While there have been quite a few books on the Umbrella Movement of 2014, this edited volume provides a wealth of additional empirical knowledge and is thus an essential read both for experts and for the general reader who is interested in Hong Kong's political development and the democracy movement. As such, it is also indispensable for anyone who seeks to understand the protest movement that emerged in 2019 and which at the time of writing has lasted for more than half a year with no end in sight. Based on the idea of occupying the Central business district, proposed by Reverend Chu Yiu-ming, Benny Tai and Dr. Chan Kin-man, students started the occupation on 28 September 2014 following a week-long university strike. When the police tried to clear the streets with tear gas and protesters used umbrellas to protect themselves, the Umbrella Movement was born. The book reveals many fascinating details about the motivations of protesters, the changing public perception, the cultural expressions and the government's response. Moreover, it also places the movement in comparative perspective. The chapters rely on meticulously researched data ranging from surveys to artefacts found at the three protest sites in Admiralty, Mong Kok and Causeway Bay.

The well-edited volume begins with a historical perspective that places the Umbrella Movement within the overall development of protest in Hong Kong. In the first chapter, Ngok Ma reveals in his on-site in-depth interviews with committed occupiers that a majority believed that there was no leadership. Edmund W. Cheng moreover reminds the reader in the second chapter that spontaneous protest was already the primary reason behind the massive turnout in 2014. Many people participated without being mobilized by those who were identified as leaders of the movement, and they later openly challenged the leadership, which made it impossible to promote a coherent strategy. As such, the fact that the 2019 protests did not have any clear leadership is less surprising.

Moreover, the empirically rich chapter by Sebastian Veg reveals that the idea of flexible occupations, which became a feature of the 2019 protest movement, had already been mooted in 2014. He even references the Bruce Lee slogan: “Be water, my friend,” which has since reached great prominence (p. 174). Then, in chapter eight, Yongshun Cai shows how the escalation of the movement took place at a time when the street occupation had lost its momentum and there was disagreement over the usefulness of adopting more aggressive tactics. At the time, the majority believed in the need to maintain peaceful methods, which meant that attempts such as breaking into the Legislative Council were widely seen as counterproductive. As moderates criticized the more radical activists, the movement became deeply divided and disagreements increased. The lesson from this was that it would be necessary to accept each other's tactics. In 2019, there was more tacit approval of radical tactics, even when they involved vandalism or the throwing of Molotov cocktails.

Even the state response in 2014 bears resemblances to that of 2019. Samson Yuen argues in chapter seven that the state moved from repression to attrition, seeking to tire the protesters over a long period of time. In 2019, the government again sought to use the advantage of time. Moreover, the state adapted its response to the protesters, aiming to undermine public support and the legitimacy of the protests. In 2014, regime supporters created a counter-movement in support of the police (symbolized by “blue ribbons”), which organized a number of larger protests and which continues to define the political landscape today. However, the comparison also clearly reveals serious differences. For instance, the elite in 2014 remained largely cohesive, but deeper splits emerged in 2019, most notably reflected in the low approval ratings of the chief executive.

While the book is overall a great contribution, the comparative section could have been improved. Only the Macau chapter by Eilo Yu Wing-yat (chapter 12) provides interesting comparative perspectives and illustrates well why the other Special Administrative Region is much less supportive of democracy and why a similar protest movement is unlikely there. It also shows why the Chinese government will not be able to use the former Portuguese colony as a role model or replacement for Hong Kong. Ming-sho Ho and Thung-hong Lin's chapter on Taiwan (chapter 11), however, sadly does not draw any comparative perspectives, although it is obvious that there are many similarities especially relating to China's growing economic prominence. Jeffrey Wasserstrom's comparison with Shanghai (chapter 13) also does not provide any systematic insights. Future studies could focus more on the comparative angle because it promises many interesting insights. Despite this shortcoming, this volume is highly recommended and should be essential reading for anyone interested in Hong Kong. It should not be omitted from the syllabi of courses on Hong Kong's social and political development as well as contentious politics in general.