Nadav Shelef has written an excellent book. Its title and subtitle bring together the two pillars of the book, the theoretical and the empirical. The decision to choose a broad and ambitious title has proven to be justified. Shelef successfully utilizes an in-depth discussion of the history of nationalism in the three main streams of the Zionist movement—Labor, Religious, and Revisionist—to offer an innovative and nuanced theory that is certain to impact future discussions of nationalism and conflict.
Shelef introduces a sophisticated application of the ideas of evolution to the realm of political ideologies and movements. In recent years, evolutionary theory has become increasingly visible in political science. However, in most cases, it has been limited to explaining behavior of individuals and groups. Therefore, the author should be applauded for his successful attempt to export this perspective to the abstract and complicated realms of ideologies and identities.
From the very first page of Evolving Nationalism, it is clear that Shelef does not intend to confine his evolutionary perspective to the mere study of nationalism. Though risky, I believe that the decision he made is right. The book plants a seed that has far-reaching theoretical implications for both comparative politics and international relations.
Shelef's research questions are focused on the causes and process of change within national movements. The gist of his argument is that like other phenomena, nationalist movements are also subject to continuous evolutionary processes. His contention is that any political arena is characterized by the presence of several alternative ideas at any given point in history. These ideas are advanced by movements that compete with one another. In accordance with his constructivist perspective, Shelef makes convincing arguments regarding the nonunitary nature of nationalist movements and emphasizes that alongside external pressures and incentives, domestic competition plays an important role in the evolution of the national movement as a whole.
One of the major strengths of the book is its theoretical integrity. While it is clear that Shelef's goal is to advance his evolutionary perspective, he constantly and systematically offers an impartial assessment of the viability of alternative approaches, also considering rational adaptation and elite imposition as explanatory mechanisms.
The empirical section of the book is divided into two main parts entitled, “Where is the Land of Israel?” and “Destiny and Identity.” Each part consists of three chapters. Part I offers a comparative analysis of the conceptual evolution of the “Land of Israel” as a geographical unit in the three respective ideological streams. Shelef chooses to dedicate a chapter to each ideology and to describe its evolution independently. At the same time, he has made sure to tie the discussions to the theoretical framework of the book and explores the explanatory power of the evolutionary dynamic perspective against the two alternative approaches.
Part II is structured differently. Here, Shelef adds a comparative element by offering a side-by-side analysis of the evolution of the three ideologies. He does that by devoting each chapter to a particular issue: The first is the changing notion of the national mission, and the second is the ethnic boundaries of the nation. The last chapter in this part is focused on contemporary ideological and theological dilemmas and the way they influence the ideology of the “greater right-wing camp” (both secular and religious).
While the book offers a bold argument, Shelef should be commended for his dispassionate tone. He never makes an argument according to which his theory is superior to others. Furthermore, he does not shy away from telling the reader that some of his initial arguments did not fully comport with his findings. Another strength of the book stems from his rigorous methodological approach. A quick look at the 66 pages of notes and bibliography offers a glance into the long journey that led to this fine volume. It is clear that the author spent a lot of time in archives, scrutinizing primary sources in Hebrew. It has been a while since I came across a book that strikes such an impressive balance between significant theoretical contribution and rigorous historical research.
At the very end of the book, Shelef applies the evolutionary approach to conflict resolution in general and to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in particular. Again, he is cautious in offering sweeping arguments or predictions. Yet he seems optimistic about the prospects of the coexistence of the Jewish and Palestinian nations.
My own observations of the various strains of nationalism in Israel, especially over the last two decades, lead me to more pessimistic conclusions. I do agree with Shelef that the Israeli perception of borders had shifted quite dramatically over the last 20 years. This fits the theory very well. Indeed, during the 1992 campaign, a year prior to the signing of the Oslo Accords, none of the Zionist parties, including those which represented the ideology of Labor Zionism, was willing to openly consider the idea of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza. Today, this notion is prevalent to such a degree that the only opposing faction, of the ones that Shelef analyzes, is the Religious Zionist one.
Thus, if we confine ourselves to the veteran Zionist ideologies, the future indeed looks bright. However, during the last two decades, Israeli society has experienced significant changes that have been accompanied by the evolution of new ideologies. For example, in response to the second Intifada, the neoconservative Zionist stream has evolved and gained representation through the Kadima Party. The Ultra-Orthodox population in Israel has become increasingly nationalistic and has grown closer to the Religious Zionists. Chabad and Shas are two vehicles that advance this worldview. The mass immigration from the former Soviet Union has also given a significant boost to nativist-Zionist ideas, which are represented mainly by the formidable Yisrael Beitenu Party.
These developments could be the reason that despite the official Israeli commitment to the peace process, including the formation of an independent Palestinian state, the settlement operation in the West Bank tripled in size since the signing of the first peace accords. Furthermore, these new ideologies and their representatives are to a large degree responsible for the increasing alienation between Jews and Arabs in Israel and for the rapid deterioration in the democratic qualities of the state.
I am thus a bit more skeptical than Shelef about the future course of nationalism in Israel. At the same time, this is an excellent book which makes a significant contribution to the study of Israeli politics and to the literature on nationalism. And by presenting a first-rate combination of theory and research, it sets a high bar for all of us.
