. REV. 1525, 1554, 1562 (1993).
(This example is designed to show that intentional action—even to influence others' behavior—is not necessarily communicative.) One might say that here I am trying to “plant an idea” in the smoker's mind without wanting the smoker to realize I am doing so. I am hoping the smoker will “get the message,” and in that sense I am “sending a message”—but without intending that there be any connection between the two. In fact, I hope the connection will not be evident. If I am successful, the smoker will get the message without realizing I was sending a message.
Normally, however, when we speak or communicate, we do not simply try to plant ideas in people's minds. Or at least, even when that is partly our intention, another part is to “announce our intention” of doing so. Otherwise we would simply be trying to induce changes in behavior as one might with subliminal advertising or in training an animal.
Brison disagrees again; she thinks this example is “analogous to someone's burning a cross on (or right next to) a black family's lawn in an attempt to induce the family to move away” (which, as she correctly notes, “communicates a message of terror”).17
Brison, supra note 1, at 266.
Cross burning originated in the 14th century as a means for Scottish tribes to signal each other…. Sir Walter Scott used cross burnings for dramatic effect in The Lady of the Lake, where the burning cross signified both a summons and a call to arms…. Cross burning in this country, however, long ago became unmoored from its Scottish ancestry. Burning a cross in the United States is inextricably intertwined with the history of the Ku Klux Klan.
When D.W. Griffith [made] the movie The Birth of a Nation in 1915, the association between cross burning and the Klan became indelible…. From the inception of the second Klan, cross burnings have been used to communicate both threats of violence and messages of shared ideology…. The first known cross burning in the country [occurred] when a Georgia mob celebrated the lynching of Leo Frank by burning a “gigantic cross” on Stone Mountain that was “visible throughout” Atlanta.
To this day, regardless of whether the message is a political one or whether the message is also meant to intimidate, the burning of a cross is a “symbol of hate.”18
Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343, 352, 353–54, 357 (2003).
Brison, supra note 1, at 266.
Id. at 265, 266. This example is not entirely hypothetical. See Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343 (2003) (upholding convictions under statute making it unlawful “to burn, or cause to be burned, a cross … with the intent of intimidating any person”).
After serving my prison sentence I return home, determined to seek revenge against my neighbors but equally determined never again to run afoul of the law against “communicating a message of terror.” So I secretly release a tiger near the neighbors' house, just to terrorize them. That should certainly succeed in terrorizing them, but the idea that someone did this on purpose, just to “send them a message,” would not be high on anyone's list of likely explanations. (A much more obvious thought would be that the tiger escaped from a visiting circus and just happened to be in the neighborhood, etc.) Yet according to Brison, “[r]egardless of [my] intentions,” the release of the tiger “nonetheless communicates a message of terror” to my neighbors.21
Brison, supra note 1, at 266.
Id. These quotations are taken from Brison's discussion of her own cross-burning example. If she objects that my new facts make the example noncommunicative, then we agree.
Example 4. Still the smoking continues and I am losing patience. So I decide on a stylized, ostentatious, highly exaggerated cough that will send an unmistakable message to the boorish smoker: Your smoking is bothering me, I want you to know that, I want you to know that I want you to know that, and I want you to stop. “Harrummmphh!”
Now there can be no doubt that I am not “just coughing” but am also, and primarily, “expressing my displeasure.” Here there is communication and perhaps even speech, at least in the “symbolic” sense. And here I am not just “sending a message” but am also drawing attention to the fact that I am sending a message.
Now the smoker cannot hope to ignore me; or, at least, ignoring me will mean not just ignoring my cough. It will also mean ignoring the evident fact that I am now intentionally sending a message and expressing my displeasure by coughing.
Brison remains unconvinced. She agrees that this final example is communicative, but she thought the two previous examples were communicative too, so nothing changed with these new facts. The phenomenon of “miscommunication” is supposed to reveal an especially telling objection: “If … communicating anything that one does not intend to communicate [were] impossible … the everyday phenomenon of miscommunication [would be] impossible.”23
Id.
I am not sure what, if anything, turns on the existence of the word miscommunication (or the fact that people say things like “I must have miscommunicated”). I am happy to adopt as my own position the view that “Every miscommunication is itself a communication.” The miscommunication does not hit its intended target, so to speak; but it had a target. It was simply so poorly and artlessly constructed that someone got not the intended message but a confused or muddled or garbled variant of it—along with the fact (and here there was no mistake) that some communication was intended. (The person who says “I must have miscommunicated” does not go on to explain: “I wasn't trying to communicate at all.”) So it will not in any way detract from my analysis to consider miscommunication a form or variant of communication. The real puzzle is not how people get the right message but how they know a message is being communicated at all. (Even if this does not seem puzzling for those involved, explaining it is a genuine puzzle.)
II
It is common ground that there can be communication of unintended meaning. What is subject to debate is whether there can be unintentional communication. Consider the following pairs of sentences:
- Someone scored a goal. The ball passed through the goalposts.
- Someone greeted someone. A greeting took place.24
This example is suggested by MOYA, supra note 8, at 38–39, 49–53.
In the description “Someone scored a goal,” the ball's passing through the goalposts is being viewed as intentional, as intended by an agent. But for someone to score a goal, the alternative description “The ball passed through the goalposts” must also be true, and here the ball's passing through the goalposts is being viewed without regard to intention, as a mere event or happening in the physical world. This event could happen in any number of ways (the ball could be lifted up by a bird or perhaps a gust of wind). An ordinary event (a ball's passing through the goalposts) is an action if there is at least one true description of it as intentional (scoring a goal). And in general, the actions a person performs intentionally can receive other true descriptions under which they are unintentional.
But now consider the description “Someone greeted someone.” Here there seems to be no corresponding event in the physical world that would have to take place in order for “Someone greeted someone” to be true. To add “A greeting took place” sounds redundant or tautologous in a way that “The ball passed through the goalposts” does not. But why? I think it is because with “A greeting took place,” no real alternative is suggested; we are still not viewing the greeting without regard to intention, as a mere event or happening in the physical world. Instead, we are importing intention into the very concept of a greeting—mainly because it makes no sense to view a greeting “without regard to intention, as a mere event or happening in the physical world.” (Would you consider yourself to be “greeted” by a machine or even a trained animal?)
In certain sports and under certain circumstances (e.g., during an actual game and according to the rules), getting the ball to pass through the goalposts means you have scored a goal. But suppose that during a game you kick the ball, and somehow it passes through the other team's goalposts. That still means a goal was scored (and it was still your action since it was intentional under the description “kicking the ball”), but presumably you did not intend to score a goal for the other team. Could something similar happen in the case of a greeting?
Implied in the idea of a greeting is the intention of remaining on good terms with one's acquaintances—let's call it the “general commitment to friendliness.” (This is what the machine and the trained animal lacked; and, indeed, something would be odd about your behavior if you greeted people in the usual ways but then proceeded to be as unfriendly to them as to total strangers.) Since no specific event is required for a greeting, if some event occurs anyway in an unexpected or unintended way, that cannot constitute a “greeting” without the implied intention of friendliness.25
A clever reader might think to combine these two examples. Suppose you and I have arranged things so that when you return from summer vacation, I will “greet” you by kicking a ball through the goalposts. (Perhaps your house faces the goalposts, and the ball's passing through them would make for a dramatic welcome.) This would be communicative as well as meaningful, and here the communication indeed seems to depend upon an event in the physical world.
But suppose that on the appointed day I kick the ball, and it narrowly fails to pass through the goalposts. I think it would be hard for us to maintain the fiction that I failed to communicate, because my intention to do so was so clearly evident (which, of course, would not be a good argument in the sports context—where we don't care about communication—when I narrowly miss the goalposts during a game).
Likewise, at an auction, people who cannot bid in the usual way (perhaps because of some physical disability) can still bid if their intention to do so is made sufficiently clear. See Collier, supra note 1, at 211–212. When communication is at issue, there is almost nothing of a physical nature that cannot be dispensed with.
This analysis might have to be modified where linguistic or other higher-order conventional systems of meaning come into play. What about, for example, “accidentally” signaling for a left turn with the turn indicator while driving, or (less plausibly) “accidentally” insulting someone with a particular set of words while giving a speech? These could be analyzed as cases of “miscommunication” (gross miscommunication) since some communication was intended, but here the intentions themselves may be confused or questionable (“What were you thinking when you signaled for a left turn?”), rather than the actions taken to implement them.
Consider the difference between offending (which is not necessarily intentional and thus, I shall argue, not necessarily communicative) and insulting (which is).27
If someone tells me you “offended Linda” and I ask you “Why?” you might very well respond: “I had no idea I was offending her” or “I didn't mean to”—suggesting it was unintentional. But if it would, in principle, never make sense for me to ask “Why?” (if that would be like asking “Why did you offend Linda with your snoring while you were asleep?”), then offending would not be your action, since it would not be intentional under any description; it would simply be an event.
10 OXFORD ENGLISH DICTIONARY, supra note 14, at 725; 7 id. at 1057.
See generally Larry Alexander, Harm, Offense, and Morality, 7 CANADIAN J.L. & JURISPRUDENCE 199 (1994); 2 JOEL FEINBERG, THE MORAL LIMITS OF THE CRIMINAL LAW: OFFENSE TO OTHERS (1985).
Suppose I secretly torture cows in my darkened basement, just for fun. Adherents of the Hindu religion, who consider cows sacred, would no doubt take great offense at this if they were to find out, but I know nothing of that; I am simply pursuing my private hobby. Suppose, however, that secretly filmed videotapes of my cow-torturing rituals arrive (unbeknownst to me) on the shores of India, where the inhabitants proclaim themselves “deeply offended,” as indeed they are. But have I communicated anything to anyone?
Irritated by all this controversy and the ominous threats coming my way, I make a special point of inviting to my next cow-torturing event the camera crews of the Indian News Network, with a direct live feed to New Delhi. Now I have truly “added insult to injury,” as the saying goes.
For another example, suppose I have (finally) been invited to Madam Rothschild's annual garden party, the social event of the year. Obviously I need a new outfit for the occasion, so I pick out a handsome wool sweater with an abstract design featuring black spots of various sizes on a white background, intermingled with striking red blotches. Unbeknownst to me, Madam Rothschild's beloved Dalmatian Trixie has recently met a horrible fate, crushed by a huge tractor-trailer right in front of Madam Rothschild herself, who was understandably devastated. “The sight of poor Trixie lying there, all limp and bloody,” she moaned to all who would listen, “will be with me to my dying day.” She forthwith decreed that all images of Trixie should forever be banned from her mansion and grounds.
Imagine my surprise, then, when I make my grand entrance in my striking new sweater. Madam Rothschild, deeply offended, turns bright crimson and practically swoons on the spot, but not before having me forcibly ejected by her security forces. Stung by the injustice of it all, I bide my time, and a year later I get my chance for revenge when Madam Rothschild inadvertently invites me to her next garden party. Now, I already have the perfect sweater to wear this time, for the perfect insult….
An insult is communicative and (assuming it could be the subject of a legal case) counts as speech for purposes of the First Amendment. Wearing a certain sweater is not speech in any usual sense; but if it is intended to communicate, it may, under the right circumstances (as in the above example), constitute an insult and count as speech for First Amendment purposes.
The difference between insulting and offending, however, is not simply the difference between intending to insult and not (necessarily) intending to offend. Some people would probably take offense even at the use of their religion in a (somewhat irreverent) fictional example illustrating legal theory—and that is foreseeable. According to Brison, my use of such an example would be communicative if their offense was “at least a foreseeable consequence” of my action.30
Brison, supra note 1, at 265.
I think more facts would be needed to establish that claim. In general, it would be hard to come up with an example that did not potentially offend someone.31
See generally LEONARD W. LEVY, BLASPHEMY (1993) (discussing serious offenders from Socrates to Salman Rushdie).
When I insult you, it is essential that you recognize the insult for what it is: a direct communication of ill will from me to you. That recognition is part of the insult. Not only do I want you to feel bad—I also want you to know that I want you to feel bad. And I want that knowledge to be, at least in part, what makes you feel bad. Otherwise, you could feel offended as much as you like, but it might have nothing to do with me or only incidentally relate to me as having provided (perhaps unknowingly) the occasion for your offense. I cannot insult a dog, however much I might want to (even assuming it “distinguishes between being stumbled over and being kicked”).32
O.W. HOLMES, JR., THE COMMON LAW 3 (1881).
Paul Grice makes this point with two examples that may at first seem puzzling.33
See Paul Grice, Meaning, in STUDIES IN THE WAY OF WORDS 213, 218–220 (1989).
The defining characteristic of communication is a certain transparency of intentions. The general intention to communicate is understood more specifically as the intention to communicate a particular message. (Where this intention is evident but the underlying message is garbled, we have “miscommunication”; where the intention can be only dimly perceived, we have “doubtful” communication; where it cannot be perceived at all, we have “attempted” [or “failed”] communication; and where there is no such intention, there is no attempt to communicate.) Thus the question “How do we communicate?” quickly turns into the question “How do we make our intentions (to communicate) known?” Where there are no established conventions (like those of language) for doing so, we can rely on one of the most basic forms of meaning: contrast.
The significant “figure” on an otherwise plain “background” is a basic model of contrastive meaning. One of the most useful contrasts for purposes of communication is the contrast between the natural and the “nonnatural.” Doing something in a natural, normal, functional way is not likely to draw any particular attention to its character as a potential communication. Grice gives as an example: “If my college stopped my salary altogether, I should accuse them of ruining me; if they cut it by one pound, I might accuse them of insulting me.”34
Id. at 220.
In my Examples 2 and 3 above, coughing in the normal way did not communicate. But upon hearing my stylized, ostentatious, highly exaggerated cough in Example 4, the boorish smoker could only wonder: “Now, why would anyone cough like that?”—unless, perhaps, I was trying to do something more than just cough, that is, trying to send a message by coughing. In doubtful or ambiguous cases, “one way for an actor to indicate that otherwise noncommunicative conduct is being used to convey information is to do the act in such a way as to show that it is obviously not meant to perform its ordinary function, and indeed, that the act is done for no evident noncommunicative reason at all.”35
Tiersma, supra note 16, at 1567; cf. Note, Symbolic Conduct, 68 COLUM. L. REV. 1091, 1117 (1968) (assertive conduct is often “a departure from the actor's normal activities and cannot adequately be explained unless a desire to communicate is presumed”).
But where we have established conventions for communication, these elaborate mechanisms for ensuring the recognition of intention may no longer be necessary.36
See SIMON BLACKBURN, SPREADING THE WORD: GROUNDINGS IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF LANGUAGE§4.1 (1984).
I have performed no communicative act at all. I have arranged things so that you are very likely to end up believing that the sun is shining. But … [i]f I tell you that the sun is shining … I intend that you recognize my intention to get you to believe that the sun is shining.37
KENNETH TAYLOR, TRUTH AND MEANING 315 (1998).
A number of philosophical puzzles will have to go unexplored here, but I will mention two. (1) My ideal of communication is a message that can be expressed within quotation marks. (See the preceding examples in the text.) A nonverbal intentional action may, under certain circumstances, convey such a message. (2) Brison employs a broader, “natural” sense of meaning that allows her to say things like “The twitching of the corpse meant that the person had recently died.” (See the next example in the text.) It would be odd to put within quotation marks what the corpse's twitching meant. (“Help! I just died!”) Here the model of the speaker, speaking—so central to legal debates—seems not to apply. See generally Grice, supra note 33.
Grice's position has produced its critics, but generally they point to problems that arise at the level of formal, linguistic systems—which is where my analysis leaves off. See, e.g., BLACKBURN, supra note 36,§4.2; JOHN R. SEARLE, SPEECH ACTS§2.6 (1969); ROBERT M. MARTIN, THE MEANING OF LANGUAGE 85–93 (1987) (Grice accounts for speaker's meaning but not sentence meaning).
III
Now, what about the objection: “Any action can be made communicative. Therefore it is impossible for courts to distinguish speech from other forms of intentional action.”39
See, e.g.,Robert Post, Recuperating First Amendment Doctrine, 47 STAN. L. REV. 1249, 1252 (1995); Brison, supra note 1, at 263.
It seems any object or event could—in the right circumstances—be speech, including “found objects” and even natural events. (Shakespeare found “sermons in stones, books in babbling brooks.”) A rainstorm by itself is not speech. But if I have told you that I will meet you at your house at 6:30 P.M. tomorrow if it is raining there then, the rain (there and then) is my way of telling you that I will meet you.40
Brison, supra note 1, at 264 n.14.
But, as suggested above, other things and actions can be made expressive too, if only we provide them with suitable contexts. Conduct that is not speech in the usual senses but is intended to communicate may, under the right circumstances, count as speech for First Amendment purposes. This applies even to things and actions that are not normally thought of as expressive or communicative at all. Driving too fast and breaking the speed limit, for example, are not normally thought of as expressive. But suppose a certain group takes issue with the speed limits and finds them too restrictive, inconsistent with natural law, or whatever. Suppose further that the group wants to publicize its grievances and draw attention to its concerns; so it organizes a “Day of Speeding,” during which its members will deliberately break the speed limits at designated times and places.
Given this context and with enough public awareness, if you happened by on the “Day of Speeding” and saw a car rushing by at great speed precisely at one of the designated times and places, you might very well think to yourself: “There goes one of those speed limit protestors, trying to make a point.” (Here the speeder's intentional action would be communicative.) Let's assume that on any other day, you would merely have thought: “Wow! That car was really going fast—too fast.” (Here the speeder's intentional action would be noncommunicative.) So the speed limit protestors might very well succeed in communicating by speeding, given the unusual context they have created.
Does this mean that the speed limit protestors have a First Amendment defense to their violation of the law? That our speed limits are in danger of being struck down as unconstitutional? Or that courts would find it difficult here “to distinguish speech from other forms of intentional action”?
The short answer is “No,” and the short reason is that not all conduct intended to communicate counts as speech for constitutional purposes; and not all that does is protected by the First Amendment.41
Not all “speech” in the senses used in ordinary language is considered speech for constitutional purposes; and even that which is may sometimes be “abridged.” See Frederick Schauer, The Boundaries of the First Amendment, 117 HARV. L. REV. 1765, 1769–1773 (2004) (distinguishing the First Amendment's “scope” or “coverage” from its “protection”); FREDERICK SCHAUER, FREE SPEECH: A PHILOSOPHICAL ENQUIRY 89–92 (1982).
Spence v. Washington, 418 U.S. 405, 411 (1974).
Corresponding to these two possibilities are two very different descriptions of “what happened.” In the speed limit example, someone familiar with the protest plans might say: “There goes someone protesting the speed limit.” But an equally valid description might be: “There goes someone driving very fast” (or more precisely—if it could be measured: “There goes someone driving at 80 miles per hour”). This is presumably the sort of description that someone unfamiliar with the protest plans would give. And indeed, this is presumably the more usual sort of description (unless speed limit protests are becoming epidemic, which, on the above facts, they are not). Most important, this latter sort of description presumably captures what the legislators who wrote the speed limit law were responding to. They wrote a law to solve the safety problem presented by driving very fast, or over 80 miles per hour, or whatever. Although facts could be invented such that the legislators were really trying to squelch speed limit protests, those are not the facts of this example. But they are the facts of the Spence case, where the Court found that “no … governmental interest unrelated to expression has been advanced or can be supported on this record,” and struck down the “improper use” statute.43
Id. at 414 n.8; cf. JOHN HART ELY, DEMOCRACY AND DISTRUST 113 n.* (1980):
What relevantly distinguishes the assassination and the window breaking from the others is not that they are not expressive, but rather that the harm they cause does not flow from the message the act conveys. An assassination or a window breaking is harmful even if no one sees an expressive element in it; an armband can lead to trouble only if people know what it means.
This whole approach depends on the prior distinction (imperiled by Brison's analysis) between communicative intentional action and noncommunicative intentional action. A particular intentional action cannot be—at the same time and in the same respect—both communicative and noncommunicative. But if it makes sense to take a broader perspective and consider, separately, what can make a general type of action either expressive or nonexpressive, then both descriptions are possible. This in turn makes possible the legal distinction between laws related to speech and laws unrelated to speech.
Thus there should be nothing surprising or mysterious or paradoxical about the fact that almost anything can be made expressive or communicative; that courts can readily distinguish what does and does not count as speech for constitutional purposes; and that even an activity that concededly counts as speech may yet be restricted or even criminalized, so long as there is also a way to describe it that has nothing to do with speech. Neither description is inherently superior or more accurate or true; but regulation of the meaningful content of speech is presumptively invalid under the First Amendment,44
See, e.g., Cohen v. California, 403 U.S. 15, 24 (1971) (“we cannot overemphasize that, in our judgment, most situations where the State has a justifiable interest in regulating speech will fall within one or more of the various established exceptions … to the usual rule that governmental bodies may not prescribe the form or content of individual expression”); R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377, 382 (1992) (“Content-based regulations are presumptively invalid”).
Were this not the case, our legal system would indeed be on shaky ground. But as it is, we can all now relax, secure in the knowledge that our speed limit laws will never be subject to constitutional invalidation.
