President Barack Obama and President Francois Hollande gave the following remarks at the White House

President Obama. Well, it is my great pleasure to welcome President Hollande to the United States, to the Oval Office, and this evening to Camp David.

We all watched the remarkable election, and I offered him hardy congratulations and assured him that the friendship and alliance between the United States and France is not only of extraordinary importance to me but is deeply valued by the American people.

I was interested, when I was reading the President's biography, that he actually spent some time in the United States in his youth, studying American fast food—and although he decided to go into politics, we'll be interested in his opinions of cheeseburgers in Chicago.

I also warned him that now that he's President, he can no longer ride a scooter in Paris. I know because I've tried with the Secret Service and they don't let me do it.

Obviously we have had a lot to talk about. Much of our discussion centered on the situation in the eurozone. And President Hollande and I agree that this is an issue of extraordinary importance not only to the people of Europe, but also to the world economy. And we're looking forward to a fruitful discussion later this evening and tomorrow with the other G8 leaders about how we can manage a responsible approach to fiscal consolidation that is coupled with a strong growth agenda.

We also discussed the situation in Afghanistan, in anticipation of our NATO meeting in Chicago on Saturday and Sunday. And we agreed that even as we transition out of a combat phase in Afghanistan that it's important that we sustain our commitment to helping Afghans build security and continue down the path of development.

We also identified the issues of Iran and Syria, the transition that's taking place in countries like Egypt and Tunisia as topics of critical importance. And we'll be devoting extensive time to those issues throughout the G8 meeting. France has shown great leadership on these issues, and as I indicated to President Hollande, when the United States and France, along with our other key allies, make up our minds to stand firm on the side of democracy and freedom and development, that enormous progress can be made.

So I'm grateful to President Hollande for being willing to come here so shortly after his election and the formation of his government. He's gotten off to a very strong start. And I hope that he will find my administration and the American people strong partners in delivering prosperity not only to the people of France but helping to provide peace and security throughout the world.

President Hollande. I wanted my first visit outside Europe to be to the United States in order to meet President Obama. The Camp David G8 summit as well as the meeting in Chicago was an outstanding opportunity, and I would like to thank President Obama for taking that opportunity to allow us to have a long conversation together.

This is the first time that we meet, and not the last one; there will be many other opportunities for as long as possible. But it was important for me, on this occasion, to reaffirm the importance of the relationship between France and the United States.

Through history, we lived together some important events. We've had our differences, but we always manage to overcome them because of that strong link between our two countries. We also share some common causes—freedom, democracy. This is the reason why our history, our culture go back together a long way, and we managed to go through these differences when necessary and have these ties that mean that when France and the U.S. come together we can make progress.

I discussed the main topics with President Obama, including the economy and the fact that growth must be a priority, at the same time as we put in place some fiscal compacts to improve our finances. And President Obama was able to acknowledge shared views so that we can progress.

I also—on the Greece—the eurozone situation, and our concerns regarding Greece, and we share the same views, the fact that Greece must stay in the eurozone and that all of us must do what we can to that effect. There will be elections in Greece and we wanted to send a message to that effect to the Greek people.

Our economies depend on one another. What happens in Europe has an impact on the U.S., and vice versa. So we are related, and the more coherent we are, the more efficient we can be.

We also discussed Afghanistan, and I reminded President Obama that I made a promise to the French people to the effect that our combat troops would be withdrawn from Afghanistan by the end of 2012. That being said, we will continue to support Afghanistan in a different way, our support will take a different format, and all of that will be done in good understanding with our allies within ISAF. And so we will continue and comply with our commitment to that country, and supply and support, as I said, in a different way.

We will discuss that further in Chicago, and I'm pretty sure I will find the right means so that our allies can continue with their mission and at the same time I can comply to the promise I made to the French people.

And regarding Iran, we, again, noted that we share views and that we could start negotiations, but that being said, with the required firmness that Iran doesn't get the nuclear military capability.

Regarding Syria and Arab Spring countries, we talked about the Deauville partnership, and here again I said that we would comply with our commitments.

What was important to say today is that, as to our responsibilities, France and the U.S. are countries that have an impact on the destiny of the world, but we are great in friendship, cohesion and partnership. France is an independent country and cares about its independence but in old friendship with the United States of America. So it is with that friendship and with that independence that we can be both the most efficient when it comes to dealing with the current challenges.

President Barack Obama gave the following remarks at Camp David, Maryland

President Obama. Good afternoon, everybody. It has been a great pleasure to host the leaders of some of the world's largest economies here at Camp David. I think the surroundings gave us an opportunity to hold some intimate discussions and make some genuine progress.

For the past three years, our nations have worked together and with others first to rescue a global economy from freefall, then to wrestle it back to a path of recovery and growth. Our progress has been tested at times by shocks like the disaster in Japan, for example. Today it's threatened once again by the serious situation in the eurozone.

As all the leaders here today agreed, growth and jobs must be our top priority. A stable, growing European economy is in everybody's best interests—including America's. Europe is our largest economic partner. Put simply, if a company is forced to cut back in Paris or Madrid, that might mean less business for manufacturers in Pittsburgh or Milwaukee. And that might mean a tougher time for families and communities that depend on that business.

And that's why, even as we've confronted our own economic challenges over the past few years, we've collaborated closely with our European allies and partners as they've confronted theirs. And today, we discussed ways they can promote growth and job creation right now, while still carrying out reforms necessary to stabilize and strengthen their economies for the future.

We know it is possible—in part, based on our own experience here. In my earliest days in office, we took decisive steps to confront our own financial crisis—from making banks submit to stress tests to rebuilding their capital—and we put in place some of the strongest financial reforms since the Great Depression.

At the same time, we worked to get our own fiscal house in order in a responsible way. And through it all, even as we worked to stabilize the financial sector and bring down our deficits and debt over the longer term, we stayed focused on growing the economy and creating jobs in the immediate term.

Of course, we still have a lot of work to do. Too many of our people are still looking for jobs that pay the bills. Our deficits are still too high. But after shrinking by nearly 9 percent the quarter before I took office, America's economy has now grown for almost three consecutive years. After losing hundreds of thousands of jobs a month, our businesses have created more than 4 million jobs over the past 26 months. Exports have surged and manufacturers are investing in America again.

And this economic growth then gives us more room to take a balanced approach to reducing our deficit and debt, while preserving our investments in the drivers of growth and job creation over the long term—education, innovation, and infrastructure for the 21st century.

Europe's situation, of course, is more complicated. They've got a political and economic crisis facing Greece, slow growth and very high unemployment in several countries. And what's more, when they want to decide on a way to move forward, there are 17 countries in the eurozone that need to come to an agreement. We recognize that and we respect that.

But the direction the debate has taken recently should give us confidence. Europe has taken significant steps to manage the crisis. Individual countries and the European Union as a whole have engaged in significant reforms that will increase the prospects of long-term growth. And there's now an emerging consensus that more must be done to promote growth and job creation right now in the context of these fiscal and structural reforms. That consensus for progress was strengthened here at Camp David.

Today we agreed that we must take steps to boost confidence and to promote growth and demand while getting our fiscal houses in order. We agreed upon the importance of a strong and cohesive eurozone, and affirmed our interest in Greece staying in the eurozone while respecting its commitments. Of course, we also recognized the painful sacrifices that the Greek people are making at this difficult time, and I know that my European colleagues will carry forward these discussions as they prepare for meetings next week.

The leaders here understand the stakes. They know the magnitude of the choices they have to make and the enormous political, economic, and social costs if they don't. In addition to our G8 meeting, it was—I was able to talk to them individually over the last two days and I reaffirmed that Europe has the capacity to meet its challenges, and America is not only confident in their ability to meet their challenges, but we are supportive of their efforts.

This morning, I updated you on the progress we made last night in our discussion of security issues. And today, following our discussion of the economy, we also made progress on a range of other important challenges. We discussed the importance of pursuing an all-of-the-above strategy for energy security in a safe and sustainable way. Leaders agreed to join a new U.S.-led coalition to address climate change, in part by reducing short-lived pollutants. And in the face of increasing disruptions in the supply of oil, we agreed that we must closely monitor global energy markets. Together, we stand ready to call upon the International Energy Agency to take action to ensure that the market remains fully and timely supplied.

We also announced a new alliance on food security with African leaders and the private sector as part of an effort to lift 50 million people out of poverty over the next decade. We discussed our support for a sustainable Afghan economy as we wind down the war, and we reaffirmed our support for the democratic transitions underway in the Middle East and North Africa.

So I'm very pleased that we were able to make some important progress here at Camp David. And we're going to keep at it. Tomorrow we begin our NATO summit in my hometown of Chicago where we'll discuss our plans to responsibly end the war in Afghanistan. Next week, European leaders will gather to discuss their next steps on the eurozone. Next month, we'll all have the chance to continue this collaboration at the G20 in Mexico. And I look forward to building on this progress in promoting economic recovery in the weeks and months to come.

Thank you very much, everybody. I hope you've enjoyed the great views and the great weather.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Chicago at the North Atlantic Council Meeting

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Deputy Secretary General Vershbow, for chairing today's meeting of the North Atlantic Council. I am delighted to be joined by my fellow foreign ministers from the NATO member-states and from the nations of Georgia, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. And let me again welcome you to Chicago, which happens also to be my birthplace and one of America's great cities.

We're meeting today to reaffirm our commitment to NATO's open door policy. The possibility of NATO membership has proven to be a powerful motivation for countries to implement difficult but necessary reforms, resolve internal differences as well as differences with their neighbors, and contribute to security operations that benefit themselves and all of us. Our open door policy has produced some of our most active and committed allies, and it has helped produce stability and cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe. And more broadly as NATO has grown, Europe has become more secure and more prosperous.

So the United States remains deeply committed to the open door policy, and it is in that spirit that we welcome our aspirant nations here today. We support their aspirations for Euro-Atlantic integration, and we will keep working with each of them, both bilaterally and through NATO, to help them implement finally the reforms needed to meet the standards for membership. As I said yesterday, I believe this summit should be the last summit that is not an enlargement summit.

To speak just briefly about each aspirant, Georgia will become the largest non-NATO contributor to the ISAF mission in Afghanistan this fall, and we are very grateful for its contributions. Georgia has made democratic reforms, and the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections are additional opportunities for Georgia to show the world that it is committed to NATO's democratic values. We stand firm in our support for Georgia's sovereignty and territorial integrity. We welcome Georgia's non-use of force pledge, and we call on Russia to reciprocate with its own pledge. We stand by the Bucharest decision and all subsequent decisions on Georgia.

Macedonia has also made contributions to regional and global security, including significant and longstanding contributions to ISAF, and it has fulfilled the key criteria for NATO membership. We strongly support a resolution of the ongoing name dispute and urge the parties to reach an agreement so Macedonia can join the alliance as soon as possible.

Montenegro, too, has made contributions to ISAF and reforms in its military and security services, which we applaud. The U.S. plans to send an advisor from the Department of Defense, and we welcome similar initiatives by other allies to support Montenegro's efforts to implement the remaining reforms for NATO membership. Support for NATO membership is growing among the Montenegrin people, and we encourage efforts to continue increasing public awareness and understanding.

Finally, regarding Bosnia and Herzegovina, we welcome the political agreement on defense properties and now we urge that it be implemented. And we encourage Bosnia, Macedonia, and Montenegro to continue pursuing regional initiatives like the Balkan Regional Approach to Air Defense, as well as natural disaster preparedness and the joint ISAF deployment by the Adriatic-5 Group.

Regarding all these countries, as with any country that wishes to join NATO, we look to them to demonstrate that they share our values and they are willing and able to meet the standards for membership. And we promise to help them as they do so because this is in our interest. We know it can be a lengthy and challenging process, but we need to stick with it and remember our ultimate goal: a stronger, more durable, more effective NATO.

In 1949, we were 12 nations; now we're 28. The result is an alliance that has proven over and over it can meet the threats and overcome the challenges of our time. And here in Chicago, let us reaffirm our commitment to enlargement done right as a core element of our purpose and our community. Thank you very much.

Ambassador Ron Kirk gave the following remarks at the London School of Economics

Secretary John Bryson gave the following remarks in Berlin, Germany

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Copenhagen, Denmark

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much, Prime Minister. Thank you for those very strong words, and more than that, thank you for the commitment that Denmark has made and the leadership that Denmark continues to show in this important area. Mr. Speaker, thank you for welcoming us to the Parliament. I served in our United States Senate for eight years and it's a great pleasure to be on this side of the government, and thank you for having us. I also wish to thank the premier of Greenland for being here. Thank you for adding this event to your very busy itinerary while you're here in Denmark.

I'm also very grateful to the leaders of both the American chamber as well as the Confederation of Danish Industries and to all of you who are here for this 2012 meeting of the Green Partnership for Growth. It's a great honor to join you because we think this is one of the highest priorities of any nation, and certainly of all nations working together. And I appreciate the attention that our American Ambassador, Laurie Fulton, and the staff from the U.S. Embassy here in Copenhagen has been placing on this.

We have tried to make green growth a center of our diplomacy here because we think we have a lot to learn from Denmark. It is certainly not a surprise that Denmark leads the world when it comes to clean energy and energy efficiency. Because, as the prime minister said, for the past few decades, Denmark has grown economically. As you have also made it clear, that can be done without significantly increasing your electricity use. Your national plan to be completely independent of fossil fuels by 2050 is a global first. And in true Danish fashion, the plan is comprehensive and rigorous.

But I believe if any country can do this, it's yours. So we are here to learn and listen and support. But the ambitious plan that you have set for 2050 is just the latest in your efforts on climate change—your commitment to reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 40 percent in 2020. And it is for me, personally, inspirational to see government and business working so closely together, because I do think this is a win-win. The green economy has so many opportunities not only for national purposes, but for exports and other ways of building the green market globally.

In fact, I know in 2009, when I was last here at the UN Climate Conference with President Obama, we brought a number of American companies with us, and many of them came home and told us we had no idea how many opportunities there are in Denmark for business partnerships in green tech, and some of those businesses are represented here today. So the word spread, and our team at the Embassy began bringing Danish and American businesses together. In 2010, we had a delegation of American companies come, and in 2011, a delegation of Danish companies traveled to the United States.

Now with the Green Partnership for Growth, we are carrying these exchanges forward by joining with the Danish Government to promote more public-private partnerships between our countries. Now the United States has three goals with this initiative. First, we want to help create more opportunities for U.S. companies to export their products and services to Denmark. Second, we want to open the door to more investments by Danish companies in America, which would have mutually beneficial, positive effects, including creating jobs in both. And third, we want to find opportunities for Denmark and the United States to work together to export green tech products and services throughout the world.

Now we know that energy efficiency and the development of clean energy are going to continue to rise in importance as the world grapples with meeting the energy needs of a growing population. So we have every confidence that this industry will thrive well into the future, and we certainly cannot afford to overlook its potential, not if we're serious about creating jobs and achieving sustainable economic growth.

So we've got the growth part of it figured out—if we can get the green part of it actually figured out as well. We know that we have to decrease our greenhouse gas emissions. If we're going to fulfill our responsibilities as fellow inhabitants on this planet, we have to work to try to help solve the climate crisis. And the only way to do that that is known to us is to change the way we use energy. We need to be, we should be, more efficient and develop cleaner energy sources. And this partnership should help us.

Now, it's not that Denmark has the only examples. California, years ago, way back in the 1970s, made decisions about more efficient use of electricity. California's population has grown in the last 30-plus years. Their output, their gross domestic product, if you will, has certainly grown. They've continued to innovate. They've seen new industries develop, like those in Silicon Valley, that consume huge amounts of electricity. But their use of electricity statewide has stayed flat, because they've had a good framework that was put into place that rewarded energy efficiency and innovation.

Now, at the national level, the United States has implemented a range of actions to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. It's often not well-known, because our legislative approach in the Obama Administration was not able to pass completely through the Congress, but the Administration has gone forward in taking actions. And our new fuel efficiency standards are slated to be among the most aggressive standards in the world. In March, our Environmental Protection Agency put forth the first ever national standards for CO2 emissions from new power plants, the largest stationary source of carbon pollution in the United States, accounting for 40 percent of our emissions.

As the prime minister said, we've invested more than $90 billion in clean energy and energy efficiency. We're more than doubled our installed capacity of wind and solar since 2008. And this year we launched the Climate and Clean Air Coalition, which brings together governments, the private sector and key organizations around the world to work toward reducing short-lived climate pollutants, which cause more than 30 percent of near-term warming. Reducing short-lived pollutants is an important complement to the work we must do to reduce carbon emissions. And I'm delighted, Prime Minister, that Denmark has agreed to join the Climate and Clean Air Coalition.

So this Green Partnership for Growth exemplifies what we call a win-win. As part of our commitment, our countries are going to look for opportunities to make our governments greener. The Danish minister for defense recently returned from a trip to the United States, after having met with officials at the U.S. Department of Defense to discuss ways to make our militaries more energy efficient. We think this is a quite promising area of collaboration.

So we're looking forward to continuing these conversations, to keep identifying new ways of working together to share our knowledge, increasing bilateral trade and investment. And I want to thank Denmark for agreeing to host the next meeting of this partnership this fall in Copenhagen. And I really admire Denmark's leadership in creating the Global Green Growth Forum, which is an innovative platform to encourage leaders to do exactly what we're doing here today to work across sometimes the gaps that divide us between government and the private sector, academia, the not-for-profit civil society, to work toward the same goal.

Thanks to everyone here for being part of what is among the most consequential work we can do together. We have to do this work; there is no doubt about it. As I am sure you are aware, we still have something of a political debate going on in my country, and it is quite remarkable that we still have a hard core of people who refuse to accept either the science or the responsibility that goes along with the science. But I can assure you that despite that, we have continued to move forward, and not only at the governmental level but equally, if not more importantly, at the private sector, business-driven level as well.

We have quite the argument going on back home between natural gas and coal, and many of the utilities that a few years ago used coal, which made up 50 percent of our energy, are now moving toward natural gas. And the United States is becoming a net energy exporter because of natural gas. And we are continuing to make progress. It often is not in the headlines, but it is part of the trend lines that I think in many ways are more important and actually stand the test of time.

Every day when I look at the news, of course I look at the headlines. But I try to find those stories that are sometimes buried that are going to really affect our lives today, tomorrow, far into the future, even going on to generations. And this commitment that Denmark has made and exemplified to clean energy and energy efficiency is certainly one of those, and we are very proud to be your partner.

Thank you very much, friends.

Ambassador to NATO Ivo Daalder gave the following remarks in Brussels, Belgium

Q. In January at Chatham House, having in mind the downsizing in European defense budgets, you warned about Europe's ability—let alone its willingness—its ability to meet its commitments. You were not confident that Europe could do a Libya operation again in 10 years from now.

If the trend continues along the way that it does, is the smart defense initiative NATO's last chance to preserve its capabilities credible?

Ambassador Daalder. Octavian, thanks for that question and thanks for reading what I have said in the past. This summit was an important moment, a kind of a gut check, to make sure that we all understand what is at stake here.

On the one hand, and I think importantly here, 28 leaders recommitted themselves to having a NATO with—that is capable of dealing with the challenges of the 21^st century. As I mentioned, the decision to sign the AGS, the Alliance Ground Surveillance contract to purchase these five high-technology drones, is one clear indication that NATO understands the importance of investing in the capabilities we need for the threats of today and tomorrow.

At the same time, many leaders were made aware of the fact that continuing trends in defense spending, as we see them today, are ultimately going to undermine the capacity of NATO to act in the way it needs to. The President of the United States made clear that the current trends cannot continue for very long, that while he understands there are fiscal problems in all of our countries and that all of our countries as a result are finding ways to save money by cutting defense, that that cannot be the new level at which we, for—in the future will be spending our money, that as the fiscal crisis evolves, as the situation improves and growth returns to our economies, it will be important not only to stabilize defense spending, but indeed to increase it.

We have at NATO a goal of spending 2 percent of GDP on defense. The United States does so. There are three or four other countries in NATO who do so. It is possible to have strong economies and still provide for security, and that is a challenge that Europe will have today and will continue to have tomorrow.

Q. Were there any discussions in Chicago about membership of Macedonia in NATO, formal or informal? Was there a veto on the table from Greece or any other country? Do you think that without Macedonia in NATO, there is a security vacuum in the Balkans? Do you think that a new lawsuit in the International Court of Justice in The Hague will change the decision of NATO?

Ambassador Daalder. We had a meeting with all the countries that aspire to be members of NATO. The foreign ministers of the 28 NATO members met with the foreign ministers of Macedonia as well as Georgia, Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to demonstrate that NATO's commitment to an open-door policy, as stated in Article 10 of the Washington Treaty, that any European country that aspires to NATO can be invited if it's in—if that membership contributes to the security of the North Atlantic area.

With respect to Macedonia, this was not an enlargement summit, and the issue of whether we would invite countries anew did not come up. At the same time, we did reiterate, and said so in the communique, that our decision of the Bucharest summit to—stands, that Macedonia will be invited to become a member of NATO as soon as a mutually acceptable solution to the name issue has been resolved. This is not a question of a veto. It's a question of the reality that NATO makes its decisions—all decisions including on those who should join—by consensus. And unless there is consensus, we are not able to move forward. We are working to achieve that consensus. The United States has led a significant diplomatic effort in the past year to find a way forward on the name issue, and we will remain committed to resolving this issue as soon as possible so that Macedonia will be invited and can become a member of NATO.

Q. Having in mind the constant instability of the Balkan region, what are the dangers of holding Macedonia in the NATO waiting room?

Ambassador Daalder. All of us at NATO, the United States and our European partners, believe that the Euro-Atlantic integration of the entire Balkan region is important for the security not only of the Balkan region, but of Europe. That is why we are engaged in the process that over time will lead to the door of NATO being open to all members, all countries in the Balkans, and that includes Macedonia. We are well aware of—and you are well aware that in Bucharest we made the decision to invite Macedonia when a suitable and mutually acceptable resolution to the name issue have been found. That remains the fundamental stance of the United States and of all 28 NATO countries.

And the U.S. will continue to provide its efforts to find a mutually acceptable resolution, which will require Greece and Macedonia to take the extra step to come to a consensus agreement. But NATO is an organization that operate under consensus. We need 28 allies to agree to make any decision, and that includes the issue of membership. And until we have an agreement among all 28 members, we will continue to have strong, positive relations with all countries in the region to ensure that the Balkans is stable and secure so that Europe can be stable and secure.

Q. Despite the decision of 2008 on Ukraine's and Georgia's future membership, Ukraine is no longer mentioned when the NATO and the U.S. officials talk about the possible candidate countries, yet Georgia is. Are you—excuse me; I just—I'm sorry—are Ukraine and Georgia now on two completely different tracks?

Ambassador Daalder. You're right, Nataliya, that in 2008, the NATO leaders agreed that Ukraine and Georgia will become members of NATO. The big difference since then, of course, is that a new government in Ukraine has decided that it does—it no longer wants to pursue the path to NATO membership. It wants to be an active partner and is an active partner in NATO operations and through many of NATO's Partnership for Peace and other activities. And we will continue to engage Ukraine in that level.

But membership in NATO is something that not only requires agreement by the members of NATO, but first and foremost by the countries that seek it. And we are not saying to Ukraine it must become a member of NATO. That is a decision that the Ukraine will have to make for itself. It's a decision by individual countries, and for now, the government does not want to pursue that course.

Georgia, on the other hand, continues to want to become a member of NATO and is working with us bilaterally—NATO and Georgia—to find ways to enhance the reforms that are necessary for it one day to join NATO. And in that regard, we do regard all countries individually, our relationship between those countries and with those countries, our individual relationships. That's true for countries in the Balkans as it is for Ukraine and Georgia.

Q. What kind of contributions from European allies will the U.S. want or eventually ask for with regard to stage 3 and 4 in the missile defense?

Ambassador Daalder. Well, the NATO missile defense system is based on the concept that NATO will fund and operate the battle management and command and control of the missile defense system. And we agreed in Lisbon to fund this, and we have now reached the stage where it can be sufficiently operational in order to provide for NATO operational control of national contributions. And the United States has provided a radar in Turkey, and over time will provide interceptors on ships, and whenever necessary and later in future phases, interceptors at—on land.

At the same time, countries around NATO are able and in some cases have already decided to make their own national contributions. So France has said that early warning data from its satellites would be made available as a national contribution to the NATO missile defense system, and the Netherlands has announced that it is upgrading the radars on its four advanced frigates, its L-band radar, so that they can act as a means for both early warning and tracking of ballistic missiles in—flying towards NATO territory. And at Chicago, the Netherlands announced that it would make its Patriot missiles available to NATO missile defense.

So what we're looking at is individual countries looking at what capabilities they have, particularly with regard to ship-based radars that might be modified to be useful ways to enhance the capacity of the missile defense system, perhaps the pooling of interceptors that could be deployed on these ships, or other means. NATO is open to any kind of contribution. These will be national decisions. They will have to be funded nationally by the countries that make those decisions, but they can, through those contributions, make a major contribution to the effectiveness of the missile defense system as a whole.

Q. Have the talks on European missile defense with Russia been put on hold because of an inability to find a compromise? Or do you expect some news in this regard to come out of the G-20 in Mexico summit, which both Mr. Putin and Mr. Obama are to attend?

Ambassador Daalder. Well, Nataliya, the talks, at least at a technical and expert level, continue between NATO and Russia and between the United States and Russia. It is clear that we have disagreements about how we should cooperate on missile defense. But we are committed on both sides—on the NATO side and the U.S. side and as well as on the Russia side—to have an active dialogue, to find ways to overcome our differences, and both of us remain committed.

There's no doubt that President Putin and President Obama will address this in Mexico City when they meet next month and chart a way forward, which, in the first instance, will continue to be expert-level discussions that at some point we hope and, in fact, we expect will lead to an agreement between NATO and Russia on how we can cooperate on this very important issue of missile defense.

Deputy Secretary Thomas Nides gave the following remarks at the Wroclaw Global Forum

Deputy Secretary Nides. It is a pleasure to be here to reaffirm America's partnership with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. We take special pride in our strong historical and cultural ties with Poland. Just this week Jan Karski was honored posthumously by President Obama with the Presidential Medal of Freedom. Karski was a hero of the Polish resistance and later a professor in the United States. We are honored to join Poland in celebrating his legacy and nothing can overshadow our friendship. Make no mistake, we have no closer relationship than with the Polish people.

Karski's remarkable story is one of many that exemplifies the closeness of America and Eastern Europe. The simple truth is that the people of the United States and Eastern Europe are steadfast friends. Look at any of the great challenges facing the world, and you'll find Americans standing shoulder to shoulder with Europeans. Europe is our partner of first resort.

And that's the first point I want to make today: in our diplomacy, the United States and Europe have never been more closely aligned. We united and held together an unprecedented coalition on Libya. We remain united in efforts to sharpen the choice facing Iran's leaders—and we are working side by side on both tracks of pressure and engagement. We are united in our support for the Syrian people, who deserve an end to violence and the start of a political transition. We are united in our efforts to finish the business of building a Europe whole, free, and at peace. Just two weeks ago, we stood united at the NATO summit in Chicago, where we made progress on everything from ballistic missile defense to Afghanistan. As President Obama said, Europe remains “the cornerstone of our engagement with the world.”

And we especially value our relationship with our host and NATO ally, Poland. When we were forced to withdraw our diplomatic staff from Damascus for their safety, Poland stepped in and took responsibility to serve as the protecting power for U.S. interests in Syria. This is a huge undertaking, and we thank you.

It's clear that our diplomatic partnership has never been stronger. Today, however, I want to focus on the economic dimension of our work together around the world.

And that leads me to my second point: the U.S.-European economic partnership is key to everything we want to do together around the world. Strong economies hold out the promise of successful nations. Strong economies fund strong budgets for diplomacy, development, and defense. And so, in a world of many powers, the trans-Atlantic alliance must rest on a foundation of economic strength. Together, the United States and Europe launched the most effective system for creating broad-based economic growth and stability the world has ever seen—one that welcomed Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Today, as Europe continues to shake off the last global recession, we are invested –economically and strategically—in Europe's recovery.

We should not sugarcoat the fact that we face real challenges. Economies on both sides of the Atlantic are facing fierce economic competition from more companies in more sectors in more places than ever before. In America as well as Europe, too many people are still looking for jobs. Too many young people are still struggling to launch careers.

As responsible governments, we need to use everything in our toolbox—including diplomacy—to improve our competitiveness, strengthen our economic fundamentals, and achieve economic growth. Secretary Clinton often says that “economic strength and global leadership are fundamentally a package deal.” We must work together to shore up both.

We call the renewed focus on economics within our foreign policy “Economic Statecraft.” In just about every country on the planet, U.S. diplomats, policymakers, and practitioners—at all levels—are thinking more than ever about how to harness economic forces to build a better future for the American people and our allies.

As we look to the future, it's clear that it's not enough to look east to Asia or south to Latin America—Europe must be at the center of our economic renewal. A sober assessment of our economic interests, and a clear focus on economic statecraft, leads us squarely back to our partner of choice on so many global challenges: Europe.

While emerging markets capture the headlines, the U.S. economic relationship with Europe remains the largest and most complex in the world. It is responsible for trade flows of about $3.6 billion… per day. Transatlantic investment is directly responsible for roughly 7.1 million jobs. In 2010, the U.S. invested more than twice as much in Europe as we did in any other region—and we received four times more investment from than we did from any other region. The importance of Europe's economy to America's—and America's economy to Europe's—is undeniable.

And yet, as you know better than most, there are plenty of economic opportunities left to seize. There is no reason why the United States and Europe shouldn't have an economic relationship that is every bit as compelling as our diplomatic and security cooperation around the world. We can and must do more. The Polish-American Business Summit next month is a great opportunity for our countries to do this.

And that leads me to my third point: what we are doing, together, to realize the economic potential of the U.S.-European partnership.

I won't bore you all with every item on our agenda for advancing this partnership, but I do want to briefly highlight three things that we, together, must continue to work on the economic agenda.

First, we need to encourage our companies to trade and invest even more in each other's economies. There's still so much we can do to break down barriers to doing business among our countries. We need to harmonize regulatory frameworks across the Atlantic. Through the Trans-Atlantic Economic Council, we're working in the areas of regulatory cooperation, intellectual property rights, investment, competition, government procurement, and the list goes on and on. But it's not just the free flow of goods and ideas. It's about more than getting the rules right for trading electric cars and operating search engines.

It's also about making it easier for our citizens to visit each other to study, do business, and be tourists. Tourism is part of the lifeblood of our economic relationship and a major source of economic growth on both sides of the Atlantic. Governments on both sides of the Atlantic need to do more to make it possible.

That's why the Obama Administration strongly supports expanding the Visa Waiver Program to include Poland. Legislation that could open the door to Poland's participation in the program is possible by the end of this year, and we want to move quickly should the legislation pass. We continue to work with the Polish government to ensure the right agreements are in place to bring Poland into the program as soon as possible. Getting these agreements signed, and opening up travel between our countries, would be good for our people and good for our economies.

Second, the U.S. and Europe need to promote our economic values around the world to help build a stable, healthy international economic system. Eastern Europeans, who suffered under communism, understand the importance of an open, free, transparent, and fair system of economic competition. But the global economic order we've built together over the last 60 years does not sustain itself. We must constantly defend and promote the values that underpin it. So, Americans and Europeans must stand together when our companies face unfair practices or arbitrary obstacles to competition. Together, we must ensure that the entrepreneurial fire that has fueled the rise of tens of millions out of poverty is not snuffed out by corruption and cronyism.

Third, America and Europe must use economic tools to tackle strategic and diplomatic challenges. We must use sanctions and the like to pressure those who break international rules and threaten international security, and we must use economic incentives to drive political reform. You see, our focus on economics is not just about creating jobs in our own countries, it's also about using economic strength to advance our strategic interests around the world and to build a more stable future for everyone.

This focus on economic tools is also driving our approach to more immediate challenges. Take Iraq. The United States and Europe have worked hard to encourage investment by Western companies in Iraq. Why? Because we recognize that continued progress and stability in Iraq depends, in large part, on whether average Iraqis benefit from the new peace and whether their leaders are invested in maintaining it. It's the same reason that Americans and Europeans are supporting the New Silk Road initiative in Central Asia. It's the same reason that 25 years ago, the United States led the world to invest in Poland and her neighbors.

And it's the same reason we must, together, help the aspiring democracies of the Middle East and North Africa deliver economic as well as political hope. I have no doubt that our European friends—especially our Eastern European friends—will join us in this effort. Because nobody understands the stakes more clearly.

As we look to our future, it should be clear that we have high expectations for what we can achieve together. We have high expectations for what businesses and government can achieve by working closely together toward our common goal of widespread economic growth. We have high expectations for our recovery, and high expectations for Europe's.

And that's a good thing, because the stakes could not be higher—for democracy, prosperity, or stability. The freedom and prosperity that Europeans and Americans enjoy today is not a birthright. It is an achievement. So let us commit ourselves, America and Europe together, to strengthen the economic cornerstone of a more prosperous, secure and peaceful world.

Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Villy Sovndal gave the following remarks in Copenhagen

Foreign Minister Sovndal. Yes. Hello and welcome. First of all, I would like to welcome you to Copenhagen. It's been a pleasure. I'm very happy to be able to return hospitality and generosity you showed when I was in Washington just before Christmas. Thank you very much for that.

And it's a great pleasure to receive Secretary of State Hillary Clinton here in Copenhagen. One important thing for Secretary Clinton's visit here will be green growth and the potential for a green transition of our economies. I believe that Denmark has a lot to offer in that regard, and the importance of the United States is hard to overrate. This theme means a lot to both of us.

We had a very fruitful meeting where we discussed a wide range of shared policy priorities. I would like to briefly mention a few of the main items we discussed.

First of all, we had a very frank discussion about Afghanistan. Following up on the NATO Summit, which the United States successfully hosted in Chicago just a few weeks ago, I believe I speak on behalf of both of us when I say that there is a need of realism regarding the prospects for Afghanistan. Transition in Afghanistan is a bumpy road; that's no secret. But the transition is moving forward, and it will complete by the end of 2014. It is vital that we enable the Afghans to take over full responsibility for their security. I'm therefore very encouraged to note that we have already secured substantial long-term contribution for the Afghan National Security Force, and that was not least a result of the very close cooperation we had between our two countries leading up to Chicago.

We also had an excellent discussion regarding our mutual efforts to help stabilize the Horn of Africa, Libya, and the Sahel region. We agreed on strengthening the U.S.-Danish partnership to prevent and counter terrorism in East Africa. A key focus area will be to prevent the financing of terrorism. We also agreed on the need to strengthen respect for human rights and the rule of law in our effort to counter terrorism. We will launch a joint project focusing on states moving towards democratic governance, including the countries in North Africa. Moreover, we will also jointly provide support for an observation mission to monitor the upcoming elections in Libya. We stand committed to assisting the Libyans in their efforts towards securing a peaceful and democratic future for their elections.

Finally, we discussed the potential for stronger cooperation on promoting green growth. The backdrop of our discussion was the Rio+20 conference on sustainable development, which is just a few weeks ahead. Later today, a strong bilateral green partnership will be kicked off here in Copenhagen. I hope this can also be a driver for an increased investment in trade. Secretary of State, we must—we meet frequently in different locations around the world. I'm therefore very pleased to be able to receive you here in Copenhagen, so to say, on home ground. I very much appreciate our sincere, frank cooperation, and I hope you'll enjoy not only this visit, but don't be shy to come back here once again if you want.

Secretary Clinton. Minister Sovndal, thank you so much for your warm welcome. It is indeed a pleasure to be back here in Copenhagen. This is my first stop on a trip that will take me to several European countries over the next week to underscore America's commitment to our transatlantic allies and our shared values. You are, after all, our partners of first resort. And together, we are facing the challenges of a complex, dangerous, and fast-moving world. And I'm particularly grateful for Denmark's leadership in the area of humanitarian and development assistance as well as the staunch contributions to our shared security.

The friendship between our two countries dates back more than two centuries and the bonds between our people have endured over that time. Our commitment to democracy, to human rights, to human dignity is core to all of us. And this morning I had the great privilege of speaking with a group of Danish young people about the kind of future that we hope awaits them.

We had a very productive lunch, talked through a range of issues as the minister has said, because after all we are working together on matters ranging from nuclear proliferation in Iran to global food security.

Regarding Afghanistan I thanked the foreign minister for the leadership of the Danish Government and the sacrifices made by the Danish people, in particular your extraordinary soldiers. Danish soldiers have fought valiantly alongside American and allied forces. And as we prepare for the transition in 2014, when the Afghans themselves will take full responsibility for their own security, Denmark has responded by generously committing to supporting the Afghan National Security Forces after the transition and calling on other nations to do the same through its Coalition of Committed Contributors initiative.

As we look toward the donors' summit in Tokyo in July, Denmark will continue to play a leading role in helping the Afghan people make progress in governance, on education, healthcare, and other indices of development. Denmark's commitment to new democracies extends far beyond Afghanistan and into the Middle East and North Africa, where it has pledged money in assistance and working to spark economic growth, especially in the private sector. And I expressed our gratitude for the leadership once again that Denmark is showing, because it is essential that democracies, especially these very young democracies, deliver tangible results for people.

We of course discussed Denmark's leadership on climate change and the environment. As an Arctic nation, Denmark knows very well how pressing these issues are. And as climate change progresses, its impact will affect the livelihoods of millions of people who are dependent on this region's natural resources. Denmark is a strong voice for taking aggressive action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and by leading the charge with your own domestic goal of cutting emissions by 40 percent by 2020. And I want to applaud Denmark's decision to join the Climate and Clean Air Coalition that will help us reduce the short-lived climate pollutants as well as CO2. That's an important complement to what is being done with respect to carbon emissions.

For our part, the United States has continued to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. We've established new fuel efficiency standards that will be among the most aggressive in the world. We have invested more than $90 billion in clean energy and energy efficiency. We've more than doubled our installed capacity of wind and solar in four years. So I'm looking forward to this afternoon's Green Partnership for Growth event with the prime minister, and I applaud Denmark's leadership in creating the Global Green Growth Forum, an innovative platform that encourages leaders across governments, the private sector, and civil society to work together.

And finally, let me say a word about Syria. The world looked on last week at the massacre in Houla with horror, and those responsible must be held to account. We and the world have joined in condemning the brutality of the Assad regime. I spoke with Special Envoy Kofi Annan yesterday about his recent visit to Damascus. We are working with Denmark and others to make sure the international community speaks with a unified voice to increase pressure on Assad from both inside and outside. We have to peel away the regime's continued support within Syria while bolstering our assistance to the opposition and by isolating the regime diplomatically and economically.

So we have a lot of work ahead of us, Minister, and I want to conclude by thanking you again as well as the people of Denmark for your invaluable partnership and leadership. I look forward to our continuing coordination and collaboration, and it is a great pleasure for me to have this opportunity to be here once again. Thank you.

Q. Yes, Brad Klapper from Associated Press. Madam Secretary, there's been increasing talk in Israel, including yesterday from the defense minister, about unilateral action or interim solution in the West Bank in lieu of progress in the peace process. Would you encourage or discourage unilateral withdrawal by Israel from some land, even if it's not all the Palestinians seek? And what would the unilateral aspect of such a move mean for the chances of establishing a long-lasting Israeli-Palestinian peace?

Secretary Clinton. Well, Brad, the United States believes there is no substitute for direct talks between the parties. It is the only route to achieving what has long been not only a Palestinian goal and an American goal, but an Israeli goal, which are two states living side by side in peace and security. We have discouraged unilateral action from both sides, and in fact, we think that this new coalition government in Israel provides the best opportunity in several years to reach such a negotiated agreement. In fact, when the coalition was formed, there were four pillars of agreement, and one of them was pursuing the two-state solution.

So we very much want to encourage the Israelis and the Palestinians to do that, and in fact, they have recently exchanged letters, from President Abbas to President—to Prime Minister Netanyahu, and Prime Minister Netanyahu to President Abbas that have outlined the conditions for dialogue. And in recent weeks, I've called both Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas urging them to take this opportunity, to use this new opening that has come about because of the broad coalition that now exists that has pledged itself to pursuing a negotiated resolution. And we're going to continue to urge them to do so.

We greatly appreciate the role that Jordan has played. King Abdullah of Jordan has been extraordinarily forceful in urging the parties to come to the negotiating table. I spoke with Foreign Minister Nasser Judeh over the weekend about the status of the discussions. So we believe that there is an opportunity for direct negotiations, and we hope it was enhanced by the release of bodies today by the Israelis of Palestinians whom they had either killed or who had been suicide bombers going back many years as a sign of confidence building. But they need to get to the table and start dealing with all the very hard issues we know have to be resolved.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you.

Foreign Minister Sovndal. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Stoere gave the following remarks in Oslo, Norway

Foreign Minister Stoere. Good afternoon on this sunny Friday afternoon in Oslo. It is a great pleasure for me to welcome my friend and colleague, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, to Oslo. A few days ago, I had the privilege of visiting her city of birth, Chicago, and now I'm pleased to welcome her here in her capacity as the Secretary of State to my city of birth, Oslo. And I am also very happy that we are able to continue this visit on the flight north to Tromso, so we will get insights in this long stretch country of Norway.

I'll just make a few remarks on our talks this morning and with the prime minister before lunch. We have a broad agenda which is, if I may say, free of issues between Norway and the United States, but they are filled with issues that concern Norway and the United States, and the issues where I would like to compliment the Secretary for having been a Secretary who's looking for complementarity with allies and partners. And in area after area—and you just witnessed one downstairs on global health—we bring together our comparative advantage and experiences to try to maximize political efforts for change.

This morning we spent time on issues in the Arctic, which we certainly will follow up when we get to the Arctic. We touched upon climate change mitigation through supporting initiatives that actually bring difference. The world failed to get to one all-encompassing global deal on climate change a couple of years ago, but we are making progress on some individual projects such as fighting short-lived pollutants that have a dramatic effect in particular in the Arctic. We discussed that with the minister of the environment present, preparation for Rio+20, and other similar issues.

We followed up on our NATO meeting in Chicago discussing Afghanistan and our preparation for 2014 and the transition of security responsibility to the Afghan authorities, and not least, how we will stand by Afghanistan beyond 2014, supporting that country hopefully on the road of stability.

We touched upon Myanmar, where both the Secretary and I have visited, and where we are committed to support the forces for change, for democracy, and reform. We also discussed the drama unfolding in Syria, which is a preoccupation for the international community. And with the prime minister over lunch, we had a debate about the international financial situation, especially the economic situation in Europe, which is a concern for all of us. And we have a continuous agenda that we will continue to address tonight and tomorrow in Tromso. And I think they show us that our agenda is long, Secretary, and meeting with you and sharing your insight is always a great inspiration.

So, hearty welcome to Oslo.

Secretary Clinton. Well, thank you again, Foreign Minister, and it's been a very productive and, may I say, enjoyable day. Our long meeting, the very constructive and pleasant lunch hosted by the prime minister, along with our prior meeting there, and then I had the great privilege of meeting with His Majesty and Her Majesty, as well as the crown prince and Her Royal Highness.

Let me just hit a few of the high points, because whenever Jonas and I get together, we cover so much ground, and I'm looking forward to continuing the discussion tonight and tomorrow. One of the primary purposes of my being here today is to say thank you—not only thank you to the Norwegian Government, but to the Norwegian people. The United States is very grateful for the leadership and partnership that we enjoy with Norway. On every issue, whether it be peace or security, human rights or development, we know that we can work with, count on, and make progress if we are teaming up with the Norwegians.

And we just saw another example of that with our commitments to the Saving Mothers, Giving Life partnership, and we are looking forward to adding this collaboration to our ongoing work. We also appreciate all the ways that Norway leads on global health, including through the co-chairing with Nigeria of the United Nations Commission on Lifesaving Commodities for Women and Children. And we will be working hand-in-hand on the Child Survival Summit that we will host in Washington later this month along with India and Ethiopia.

On Afghanistan, I thank the foreign minister for the exemplary performance of Norwegian soldiers over the last years, and also for the commitment of $25 million annually to support the Afghan National Security Forces after 2014. We both recognize these continuing efforts are necessary for the long-term stability of Afghanistan.

I also discussed the upcoming visit by Aung San Suu Kyi here to Norway, where she will finally be able to deliver her Nobel Peace Prize address, more than 20 years overdue. We are both working to support the pro-democracy movement and to help support the government as it continues to take steps for reform, particularly in the area of ending ethnic conflicts.

Let me briefly mention Egypt, because yesterday the new Egyptian parliament allowed the country's emergency law to expire after more than 30 years in force. This law, of course, had given police sweeping powers to detain people without charging them, and yesterday's action is another positive step in Egypt's domestic transition.

And as the foreign minister said, we discussed our countries' work together on climate change and the environment. I certainly expressed our appreciation for Norway's $1.5 million contribution to the Climate and Clean Air Coalition, an effort to reduce the short-lived pollutants that cause over one-third of current warming while we continue to work together to reduce CO₂ emissions.

I am also grateful for the leadership Norway has given to the REDD-plus initiative to fight deforestation. And we know how important this is because of our common interest and concern about climate change, but also, in particular, when we think about the environment in the Arctic.

The United States, like Norway, is an Arctic nation, and we are committed to working through the Arctic Council, which will be establishing its secretariat in Tromso, to make sure we protect this incredibly precious and valuable resource. We have to be conscious of the environmental impacts of everything that may occur because of the already existing effects of global warming that now make the Arctic much more accessible.

From a strategic standpoint, the Arctic has an increasing geopolitical importance as countries vie to protect their rights and extend their influence. And we want to work with Norway and the Arctic Council to help manage these changes and to agree on what would be, in effect, the rules of the road in the Arctic, so new developments are economically sustainable and environmentally responsible toward future generations.

So all in all, this has been yet another very useful exchange of views, and I look forward to continuing it as we travel together to the north.

Q. Madam Secretary, commercial satellite imagery suggests that Iran is sanitizing the sites at Parchin military facility ahead of any potential IAEA inspection. What does that say to you about Iran's sincerity in its involvement in the P-5+1 talks?

Secretary Clinton. Well, our negotiation with Iran has never been about intentions or sincerity but about actions and results. And we appreciate greatly Norway's commitment of support to the P-5+1 negotiations, encouraging a diplomatic solution with Iran that will meet Iran's obligations under international responsibilities. And we will continue to push forward on the P-5+1, but we are looking for concrete actions. And we will know by the next meeting in Moscow in just a few weeks whether Iran is prepared to take such actions.

So there are lots of concerns that we continue to have about their intentions, but we will judge them by their actions and we will determine whether those actions are sufficient to meet their obligations that have been imposed under the IAEA and the Security Council.

Moderator. (Inaudible.)

Q. Madam Secretary, what is the U.S. position to Norway's claim that the Svalbard Treaty does not regulate the Svalbard continental shelf? And what is the main interest for the U.S. in the Arctic, with its possible huge oil and gas fields?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I will not comment on the Svalbard Treaty. I will leave that to my colleague.

But let me just make very clear that the United States has the same interest in the Arctic and the work of the Arctic Council as Norway does. We believe strongly that it's important for the five principal Arctic nations, of which we are, too, to begin working together to make plans for what will most certainly become greater ocean travel, greater exploration, therefore greater pollution, greater impact of human beings. We made a start on that at the last Arctic Council meeting in agreeing on a search and rescue protocol, which was the first ever for the Arctic, so that Russia and the rest of the Arctic nations all agreed to have a plan in place for search and rescue. We're working on an oil spill protocol and others to come.

Because we will, of course, claim what is ours under international law, just as Norway claims what is yours, but we know that that leaves a great vast amount of the Arctic that will be a common responsibility. And I think we both feel we have a very important obligation to get ahead of that and to prepare for what is likely to come. And it's one of the reasons why I'm going up to the north tonight and tomorrow, because I want to highlight to my own country the importance of us working together on the Arctic.

But perhaps you want to add to that.

Foreign Minister Stoere. Well, I think that on the Svalbard issue, the Secretary has been there. That's the northern most part of Norway where you can go, so we will go one step south this time—on the mainland. The Svalbard Treaty is quite a unique treaty, one of the survivors of the First World War Versailles Treaty system.

It is—has secured a very stable and predictable and sustainable way of managing the very high north.

On some of these issues, the United States has reserved its views, which is a diplomatic expression for stating its views, taking care of its interests. There is no dispute on this, and I believe that it's Norway's responsibility to safeguard its interests.

And as the Secretary said, we both have rights and obligations. And one of Norway's obligation is to secure law and order in these waters so there can be fishing and other kind of activities which correspond with the fragile environment of the archipelago. We have managed that so far. There are about 40 signatories to the Svalbard Treaty, which grants equal rights to economic operators operating inside the territorial waters and on the islands. And by doing that in a predictable way, we contribute to that stability. That's why we talk about high north, low tension. And that we secure through predictable and long-term policies.

Moderator. And last question is to Arshad Mohammed, Reuters.

Q. Secretary Clinton, there is a report that in China a Chinese state security official has been arrested on suspicion of having sold information to the U.S. CIA. In particular, the allegations are that he gave information about China's foreign espionage to the United States. Can you comment on the veracity of that?

And regardless of what you can say about that issue, are you aware of anything in the last six months or so in U.S.-China relations, a period that has included the crisis over Cheng Guangcheng, the disagreements over how to handle Syria, the perennial other issues like currency and so on—are you aware of any issues that have come up that have made it not possible for the United States and China to work together where they have shared interests?

Secretary Clinton. Well, first, Arshad, I'm not going to comment on the report that you just cited.

But as to the second question, the answer is no. We have a very important, comprehensive relationship with China that is inclusive of a very broad range of important concerns. We cooperate on—in many areas. As you know, the Strategic and Economic Dialogue was established to bring together the strategic and economic parts of our relationship because there's a lot of overlap. When I was just in China for the fourth S&ED earlier last month, we had a very robust and productive set of meetings.

Now, as you well know, that doesn't mean we agree on every issue, because we certainly do not, but I don't know any country we agree with on every issue. It doesn't mean that we won't have problems from time to time in our relationship. We do, and we do with most countries. But we each recognize that it is in our mutual interest to sustain this positive, cooperative, comprehensive relationship that was committed to by the presidents of both countries.

So we will continue working on the broad range of issues that are of mutual interest, and we will deal with problems as we have in the last month as they arise. But the goal for our relationship with China is to ensure that we defy history, as I've said both in speeches at home and repeated and had actually repeated back to me by all of my Chinese interlocutors. It has never happened that an established preeminent power and a rising power have been able to find a way to not only coexist, but cooperate. We intend to make history with our relationship with China.

The United States intends to remain a preeminent power. We have made it absolutely clear that we are a Pacific power, and we will continue to have a strong presence in the Asia Pacific. But we are also looking for as many ways to cooperate as we can, because we think it's in our interests, and we happen to think it's in the interests of the world to see the United States and China have a peaceful, positive relationship. And that's our plan, and that's what we are doing every single day. Thank you.

Moderator. Thank you, everyone. Our time is up. See you in Tromso.

Secretary Clinton. Onward.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Stoere gave the following remarks in Oslo, Norway

Foreign Minister Stoere. (In progress.)—share with you just a few impressions from this day. Secretary Clinton, you are a fabulous guest because you showed a really keen interest in what you are presented, and that makes us Norwegians proud and very inspired. It's important for us that our key and leading ally has an updated picture of modern Norway, and that is why we highly appreciate Madam Secretary has included Tromso, which I nominated the Arctic capital, and (inaudible) capital also.

Today, we have had, I think, a first-class presentation of modern knowledge about Arctic and polar affairs from the medical research from the Polar Institute from the University of Tromso. We've had a generous presentation from the city leadership, political leadership of the city of Tromso, and above all, we've had a good time. And we had a good time because the atmosphere has been great.

And right now, we will be able to present the Tromso (inaudible), which is a milestone in the high north strategy of the government to build a meeting center of excellence and (inaudible) in Tromso. This center will be complete by 2030, and there will be some 2030 institutions. We are going to have researchers operating out of this place. And here goes—will be located in the new building—the permanent secretariat of the Arctic Council, which we both helped vote and decide last year.

So we believe that not only to understand modern Norway and the narrative of what is Norway in the 21st century, but the Arctic is really that initial interconnection. The U.S. is a leading Arctic state, as are the other council states as well, and I think we are discovering that for secretaries and foreign ministers in the decades to come, the Arctic will be key on that agenda. So I'm very pleased that we've had the opportunity to go deep in that and really have unprecedented time to go into very fascinating (inaudible). Norway was always a seafaring polar strategic nation for centuries. Now we can do it on the bigger screen, but it will always depend on the very brave and courageous researchers who go out in the ice. That's the only way to provide everyone (inaudible).

Thank you, Secretary, for coming to spend time with us.

Secretary Clinton. Well, thank you very much, Foreign Minister, for inviting me here. As Jonas just said, I thought that the permanent secretariat for the Arctic Council should actually be in the Arctic, and I was, therefore, very proud and committed to supporting Tromso as the new home of the Arctic Council. And it only adds to the importance of the role that this city is playing as the world increasingly looks to the north. And I also want to acknowledge the other academics and researchers who have made this facility, and the Polar Institute, the university, so many of the other affiliated groups and individuals who are committed to enhancing our understanding of the Arctic and helping to educate all of us as we increasingly make decisions that will impact the Arctic.

The United States and Norway are closely coordinating to ensure that the Arctic Council is a important and is the key place where nations gather to chart the future of the Arctic. We were very pleased to sign the first agreement that came out of the Arctic Council last year on the search-and-rescue responsibilities in the Arctic. We're working on a new agreement to deal with oil spills and other emergencies. But there's a big agenda that has to be addressed in a very deliberative but intensive way.

Now back in the United States, the Obama Administration is pushing hard to ratify the Law of the Sea Convention, which has provided the international framework for exploring these new opportunities in the Arctic. We abide by the international law that undergirds the convention, but we think the United States should be a member, because the convention sets down the rules of the road that protect freedom of navigation, provide maritime security, serve the interests of every nation that relies on sea lanes for commerce and trade, and also sets the framework for exploration for the natural resources that may be present in the Arctic.

And the United States and Norway are committed to promoting responsible management of those resources, and to do all we can to prevent and mitigate the effects of climate change. I'm highlighting a new partnership that I started called the Climate and Clean Air Coalition, and we're very pleased that Norway is a member. And it is to focus on what are called short-lived climate pollutants—methane, black carbon, hydrofluorocarbons—which make up at least 30—somewhere between 30 and 40 percent of the greenhouse gas emissions. And they are actually released into the atmosphere during the extraction and production of oil and natural gas, among other activities. In fact, in addition to the impact on global warming, they cause millions of premature deaths and 30 million tons of lost crops each year. And we just heard the impact of burning (inaudible) fuels and putting all that black carbon and soot into the air. It then lands on the ice and you know rest.

So I want to thank Norway for joining the Climate and Clean Air Coalition and making an initial commitment of one and a half million dollars, and also a pledge by Norway of one million dollars specifically to target black carbon across the Arctic. I'm very grateful that we had a chance to meet with the CEO of Statoil and the new Country Manager for ExxonMobil to talk about ways that oil and gas companies are already reducing methane and black carbon emissions from their own production, what more they believe can be done, and how we can bring other companies into this effort to capture your vented, leaked, and flared natural gas, and to cut emissions by up to one-third with no net cost at all. That would make a significant impact on climate change without hurting any oil or gas company's bottom line, and it's exactly the kind of private and public cooperation we need to pursue and that this new coalition is determined to try to bring about.

So again, I want to thank my friend and colleague for a wonderful visit here in Tromso. I want to thank the many people, the citizens that I have been meeting and talking to from the moment I arrived yesterday evening. And the great warm welcome and gracious hospitality is very much appreciated, not only by me personally but all of my delegation accompanying me.

Moderator. Thank you. We can take more of your questions for—

Q. Well, Madam Secretary, what you would you say is the most valuable piece of insight you gained during your stay?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I think it is always important to have firsthand experience, if possible. I've had the opportunity to visit Svalbard when I was a United States senator. Last year, the Arctic Council met in Nuuk, Greenland. And then of course, today, we were able to go out on a research vessel and hear from experts about what is happening in the Arctic, and in fact, that many of the predications about warming in the Arctic are being surpassed by the actual data. That was a—not necessarily a surprising but sobering fact to be told.

But I think in general, it's to have a chance to further and exemplify the cooperation between the United States and Norway, between Jonas and myself, and to send a very clear message that although it seems like such an overwhelming task for humanity to take the steps necessary to reduce and mitigate the impact of global warming and climate change, there are things every one of us can do, and we should get about the business of doing it.

Q. Secretary Clinton—

Q. Wait a moment, please. Thank you. Madam Secretary, your colleague likes to talk about high north, low tension. There are lots of new countries that now have an interest in coming to the Arctic area. How do you see the potential for conflict in this area and the Arctic Council's role in avoiding those conflicts?

Secretary Clinton. Well, our goal is certainly to promote the peaceful cooperation that we think is called for in the Arctic. And the Arctic Council, which consists—at the core are the five Arctic nations, of which Norway and the United States are two, and then others with very direct interests, such as Iceland and Sweden, have been working without a lot of attention until relatively recently. And I think it's a tribute to our foresight and our predecessors, and then certainly Jonas has been a global leader—not just a Norwegian leader—on bringing attention to the Arctic and, as he says, the high north, that we are operationalizing the cooperation that we have established through the Arctic Council.

And you're right that a lot of countries are looking at what will be the potential for exploration and extraction of natural resources, as well as new sea lanes, and are increasingly expressing an interest in the Arctic. And we want the Arctic Council to remain the premier institution that deals with Arctic questions. So one of the issues on our agenda is how we provide an opportunity for other nations very far on the Arctic to learn more about the Arctic, to be integrated into the cooperative framework that we are establishing, and in effect, to set some standards that we would like to see everyone follow.

Moderator. Last one.

Q. Secretary Clinton, what do you think of the sentencing of former Egyptian President Mubarak to life in prison on the conviction that he's had just announced today of complicity or involvement in the deaths of some of the protestors in Egypt? Is that a just sentence, in your view?

Secretary Clinton. I'm not going to comment on a sentence imposed by a court after hearing whatever evidence was presented. That is up to the Egyptian people, their judicial system, and their government.

But I would take the opportunity to express our very strong encouragement that the election process—which has been carried out freely, fairly, and legitimately—produced a result that will be accepted as reflecting the will of the Egyptian people, and that this transition that was started in Tahrir Square will result in a government that is committed to improving the lives of the people of Egypt and the economy and dealing with many of the challenges that confront any nation in the world today. And the United States stands ready to assist in any way that we can.

Moderator. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton, Prime Minister Frederik Reinfeldt, and Foreign Minister Carl Bildt gave the following remarks in Stockholm, Sweden

Prime Minister Reinfeldt. So, good afternoon and welcome, everybody. It is a great pleasure and privilege to welcome Secretary of State, Mrs. Hillary Clinton, to Stockholm and to Sweden. I must admit that yesterday we had the coldest day in Sweden since 1928, and I have apologized for this to the Madam Secretary. But we tried to compensate it with the warmth of our relation. Sweden and the United States are tied together in so many ways: through history, through trade and investments, and also by countless personal relations across the Atlantic. This visit, of course, gives us an opportunity to discuss a lot of issues. During the day Madam Secretary has been out on a boat trip, meeting with the Minister for Defense and Foreign Minister, and I think covered a lot of the items related to security and foreign issues. So I have been trying to focus on two issues, namely on Syria and on the economic crisis of Europe.

First, on Syria. We have, of course, discussed the tragedy now taking place in Syria and agreed on the urgent need to stop the terrible violence by the Assad regime against his own people. The international pressure on the regime to stop the killings must be maintained, including by sanctions. Those guilty of crimes must be held accountable, and we must continue to work to get humanitarian aid to people in need, and, of course, to support the political transition in line with the Kofi Annan Plan.

Secondly, on Europe, we had an in-depth discussion on the economic situation in Europe. And this is, of course, also very important for the United States because we trade a lot between our two continents. It is clear that the economic situation in the European Union varies significantly from one country to another. In Sweden and in many other northern European countries, we have implemented structure reforms for more than 20 years, and resulting in sound public finances and better growth figures. We sometimes even talk about a northern European growth corridor.

At the same time we talked sometimes about the troubled situation in part of central and southern Europe as if it was only related to a demand problem. But to me it is also deeply rooted in challenges relating to an ongoing financial crisis in part of Europe, a debt crisis that is, of course, a consequence of poor public finances and still also problems with competitiveness throughout Europe. And we will, of course, have a lot of talks and discussions and needful reforms to be able to solve a lot of these problems.

I would also like, at the end, to underline that we share a strong commitment to human rights. We are jointly commemorating Raoul Wallenberg this year. And finally, I want to thank you very much, Madam Secretary, for excellent discussion, and for coming to visit us. Thank you.

Foreign Minister Bildt. Let me (inaudible) that we have an excellent and stellar relationship. We meet fairly frequently on different levels and have a dialogue on a lot of different issues. Highlight two issues out of the discussions today. First off, the Council, where I think there has been—we could even say two days of discussion, because there was coordinated with my (inaudible) colleague discussions of (inaudible), discussions we've had here midway in the Swedish chairmanship of the Arctic Council. So we reviewed progress, and agree on some of the things that we should jointly achieve by the end of that chairmanship in May of next year.

Second issue, Net freedom, where we are together building a global coalition for the freedom of the Net. We've been working on that for quite some time, and we are focusing our discussion today quite a lot on what we are doing within the Human Rights Council, why we will go forward, not only the United States and Sweden, but we are building a fairly broad coalition to present a resolution draft on the principles for Net freedom. That will be the first time ever that these issues are really brought on the international agenda to take a resolution with all of the effects that that is going to have. So those two issues I just want to highlight, apart from having covered mostly everything else.

Secretary Clinton. Well, it is a great personal pleasure for me to be here once again in Sweden, and to have the opportunity that I did today for in-depth discussions with the Foreign Minister and also the Defense Minister, then to be able to meet with the Minister of the Environment, and now to have this opportunity, Prime Minister, to meet with you. And I too want to thank you for the great cooperation that we have on so many important issues, and to compliment you on yet another Eurovision win. I have to say I felt a little euphoria, myself, being here, despite the weather.

I also think that the ongoing consultations which we have on a regular basis between us is particularly essential, as we face so many difficult issues around the world. And Sweden brings its diplomatic heft and its development expertise to nearly every corner of the globe. And at the Chicago Summit we were pleased to welcome Sweden as one of NATO's strongest partners, standing with us in Afghanistan as we begin the transition to full Afghan responsibility for security by 2014, as well as working for the betterment of the Afghan people into the future.

In fact, we know that Sweden has been involved in Afghanistan for more than 30 years. And your development efforts, your civilian assistance, has been and will continue to be crucial. We also greatly appreciated Sweden's vital role in NATO's mission to protect the Libyan people. And we are grateful for Sweden's offer to work with NATO through the Nordic Center for Gender in Military Operations.

The Arctic Council, which the Minister mentioned, is of very particular importance, as we cooperate and think over the horizon to meet the new opportunities as well as the new challenges that are posed by what's happening in the Arctic today. And I applaud Sweden's leadership on Internet freedom issues. We have fought for a very long time on behalf of the right to free expression and free assembly. And those rights belong in the Internet as much as they do in the so-called real world.

As the Prime Minister said, we discussed the ongoing atrocities in Syria. We are joined in our condemnation of what Assad and the regime are doing to perpetuate vicious and systematic attacks, and strongly support a political transition that will give the Syrian people a better future. We have a great commitment to the Kofi Annan Plan, because the six points are the ones that have to be addressed, and we will continue to look for ways to do that.

I also appreciated discussing Iran with the Foreign Minister. We share a vision for a diplomatic solution that sees Iran live up to its international commitments. And we appreciate the role that Sweden plays in pushing Iran to respect and protect the human rights of its own people.

And when it comes to all of the large challenges that know no boundaries, such as climate change, or gender equality, or Internet freedom, it is true that Sweden is not just on the front lines, but leading. And I am greatly appreciative for all of that work, and look forward to enhancing it in the months and years ahead.

Finally, I would like to recognize that this is the 100th anniversary of Raoul Wallenberg's birth. And he is a personal hero of mine, and a great public servant and diplomat who proved what can be accomplished when conviction meets action. And we have joined together to honor his legacy and his spirit of moral leadership. Acting to defend human rights, freedom of speech, freedom of religion, our shared democratic values, America could not ask for a better partner and friend than the government and people of Sweden. Thank you, Prime Minister.

Q. Madam Secretary, how worried are you about the economic crisis in Europe? Do you think the Euro will survive?

Secretary Clinton. Well, of course, the United States has expressed our concerns about the economy and the difficulties that are faced here in Europe. It is something that we care deeply about, because we highly value our relationships with our European partners. Also because we know that in order to fully recover from the economic downturns of the last years, Europe has to be strong and operating at full speed once again. So we support the need for changes to be made in order to improve Europe's competitiveness to deal with a lot of the leftover issues that have not yet been addressed in various countries.

But it is truly up to the Europeans themselves, all of you, to make the decisions going forward. The United States will certainly do everything we can to support the difficult decisions that lie ahead for Europe.

Moderator. And the last question goes to AFP (inaudible).

Q. Thank you. Madam Secretary, my question is on Iran. Today Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini—(inaudible), sorry—threatened Israel with a response like thunder if it engaged in a misstep. And he also rejected (inaudible) Western charges that Iran is seeking nuclear weapons. So that would seem to bode poorly for the upcoming talks in Moscow. I'm wondering what happens if those talks fail, and what are the stakes for Iran here?

Secretary Clinton. Well, first, let me say that I have not had a chance to review what was said. But I don't draw any conclusions from that statement with respect to the potential success of the talks in Moscow. I think there is nothing new in what you've just reported. Obviously, the Iranians have consistently said they would take actions to defend themselves. That's not news. They have also made it clear in many statements—most recently in the fatwa that was issued by the Supreme Leader—that they don't seek nuclear weapons, that they have no such program. Now, the best way for Iran to fulfill their obligations and to dismiss the worries that the rest of the world has about their intentions and actions is to come to the table in Moscow in a few weeks and begin the serious work that has to take place in order to reach a diplomatic resolution. And we have always known that that was the path forward. The Iranians have come to the table. We expect to see them in Moscow. We hope that they will come prepared to offer very specific actions they are willing to take.

So, I have long ago separated the words from the actions in dealing with regimes across the globe. Many, many countries and their leaders say a lot of things for domestic purposes, to lay down markers, to make their views clear to different audiences. But you negotiate with the very hard work that our diplomats are doing. And we look forward to seeing what the Iranians actually bring to the table in Moscow. We want to see a diplomatic resolution. President Obama, from the beginning of his administration has sought that. We now have an opportunity to achieve it, and we hope that it is an opportunity that is not lost, for everyone's sake.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and President Mikhail Saakashvili gave the following remarks in Batumi, Georgia

President Saakashvili. Madam Secretary, I will speak in English (inaudible). They have heard me already speak in Georgian many times.

It is an immense pleasure to welcome you here again today in Georgia. You have always been an outstanding friend of our nation. I want, in the name of Georgian people, our multiethnic nation, to express our deep gratitude to you, Hillary, for your personal leadership on all our issues and your longstanding support for Georgia's democracy.

Ladies and gentlemen, if Georgia is today an independent state progressing at a good path on its way to the EU and NATO, it is, of course, first thanks to the Georgian people's commitment and courage. But the support of the United States of America throughout all these 20 years, and in particular the support of President Obama and Secretary Clinton in the recent period, was instrumental, fundamental for our survival and our continued success.

I want to commend here the firm commitment of the U.S. to our sovereignty, our territorial integrity within our legitimate borders. Its constant help in our reform process, its firm denunciation of the illegal occupation of our territories, and it repeated calls for the rights of hundreds of thousands, around 500,000 internally displaced persons of Georgians of all ethnic and religious backgrounds, to go back to their houses. This American policy allows the Georgian democratic sphere to overcome key challenge as it achieves striking results. The partnership between our two nations is made from shared values and for its purpose—standing up for freedom and also of its common interests.

Secretary Clinton's visit, the strategic partnership charter meeting, and the discussions held today constitute another step forward in the constant enhancing of our cooperation. These talks are following the meeting held with President Obama at the White House in January—really very interesting talks and meeting—they allowed us to progress on all objectives that were set last January. Our security cooperation is on the right track. Today's ceremony with the coast guard was a good symbol of our progress in that matter, the (inaudible) process of enhancing our self-defense capacity is now real and concrete. The U.S. is committed to it, and the forward steps were discussed today.

I welcome our (inaudible) close cooperation in order to ensure the irreversibility of the Georgian democratic reforms. My government is committed to have free and fair parliamentary elections this October. Georgia's public attachment to democracy (inaudible) is expressed in the Rose Revolution, and (inaudible) ever since, so I am sure that these elections will express the free will of the Georgian people.

And I also welcome (inaudible) support to our request for international observation missions. We really want to have as many legitimate observers in place as we can get to make the transparent—elections as transparent, as fair, as trustworthy as we can get. Your support, Madam Secretary, for my government calls toward minorities and to our commitment to an open, democratic, and multiethnic society is essential.

Progress on our people-to-people relations is good. More Georgians now travel to the U.S., including for study, and we have thousands of America's teachers teaching English to Georgian kids here. We also would be—we are also grateful for the support for our policies of engagement of the Georgian citizens living in the occupied territories.

President Obama mentioned in January the prospect of a free trade agreement between the U.S. and Georgia. That has made Georgia the only country in Europe that might have eventually free trade agreement with the United States—quite a big privilege and thrill to get there.

I welcome the concrete process of high-level dialogue that has started since then and that will allow us to progress toward that amazing goal, which, as the American president has put, are in the mutual interests of the American and Georgian business.

Finally, I want to thank you, Madam Secretary, for your Administration's leadership and your personal leadership of the decided question of our integration into Euro-Atlantic alliance. The last summit in Chicago was an important step forward toward that process for Georgia. The language of the communiqué, the meeting of the 28 allies with the four aspirant countries that put Georgia in the same group as the three Balkan states, and the words you pronounced during the meetings on enlargement perspectives and talking to them at length about Georgia's continued reform and progress and success showed to everybody that Georgia was closer than ever to fulfill its Euro-Atlantic aspirations. Your words in Chicago were like music to the ears of my people, I can tell you right now. I know that. We need for that to keep up the momentum for the course and to count on our allies' commitment. We are confident of both, in a large part thanks to your unwavering friendship.

Thank you again. It's a great honor to host you here.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Mr. President, and it is a great pleasure to be back in Georgia, and particularly to be here on the Black Sea and to see all of the development taking place in Batumi. When I was last here in Tbilisi, you showed me posters of everything that was happening in Batumi and urged me to come see for myself, and I'm very pleased that I have this opportunity to do that.

The partnership between Georgia and the United States reflects the energy, the entrepreneurship, and the dynamism of our people and societies. More than that, our relationship delivers results. You can see that just from what we have achieved in the past few weeks.

This morning, we held the third annual plenary session of our Strategic Partnership Commission, covering topics from bolstering peace and security to promoting global economic growth and deepening democratic values. We confirmed plans for a new agreement to help our scientific communities collaborate more closely.

We also discussed the Millennium Challenge Corporation's plan to move forward with its second compact with Georgia, a show of confidence in Georgia's future. Reforming and modernizing Georgia's defense establishment is also one of our shared priorities. Earlier today, I attended the commissioning of a coast guard vessel that the United States and Georgia refurbished together to help Georgia defend against threats from terrorism, drugs, and human trafficking.

We also discussed Georgia's commitment to the ISAF operations in Afghanistan, including your pledge to help sustain the Afghan National Security Force after the 2014 transition. Georgian troops fight bravely alongside American forces in Afghanistan, and we greatly honor their courage and sacrifice. Georgia is already the largest per capita contributor of troops to our efforts in Afghanistan, and we thank you for sending a second battalion which will make you the largest non-NATO contributor.

We have also agreed this year on several new areas of defense cooperation. The United States will provide training and support for Georgian defense forces to better monitor your coasts and your skies. We will help upgrade Georgia's utility helicopter fleet so it can more easily transport supplies and people throughout your country. We are also going to help Georgia give its officers the 21^st century training they need for today's changing missions. With these efforts, Georgia will be a stronger international partner with an improved capacity for self-defense.

Of course, Georgia's long-term security and prosperity will depend in large part on the quality of your democracy. And this is a moment of great opportunity for your country. The United States will stand with the Georgian people as you take the next steps to strengthen the rights, freedom, and opportunities of all your citizens. Every Georgian deserves to live in a tolerant, democratic, inclusive society.

Today, I met with leaders of opposition parties and discussed their vital role in deepening Georgia's democratic development. The United States believes competing energies and ideas drive the democratic process. Civic activism, open debate, a level playing field, citizens' access to information are all vital as you move toward parliamentary elections and then presidential elections. We expect Georgia will hold free and fair elections this fall, and then complete a democratic transfer of power in 2013. And we believe that every party and every candidate should respect the political process, and we look forward to welcoming a strong relationship with those that the Georgian people choose.

Let me also say, as both President Obama and I have repeated many times before, the United States remains steadfast in our commitment to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Georgia within its internationally recognized borders. Today we also discussed ways Georgia can reach out to the people of Abkhazia and South Ossetia regions, including providing status-neutral travel documents and identification cards. Soon U.S. Embassies and consulates around the world will accept the status-neutral travel document for any resident from these regions who chooses to use them for travel or study in the United States. This would be a strong step toward reconciliation that supports a peaceful and just resolution of the conflict.

Finally, when President Saakashvili met with President Obama in the Oval Office earlier this year, one of the key issues they discussed was how to increase trade and investment between our countries. And just last week we launched our new High-Level Trade and Investment Dialogue. This group will explore a range of mechanisms to continue strengthening trade relations between our countries, including the possibility of a free trade agreement between Georgia and the United States, an updated investment agreement, and other measures that could facilitate trade and investments.

This is a relationship that gets things done and has for 20 years, because after all, Mr. President, we commemorate the 20^th year of our diplomatic relations. We've seen a lot of change in that time. Georgia has moved from a closed country under communist rule to an active member of the Open Government Partnership. We are meeting in a building, the Public Service Hall, that is a testament to the positive changes that Georgia has made. And I would like to say as someone who has the honor of traveling the world, so many countries, particularly new and struggling democracies, are looking to Georgia. They want to know how Georgia has accomplished so much in such a short period of time. I look forward to seeing where the next 20 years take you.

Now before I conclude, I'd like to take a moment to send congratulations to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth on behalf of the American people. For 60 years, the American people have admired her strength, her resilience, and her commitment to freedom and human dignity for all people. We join her subjects and people around the world in celebrating Her Majesty's historic Diamond Jubilee.

So thank you once again, Mr. President, for your friendship and to the people of Georgia for the strong partnerships between our people and our governments. This is an exciting time in the history of Georgia, and we want to see you go from strength to strength and continue to improve the lives of the Georgia people as well as serve as a model for people everywhere. Thank you.

President Saakashvili. Madam Secretary, we don't want to be—thank you so much for these very kind and supportive words. We don't want to be left out, so we'll join in your congratulations to Her Majesty the Queen and all the best wishes and wish her another hundred years of her very fruitful reign. And by the way, when you talk about (inaudible) Public Hall, on the right there you see the University—the American university that is being built in Batumi. And I can tell you the joke with this: If you go and look at this building now as it is, you would never believe it, but (inaudible) the highest building in the Caucasus, the tallest building in Caucasus, and actually, it will be the university that's a symbol of democracy. And it shall be not just another university, but an American university. UCLA and other major American universities are right now organizing (inaudible). It was first ever American—fully American university in post-Soviet state because—there are some others, but they are not really run fully by American universities. And it will be here. And it was assisted by American Government through Millennium Challenge Corporation program. So we're immensely proud and all of you are invited to the opening in September.

Anyway, now you're invited (inaudible).

Yes. I'm not running the press conference (inaudible).

Moderator. Natia Gogsadze Rustavi

Secretary Clinton. Wait, wait, wait, wait.

Moderator. Would like to ask in Georgian.

Q. Natia Gogsadze's Rustavi 2. Madam Secretary of State, very soon we will have parliamentary elections in Georgia. And on the other hand, as we know, Russian Federation tries to organize its military exercise, military training will be coinciding with our elections. On the other hand, Mr. Putin made a statement and he said that Russia is interested in the results of the Georgian election. Therefore, there is certain kind of concern in our country about external intervention. To what extent is this threat possible? What is your take? What is your opinion about it?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I believe that the 2012 parliamentary elections and the 2013 presidential elections are really in the hands of the Georgian people. I believe that they will be a crucial indicator of the progress Georgia has made on its democratic path, and the president and I, as I discussed also earlier with the prime minister, have expressed our hopes that this will be a model election that will provide a competitive electoral environment.

Now, I think the single best thing Georgia can do to advance your security, your prosperity, your democracy, your international reputation, is to hold free and fair elections that result in a fully democratic transition. And we praise Georgia's initiative to open its early electoral process to a range of international observers, because monitoring is a key to ensuring fairness and transparency.

So yes, there will be military maneuvers, but the really important event of the fall will occur inside Georgia as the people of Georgia cast their votes. I cannot think of a stronger message that could be sent to anyone anywhere in the world than that. And so we will clearly continue to consult closely with the Georgian Government to ensure that we are standing with you, but the most critical event is not another country's military's exercises—it is Georgia's elections. And that will speak louder than any military exercise could ever do about what Georgians stand for, your resilience, your strength, your commitment to democracy.

Moderator. Thank you. Reuters wanted to ask question, right? Yes, please.

Q. President Saakashvili, can you categorically rule out the possibility that you might seek the prime ministership? And Secretary Clinton, do you believe that President Putin's leaving the presidency to become prime minister and then returning to the Kremlin as president has set a bad precedent?

President Saakashvili. Well, first of all, I have to say Madam Secretary also was talking about this. The democratic transfer of power is a normal part of any democracy. And by the way, Georgia—it has already been happening for those of you who have been watching, because we moved part of the central government's power, the presidential powers, to the directly elected mayor of Tbilisi, to elected city councils all around the country. We are continuing towards decentralization of that process, remove parliamentary (inaudible) on the posture, and actually that also means that more power is to be shifting to the regions from the—and powers of the regions. And I think Georgia has developed a number of very important institutions like (inaudible) that make—that—which will raise focus on institutions rather than all of its individual personalities. In this future political process, it is hugely important what the institution will do.

And since they won, I was in the office, I was offered this brilliant opportunity to turn myself into lame duck voluntarily, especially considering what kind of reforms we have to achieve and complete by the end of my second term. I'm certainly not going to cede to this temptation to do it, even for such a wonderful agency as Reuters.

But as I said, the process is there. Georgian democracy is getting stronger. And ultimate that matters most of all to me and basically to my nation as well. Ultimately, people's choice is the most respected one that—and I think that will be—ultimately it will make the whole difference, indeed. Today it made a difference; it will make difference in October; it will make difference next year and in the future.

Secretary Clinton. Well, I'm not going to speculate on hypotheticals, and I'm not going to comment on the reality of another country's leader right now. But let me just emphasize how important it is that the decisions that are made by Georgia's leaders and citizens demonstrate a firm commitment to the building of democratic institutions. I think that's what the president was just saying, that in any democracy, institutions have to be more important than people. Individual leaders should come and go, but institutions should be strengthened. And one of the ways of doing that is to have an election first for the parliament, then for the presidency, that are universally regarded as valid. That will speak volumes about where Georgia is on your path to a sustainable democracy.

Moderator. Thank you. Please.

Q. Lika Beraia, TV company Imedi—

Secretary Clinton. Wait just one second. I'm sorry.

Okay.

Q. Lika Beraia, TV company Imedi. I have a question to Madam Secretary of State. Following the Chicago summit, Russia expressed its negative position regarding intention of NATO, and in this context it's (inaudible) negative, particularly with regard to Georgia. Some analysts say that Russia has the right to use so-called veto. Do you agree with this possibility?

Secretary Clinton. As we stated at the Chicago NATO summit, the United States and all NATO allies support Georgia's aspirations for NATO membership, and we reaffirmed the Bucharest decision and all subsequent decisions. We continue to work closely with Georgia both bilaterally and through the NATO-Georgia Commission to support the goals that Georgia has set for itself in its annual national program. And we remain committed to supporting Georgia's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and we strongly support the principle that all countries, including Georgia, should be free to choose their own alliances, including their security alliances.

Moderator. One more question from Americans. Yes, please.

Q. Madam Secretary, the leaders of China and Russia met today in Beijing and agreed to cooperate together more closely at the United Nations. President Hu said that this would enable them to put the global order on a more fair and more rational course.

What is your reaction to that? And is this a setback for your efforts to get a unified response to the crisis in Syria?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I think it's pretty clear that we all have to intensify our efforts to speed a political transition, and that has to be the main focus of our diplomacy and our work, both with each other, within the international community, at the United Nations, and other settings, even as we increase political and economic pressure on the Assad regime. And I think it's clear to anyone, I think it's hard to reach any other fair and reasonable conclusion that after what we have seen in the last 10 days, particularly the massacre in Houla, that peace and human dignity will not be possible in Syria without political change. So I will look forward to continuing to work with my colleagues tomorrow in Istanbul. I will then be seeing Joint Special Envoy Kofi Annan in Washington on Friday, and we believe there is a way forward and we're going to continue to pursue that. And we invite the Russians and the Chinese to be part of the solution of what is happening in Syria.

Moderator. Thank you, all of you. Thank you for this opportunity. Thank you, Madam Secretary.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following interview in Batumi, Georgia

Q. Madam Secretary, thank you very much for your time. And your statement in Chicago that this was a last non-enlargement summit brings some optimism to Georgia. And what should be expected in terms of Georgia-NATO integration the next two years? And can Georgia become a member with Russian troops on soil? Because we all remember President Medvedev saying that with the war of 2008, Russia stopped Georgia's NATO integration process.

Secretary Clinton. Well, first, let me say how pleased I am to be talking with you and what a wonderful visit I've had here in Batumi and delighted to be back in Georgia. The answer to the question about NATO really depends upon the progress that is made, because each of the aspirant countries that I met with in Chicago had different challenges still ahead. But we are very committed to the Bucharest principles and to working with Georgia and the other countries so that they do make progress.

Obviously, from our perspective, we think it's a bedrock principle that any country should have the right to choose its own alliances, including security alliances. So I hope that we'll see continuing progress on interoperability and all of the military cooperation.

And of course, it will be important how the elections in Georgia go, because Georgia has made so much progress, and I'm very proud I'm here on the 20^th anniversary of our diplomatic relations. And we want to see very good, free, fair, transparent parliamentary elections, then a presidential election, because Georgia can really set the standard for what it means to be a democracy in the 21^st century.

Q. So you said that Russia can stop this process, our aspiration to NATO.

Secretary Clinton. Well, we do not—

Q. Russia doesn't have any power to stop it?

Secretary Clinton. They do not have a veto. No country has a veto over the choices that another country makes. Now, of course, the reality is that every country that is offered membership in NATO has to be offered that unanimously. And I can't speak for any other country in the NATO alliance other than my own, so I do think that the more Georgia demonstrates that it's making progress, that it is not only economically progressing but progressing on the path toward institutionalizing democracy, the outreach to neighbors, the trying to calm the waters—I think that will make an impression on the other members of NATO too.

Q. There are many fears in Georgia that Russia can resume that military conflict (inaudible). And there is a reason for that, because in 2008, mission wasn't fulfilled. Russia hasn't changed, so we held (inaudible) in the government. And Georgia's NATO aspiration has remained the same. And Georgian—this is a very important question for Georgians—that what are the international mechanisms—what are the reassurances that Russia will not resume the military conflict against Georgia?

Secretary Clinton. Well, there's no way to give anyone ironclad guarantees, because countries act in ways that are often unpredictable or sadly predictable, as the case might be. But here we are in 2012, and I think that the progress that Georgia has made in the last four years has drawn the world's attention, that here is a relatively small country able to tackle so many of the issues that any country developing and democratizing has to.

And there's a great deal of understanding. Georgia is now asked by people all over the world to send experts to talk about how to reform economies and how to set up political systems and deliver services to people. So there is an international awareness of Georgia and Georgia's aspirations, which I think sends a strong signal that they—that the people of Georgia deserve to chart their own future.

And since we strongly support the territorial integrity and independence of Georgia, and we don't recognize the secessionist areas—hardly anybody else does either—I think there are other things that need to be concentrated on by all of us. The United States, Russia, the European Union, we have a lot of issues that we have to deal with economically, security. We've got this terrible problem in Syria.

So I imagine there will still be rhetorical volleys going back and forth, but certainly it's my hope that nobody provokes anything, that the secessionist areas don't provoke anything, that everybody just keeps working to improve Georgia. That's my hope.

Q. You mentioned Syria and a question about recent politics—policies. The reset button that you have famously put forth years ago has brought some consequences. But tendencies are changing. Putin accused the U.S. of backing massive protests against him, that the countries can't find that the common language over missile defense issue, and the Syria of course. Russia continues to help Syria's regime, and as you pointed out recently, is going to help contribute to a civil war. And given this background, how do you see the future of reset?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I think that the so-called reset was important, because the United States and Russia have a lot of work to do together. The START Treaty that continues the reduction of nuclear weapons is in both of our interests and the interest of the world and a peaceful world. Working together on Afghanistan has been very positive. Working against terrorism and drug trafficking—we wanted to work to find those areas where we could cooperate.

Now, at the same time, we still have differences, and those differences are principled differences as to where we stand on a lot of very difficult matters. But I think in today's world it's important that we not have relationships where you're either able to cooperate or you can't cooperate. Let's be practical and let's find areas where we can bridge our differences, let's work to try to narrow those differences, and let's stand our ground whenever and wherever we have to. And on democracy, on human rights, on the freedom of people to choose their own leaders and their own futures, we strongly support that, and we're going to continue to try to manage our relationship along those lines.

Q. But if it continues to help the—Syria's regime, what will be reaction of the international community, the West, and the U.S.?

Secretary Clinton. Well, with respect specifically to Syria, it's deeply regrettable that Assad has not been pressured to step down. This is such a complicated issue that we're all trying to struggle with. But Kofi Annan has a six-point plan, including political transition. And we now think that we have to make a concerted effort to bring Russia to the table to help us have a transition plan that will give the people of Syria a chance to pick their own leaders. So tonight in Istanbul, I'll be meeting with a number of nations. Friday in Washington, I'll be meeting with Kofi Annan.

This is such a problematic issue, because we don't have the unanimity of the United Nations Security Council, we don't have the unanimity of the Arab League. We don't have any international recognized group that knows exactly what the right thing to do is because Syria could fall into an even more horrible state of violence with many more people at risk of being killed, injured, and displaced. We're all trying to avoid that, but we're also trying to stop Assad and his regime from continuing their brutal assault on their own people.

So I can't sit here and tell you that I know how we're going to do it, but I do know that it's imperative we keep working on it, because it's unacceptable in today's world—just like we were talking about nobody should threaten Georgia's independence, your territorial integrity, people should not be permitted as leaders to assault their own citizens.

Q. And about Georgia, first, I saw you met yesterday the political opposition leaders and you met representatives of civil society. What's your impression—how would you evaluate election environment? Is there any—enough competition? And there is level playground—that's very important.

Secretary Clinton. Yes. I fully agree with that. And I wanted to meet with the opposition because we know from very long experience in our own democracy that you have to try to have this so-called level playing field where people have access to the media, where there's enough observers so that they can validate an election or point out problems in the election.

And in meeting with the opposition, I listened very carefully to their concerns. We've conveyed those to the government. Our ambassador and our government will be working to try to help ensure that not only on the day of the election but in the months preceding the election that it's a competitive environment and that the election goes well.

And we do that not because we choose sides. That's up to the Georgian people to decide. But we do it because we believe in democracy and we believe in Georgia. We think Georgia is so much on the right track, and we think a valid electoral outcome in parliament and presidential elections will further Georgia's reputation as the kind of model that we want to see other countries follow.

Q. And this is the biggest challenge for us—for the government right now. The things—this fair election—how election will be conducted?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I think it's a challenge for two reasons. I think it's a challenge because whenever you're in government—and I've been in politics, so I have won elections and I've lost elections and I've been in government. I've been in the majority and I've been in the opposition—you think you're doing a good job and you're working really hard.

And I have met a lot of the people working in the Georgian Government, and they are terrific. They're working hard, they're producing results, they're changing the way things are done. I went to the Public Service Hall here in Batumi. I was very impressed.

So when you're working that hard and you're seeing things change, you think, well, people should vote for us, and why is there any question to it. But you can't ever in a democracy think you have all the answers, that you are immune from either criticism or questioning, which is why it's more important to establish strong institutions than strong people. Strong people will come and go. We're all human. And what's important in a sustainable democracy is that the institutions are strong. And so what we want is a free, fair election where the Georgian people make the decision as to who they want to represent them and that's it's another step in building these strong institutions that are going to carry Georgia into the future.

And I have to add I am so impressed by the young people of Georgia. When I was at the Public Service Hall here, when I was commissioning the coast guard cutter as part of our military defense cooperation, the young government officials, the young public servants, the young military officers—there is just a feeling of energy and dynamism, and we don't want anything to disrupt that. We want it to keep growing.

Q. Madam Secretary, thank you so much for thinking that.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. It's been a real pleasure.

Q. Thank you. It was great pleasure for me to meet you. You are a real source of inspiration for many women.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you.

President Barack Obama and President Vladimir Putin gave the following remarks in Los Cabos, Mexico

President Putin. Mr. President, this has been our second meeting. I remember our lengthy meeting we had in Moscow.

Today we had a very meaningful and subject-oriented discussion. We've been able to discuss issues pertaining to security. We discussed bilateral economic relations. In this regard, I'd like to thank you for the support rendered to Russia with our accession to the World Trade Organization. I'm confident this will help to further develop the economic relations between our two countries, to promote the creation of jobs in both countries.

We also discussed international affairs, including the Syrian affair. From my perspective, we've been able to find many commonalities pertaining to all of those issues. And we'll now further develop our contacts both on a personal level and on the level of our experts involved.

You visited the Russian Federation three years ago. Now welcome again. I invite you to visit Moscow.

President Obama. Thank you very much, Mr. President.

We, in fact, did have a candid, thoughtful and thorough conversation on a whole range of bilateral and international issues. Over the last three years, the United States and Russia have been able to make significant progress on a wide range of issues, including the New START Treaty, the 1,2,3 Agreement, the work we've done on Russia's accession to the WTO, and setting up a presidential process whereby issues of trade and commerce, science, technology are all discussed at a much more intensive level.

We agreed that we need to build on these successes, even as we recognize that there are going to be areas of disagreement, and that we can find constructive ways to manage through any bilateral tensions. In particular, we discussed the need to expand trade and commercial ties between the United States and Russia, which are still far below where they should be. And I emphasized my priority of having Congress repeal Jackson-Vanik, provide permanent trade relations status to Russia so that American businesses can take advantage of the extraordinary opportunities now that Russia is a member of the WTO.

We discussed a range of strategic issues, including missile defense, and resolved to continue to work through some of the difficult problems involved there.

I thanked the President and the Russian people for the work they've done with us on the Northern Distribution Network that is vital to providing supplies and resources to our brave troops who are still in Afghanistan.

We emphasized our shared approach when it comes to the Iranian situation as members of the P5+1. We agreed that there's still time and space to resolve diplomatically the issue of Iran's potential development of nuclear weapons, as well as its interest in developing peaceful nuclear power.

And finally, as Mr. President mentioned, we discussed Syria, where we agreed that we need to see a cessation of the violence, that a political process has to be created to prevent civil war, and the kind of horrific events that we've seen over the last several weeks, and we pledged to work with other international actors including the United Nations, Kofi Annan, and all the interested parties in trying to find a resolution to this problem.

Mr. President, I look forward to visiting Russia again, and I look forward to hosting you in the United States.

Thank you, everybody.

Secretary Tim Geithner gave the following remarks in Los Cabos, Mexico

Secretary Geithner. We're encouraged by what we've heard from the European leaders today and by the broad focus around the world we're seeing to the need to strengthen economic growth.

The leaders of the G20 met here at obviously what's a challenging time for the global economy, and this matters a lot to the United States because, because of the crisis in European and the softness you're seeing in growth outside Europe, that means that in the U.S. we're not growing as fast as we need to grow.

Now, the leaders today discussed a broad range of reforms and priorities. They reviewed progress on trade, on development, on financial reform and energy. But the focus of the meetings were very much on the crisis in Europe and these broader challenges to economic growth.

And the leaders in Europe are working towards the summit they have at the end of next week. It's going to be really a critical summit for them. And what they're trying to do is to design a framework to not just make Europe stronger for the future with reforms to build a stronger set of institutions for fiscal union—banking union—that's the way they describe it—not just to make sure these economic reforms work over time to strengthen growth in Europe, but what they're also trying to do is to make sure in the very near term they're putting in place a set of measures that can help make sure that they're supporting the financial systems of Europe and they are helping make sure that countries that are undertaking these reforms—like Spain and Italy—can borrow at existing low interest rates.

Both those two things are very important—not just the long-term reforms to build a stronger Europe, but the immediate steps to make sure that they're stabilizing their financial systems and making sure these reforms can really work.

Now, they've laid out a framework with a series of very important key elements, and let me just describe those key elements for you—and you're going to hear the European leaders speak to those specific changes.

First, they all want to work in partnership with Greece to make sure that Greece is reforming within the European community. That's very important.

Second, they are designing, as I said, the elements of what they call a financial architecture for a stronger framework to make their financial system work. And what this means is a framework of reforms so they can stand behind their banks, provide capital to the banks that need it, make sure they're protecting the savings of their depositors. That's the second key thing—this focus on banking union or a broader financial architecture—financial union.

You saw Spain move—and it's a very good thing they did this—to make sure they're committed, to make sure they can get some support of the capital—the banks.

And the third thing is the focus on economic growth, because of course, for these reforms to work in Europe over time, Europe needs to grow faster.

As I said, you're going to hear more from the European leaders in the coming days about the specific proposals they're going to put in place. They're negotiating towards an agreement at their summit at the end of next week.

Now, a solution to this crisis in Europe has got to be made in Europe. And all of us, of course, have a huge interest, a huge stake in the success of their efforts. And we're going to continue to do everything we can to support them.

Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton published the following op-ed in the Wall Street Journal Trade With Russia is a Win-Win

Secretary Clinton. Later this summer, Russia will join the World Trade Organization (WTO) in the culmination of a process that began nearly two decades ago. This is good news for American companies and workers, because it will improve our access to one of the world's fastest-growing markets and support new jobs here at home.

U.S.-Russian bilateral trade isn't reaching anything close to its full potential today. While that trade has increased over the past few years, America's exports to Russia still represent less than 1% of our global exports. Given the potential for expanding these links, Russia's WTO membership will be a net benefit for our economy.

But there is one obstacle standing in the way. American businesses won't be able to take advantage of this new market opening unless Congress terminates the application of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment and extends “permanent normal trading relations” (PNTR) to Russia.

Jackson-Vanik, which restricts U.S. trade with countries that limit their people's emigration rights, was adopted by Congress in the early 1970s to help thousands of Jews leave the Soviet Union. It long ago achieved this historic purpose.

Now it's time to set it aside. Four decades after the adoption of this amendment, a vote to extend permanent normal trading relations to Russia will be a vote to create jobs in America. Until then, Russia's markets will open and our competitors will benefit, but U.S. companies will be disadvantaged.

Extending permanent normal trading relations isn't a gift to Russia. It is a smart, strategic investment in one of the fastest growing markets for U.S. goods and services. It's also an investment in the more open and prosperous Russia that we want to see develop.

As the demonstrations across Russia over the past six months make clear, the country's middle class is demanding a more transparent and accountable government, a more modern political system, and a diversified economy. We should support these Russian efforts.

When Russia joins the WTO, it will be required—for the first time ever—to establish predictable tariff rates, ensure transparency in the publication and enactment of laws, and adhere to an enforceable mechanism for resolving disputes. If we extend permanent normal trading relations to Russia, we'll be able to use the WTO's tools to hold it accountable for meeting these obligations.

The Obama administration is under no illusions about the challenges that lie ahead. WTO membership alone will not suddenly create the kind of change being sought by the Russian people. But it is in our long-term strategic interest to collaborate with Russia in areas where our interests overlap.

Already our work together over the past three years has produced real results, including the New Start Treaty to reduce strategic nuclear weapons, an agreement on civilian nuclear cooperation, military transit arrangements to support our efforts in Afghanistan, and cooperation on Iran sanctions. With permanent normal trading relations, we would add expanded trade to the list.

To be sure, we have real differences with Russia. We disagree fundamentally about the situation in Georgia. On Syria, we are urging Russia to push Bashar al-Assad to implement former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan's six-point plan, end the violence, and work with the international community in promoting a transition.

In addition, President Obama and I have clearly expressed our serious concerns about human rights in Russia. And we have taken steps to address these challenges, including support for programs that promote human rights, rule of law, and civil society there. We have strengthened ties between nongovernmental organizations in both countries, from political activists to groups working for women's rights. Following the tragic death of Sergei Magnitsky, a lawyer who blew the whistle on official corruption, we imposed restrictions to ensure that no one implicated in this crime can travel to the United States. We are continuing to work with Congress on addressing these issues.

Some argue that continuing to apply Jackson-Vanik to Russia would give us some leverage in these areas of disagreement. We disagree—and so do leaders of Russia's political opposition. They have called on the U.S. to terminate Jackson-Vanik, despite their concerns about human rights and the Magnitsky case. In fact, retaining Jackson-Vanik only fuels more anti-American sentiment in Russia.

Russia's membership in the WTO will soon be a fact of life. Failing to extend permanent normal trading relations will not penalize Russia, nor will it provide a lever with which to change Moscow's behavior. It will only hurt American workers and American companies. By extending those trading relations, we can create new markets for our people and support the political and economic changes that Russia's people are demanding. These reforms will ultimately make Russia a more just and open society as well as a better partner over the long term for the U.S.

Acting Secretary Rebecca Black gave the following remarks in Warsaw, Poland

Acting Secretary Black. Thank you. And a special thanks to Deputy Prime Minister Pawlak. It has been wonderful to meet with you and to strengthen our partnership today through the U.S.-Poland Economic and Commercial Dialogue.

I also want to thank the organizers of the Summit–including the American Chamber of Commerce, the U.S.-Poland Business Council, and the Polish Confederation of Private Employers. These groups did much more than just organize the logistics of this conference. They also helped frame the issues through a White Paper and other efforts.

I also want to thank the numerous corporate sponsors of the Summit and Roundtable, which are listed in your program. Please help me thank them for their support of this event and of U.S.-Polish commercial relations.

And thank you to Ambassador Feinstein. Your track record of strengthening U.S.-Polish relations–especially our economic and commercial cooperation–is widely known.

The events and discussions over the past day have been interesting and fruitful. And I look forward in a few moments to fulfilling President Obama's promise to Prime Minister Tusk to hold a roundtable with business leaders of both countries.

Let me begin by saying that President Obama himself understands the strong relationship between our people and our countries. For example, President Obama has awarded only one honorary U.S. citizenship during his administration. This is a special honor, and it was bestowed–posthumously–on someone born here in Warsaw, Casimir Pulaski.

As you know, in the 1700s, General Pulaski fought for freedom and independence for both Poland and the U.S. In the U.S., we know him as the Father of the American Cavalry. In fact, the president has called for Americans to celebrate General Pulaski Memorial Day every October.

Since General Pulaski's days fighting in the American Revolution, U.S.-Polish relations have endured. And in the past two decades–and especially in recent years–this relationship has grown stronger than ever.

The increase in our economic and commercial ties has been particularly dramatic. After communism fell in 1989, the U.S. was proud to stand with Poland as you embraced democracy and free markets. The results have been nothing less than extraordinary:

U.S. companies led the way to invest billions of dollars in Poland;

Over the past ten years, our bilateral trade has nearly quadrupled;

And, now today, Poland is the EU's fastest growing economy, and we are doing more than ever to link it the world's largest economy–the United States.

Today, we must build on the success and the momentum we see in our relationship. We can do that in a number of ways.

First, trade.

Poland is America's largest trading partner in Central Europe, and our trade relationship is becoming stronger each day. From 2010 to 2011 alone, U.S.-Polish bilateral trade jumped 25 percent to $7.5 billion. U.S. exports to Poland were over $3 billion while Polish exports to the U.S. were over $4 billion.

We have come a long way, but we have only scratched the surface of our potential. Increasing U.S. exports have been a top priority for President Obama. In 2009, he set a goal of doubling U.S. exports in five years that is, by the end of 2014. Since then, U.S. exports are up 36 percent and we hit an all-time record of $2.1 trillion in exports last year.

At the Department of Commerce, we've been leading the effort to double exports, working to identify markets with the greatest opportunities to expand exports of U.S. goods and services. We are particularly pleased to be helping meet the growing needs of the Polish people, and we want to do even more to meet Polish demand in a number of areas. U.S. companies are eager to offer their unique products and services ranging from consumer goods for Poland's growing middle class, to cutting-edge products in fields such as aviation, information technology, and medical equipment and–of course–energy, including energy efficiency technologies, renewable energy, civil nuclear energy, and more.

Today at the Economic and Commercial Dialogue with Deputy Prime Minister Pawlak, our teams recommitted ourselves to building on our strong trade relationship. So, I look forward to our signing ceremony later with an agreement to increase trade promotion in both directions.

And we look forward to future, broader steps, such as the possibility of a U.S.-EU trade agreement.

A second area where we can build our relationship is investment.

The United States and the EU are each other's primary source of Foreign Direct Investment. And today, there is significant potential to strengthen bilateral investment between the U.S. and Poland. Already, U.S. companies have played a key role in fostering Poland's market-driven economy. They were among the first and strongest business investors in Poland–and, to date–some estimates say they have invested as much as $30 billion. In fact, today, about 180,000 Polish citizens are employed by U.S. investors and businesses.

American companies are proud to have helped Poland become a critical part of the global supply chain in fields such as chemicals, the automotive industry, and more. In addition, some U.S. firms are now exploring how to bring key services to Poland, such as engineering firms that want to help develop infrastructure

And, as Poland grows and expands, U.S.-Polish bilateral investment is slowly becoming more balanced with dollars flowing both ways. An increasing number of Polish businesses now see investment in the U.S. as a way to build on their own growth and success. This is a sign that our economic relationship has matured.

So let me be clear: America welcomes Polish investment with open arms. President Obama and the Commerce Department launched SelectUSA to encourage even more investment from overseas in the U.S. SelectUSA is already working with our commercial service officers here in Poland to reach out to local businesses that are interested in investing in U.S. facilities and workers. I look forward to witnessing the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between Poland's Information and Foreign Investment Agency and SelectUSA after our Roundtable.

So we are trading more with each other than ever before. We are investing in each other more than ever before. And today, I believe it is time to add a third dimension to our economic and commercial relationship. It is time for us to lead together in driving global innovation. The U.S. has built its reputation as a global leader in innovation over the past century: by providing excellence in higher education; by supporting research and development, and by fostering a climate that incentivizes entrepreneurship.

Poland–with its educated workforce, strategic location, and other key assets–is poised to be one of the next great global hubs of innovation. To help unleash the full innovative potential of both countries, we must do more to foster market environments that reward risk-taking and creativity, and we must support regulatory practices that give new ideas as much room as possible to grow and flourish.

Truly, we can and must continue to build even more bridges among U.S. and Polish entrepreneurs and businesses. But we can't stop thereé

We also need more partnerships among our university leaders and researchers, as we see today with a new agreement between the Ohio State University and the Warsaw University of Technology;

We also need more collaboration between our governments–not just at the national level–but also at the regional and local levels;

And, yes, we need more opportunities to exchange ideas among our people, especially among our youth. I'm pleased that the Commerce Department's Assistant Secretary Michael Camunez had the opportunity yesterday to congratulate a group of Polish interns who are headed to some of our top U.S. companies through the support and hard work of the Polish American Freedom

In closing, as Poland's economy continues to grow at a rapid rate and as U.S. economic growth deepens, building on 4.3 million jobs we have created over the past two years we will continue to have new opportunities to build even deeper ties in trade and investment in the months and years ahead.

I'm confident that we can achieve that vision. And I'm reminded of that vision every day.

Across the street from the Commerce Department building in downtown Washington, D.C., is a small park called Freedom Plaza. The main statue in that park is of General Pulaski on a horse in the traditional uniform of a Polish Cavalry Commander. The inscription below the statue has two titles, each given equal weight and prominence: “Brigadier General U.S.” and “Marshal General Poland.”

No one could have imagined in 1910, when that statue was erected, that our relationship would have come this far to the point where a business in the U.S. would be selling its goods every day in stores here in Poland, or a business in Warsaw would be hiring Americans to build its products.

But we have indeed arrived at this important moment. So let's build on the strong ties we have created. Let's look for new ways to expand our relationship. And together, I know we can ensure greater prosperity for the people of both the U.S. and Poland.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Jersey City, New Jersey

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Helsinki, Finland

Secretary Clinton. Minister, thank you so much for your very warm hospitality. It is wonderful to be back here in Helsinki as the Secretary of State for our country and having this opportunity to discuss in depth a range of issues. The United States and Finland share such a strong partnership on so many important areas from security to energy to human rights and, in particular, women's rights.

I remarked to the Minister that I keep a little running tally as I sit across the table from foreign ministers or prime ministers or presidents of countries around the world as to how many women are on the other side of the table. Finland wins, hands down. And you don't just, as we say, talk the talk, but you walk the walk, and I am very admiring of that commitment.

We deepened our partnership today with the agreement on information security that the Minister and I just signed. This is another demonstration of the close relationship that exists between the United States and Finland on defense and security matters that is very much in, not only both of our countries' interest, but in the interests of regional and global security as well.

Let me just touch on a few highlights; I'll start with Syria. Finland and the United States continue to work together closely to pressure the Assad regime to provide humanitarian assistance to Syrian civilians bearing the brunt of the regime's brutal assault and to support the efforts of Joint Special Envoy Kofi Annan to prepare for a democratic transition that leads to a post-Assad Syria. And it is very much along those lines that I thanked the Minister for Finland's cooperation in the Friends of Syria working group on sanctions as well as in support of EU sanctions.

With respect to our shared mission in Afghanistan, I want to express my gratitude to the Foreign Minister for hosting the International Contact Group on Afghanistan earlier this month that allowed us to coordinate our preparations for the upcoming Tokyo conference in early July, and for Finland's efforts to help the Afghan people build a more stable and prosperous future. Finland's pledge of more than $150 million in development assistance through 2016 is a model of the international community's enduring commitment that extends beyond the security transition.

In particular, I want to again express my gratitude to Finland for the work you are doing to promote the rights and opportunities of Afghan women and to be sure that they are engaged as partners in all of our efforts. I also thanked the Foreign Minister for Finland's commitment to promoting clean energy development and curbing climate change. Finland is a pioneer in this field; we have a lot to learn from you. We already work together as part of the global clean cookstoves alliance, which is helping replace dirty cooking stoves and open fires all over the world. And later today, we will take another significant step in our partnership when Finland joins the international coalition to reduce short-term pollutants like black carbon and methane, which account for more than 30 percent of global warming.

And everyone knows of Finland's outstanding work to promote and protect human rights, not only first and foremost at home but around the world. So on behalf of that work, on behalf of women, the LGBT community, other marginalized groups, we are very grateful for Finland's leadership.

And indeed, what Finland has done, and in particular, what the foreign ministry has done, to fight discrimination and promote equality among government workers, to create an office to investigate human trafficking in your own country, and to elevate the role of women and girls, really advances the rights and dignity of all people. And I want to welcome Finland as a core member of a new equal futures partnership, which aims to expand opportunities for women and girls and to drive inclusive economic growth.

So again, I thank you, Foreign Minister, for welcoming me to Finland. I'm looking forward to the rest of our program, also making a pilgrimage to the Marimekko factory—having discovered Marimekko many, many years ago as a young student and being an admirer of this as a symbol of Finland's commitment to gender equality, economic empowerment, and of course world-class design.

And I thank the Foreign Minister for giving me a Marimekko work bag, which I will fill and carry all those papers back and forth between my office and my home. So Minister, thank you very much for—

Q. Madam Secretary, welcome to Helsinki. We'll get you a Russia question. U.S.-Russian relations (inaudible) as of late have disagreement on Syria, they have missile defense disagreements. As a maybe smaller scale, in Moscow your ambassador is having a rough ride. I know this is like a larger-than-life question, but could you please give a brief analysis as how you see developments in Russia and with Russia?

Secretary Clinton. I think that's an absolutely fair question, because obviously we highly value a positive relationship with Russia. Just last week in Mexico during the G-20, President Obama had a chance to sit down with President Putin to discuss our partnership over a wide array of issues. Both presidents reaffirmed the trajectory of our relationship and the importance of cooperating on as many issues as possible, and where we have differences, which we obviously do, being forthright about those differences and looking for ways that we can work through them.

So I think from my perspective, the so-called reset has proven to be a benefit to both countries. It has not only led to a new START Treaty, which is good for Russia, good for the United States, good for the world, in reducing nuclear arms and improving nuclear security, but it's also led to enhanced cooperation over Afghanistan with the Northern Distribution Network being the now only route for shipments into and out of Afghanistan.

We have worked on a bi-national commission that Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and I chair on behalf of both of our governments. So that there are innumerable areas of cooperation that don't make headlines that have to do with visas or arrangements over exchanging information, the kinds of day-to-day work of both of our governments that we are trying to smooth out and enhance a broader level of cooperation.

We are cooperating well in the Arctic Council, something of great importance to Finland, as well as the original 5+3 members of the Arctic Council. In fact, if you look at our Arctic Council cooperation, it's quite commendable. The United States joined with the other Arctic Council members, including Russia, to sign the very first Arctic Council Agreement on search and rescue. We are now working closely together on oil spills and recovery work.

So this is not a one-sided story. Do we have disagreements? Yes. We obviously disagree over the path forward on Syria. We have made it clear to the Russians that the outcome they are most concerned about, which would be a sectarian civil war, is made more likely, not less likely, by the international community's failure to take a strong position vis-é-vis the Assad regime. We disagree on missile defense, but we continue to have expert consultations and look for a way forward that would be mutually acceptable. Russia just hosted the P-5+1 talks, where Russia is absolutely united with the other members of the P-5+1 in trying to prevent Iran from having a nuclear weapon. And President Putin reaffirmed Russia's very strong position on that. The United States worked very hard to get Russia into the WTO. We helped to negotiate some last-minute solutions to problems that persisted.

So I think that it's a broad-based relationship that we are determined to keep moving forward with. But it's not just about government-to-government. We need more business-to-business relationships, something that both of our countries wish to work on. We need more people-to-people relationships. And I welcomed the Foreign Minister's very good suggestion that we look for more student exchanges between countries like Finland and the United States and Russian students.

The Foreign Minister told me there are more Chinese students than Russian students in Finnish colleges and universities. And of course, we're going to continue to raise issues of human rights, democratization, transparency, openness, that we actually think are very much in the best interests of Russia as well as the relationship that Russia has with us and others.

Q. Madam Secretary, hi. Just a quick follow-up on that question, and then I've got my own. I'm wondering if you can tell us what your message would be to Foreign Minister Lavrov about the Magnitsky bill which moved out of a committee yesterday, I believe.

And then my question is a quick return to Egypt. Now that Presidentelect Morsi has been—is due to be sworn in on Saturday, do you still have concerns about the military's willingness to transfer power? Have you received any fresh assurances from the new civilian leadership that they plan to uphold the Israel peace treaty? And can we expect a personal visit to Cairo anytime soon? Thanks.

Secretary Clinton. These are the kind of multi-part questions that my friends ask me, and then I have to test my memory.

With respect to Magnitsky—and for our Finnish friends—in order for the United States to benefit from the accession to the WTO by Russia, we have to make some legislative changes because we have some preexisting legislation derived from the past that imposed certain burdens on Russia unless they released Jews who could then leave the former Soviet Union and migrate to Israel, Europe, the U.S., and other places. It's called the Jackson-Vanik bill. And so we are very keen in the Administration of repealing the Jackson-Vanik bill, because we want to open the doors to greater trade and investment between our two countries.

However, there is great concern in our country, and in particular in our Congress, over human rights in Russia, and in particular the case of the lawyer, Mr. Magnitsky, who died in prison. There's a lot of interest in our Congress over a full, transparent investigation of the circumstances of his death in prison.

And so our Congress, while they are being asked by the Administration to repeal Jackson-Vanik, want to pass legislation that will require the United States Government to take action against any persons who are connected with the death of Mr. Magnitsky. That's probably more than you want to know, but that's the background to the question.

And so we expect something to move on the repeal of Jackson-Vanik and something to move to reflect the Congress's concerns. Now, we discussed this directly with President Putin when I was with President Obama in Mexico. We made it very clear that we do have concerns about human rights in Russia and we have concerns in particular about this case. But again, to go back to the original question, we think there is a way expressing those concerns without derailing the relationship. And that is what we are working with our Congress to do, and we have every reason to believe we can accomplish that.

Regarding Egypt, we have congratulated President-elect Morsi and the Egyptian people for continuing the path of their democratic transition, and the SCAF deserves praise for its role in facilitating a free, fair, credible election. We expect the transition to continue, as has been promised by the SCAF, and we expect President-elect Morsi, as he forms a government, to demonstrate a commitment to inclusivity that is manifest by representatives of the women of Egypt, of the Coptic Christian community, of the secular, non-religious community, and of course, of young people.

And we hope that full democracy is understood to be more than an election. One election does not a democracy make. That's just the beginning of the hard work. And the hard work requires pluralism, respecting the rights of minorities, independent judiciary, independent media, all the things that Finland and the United States have worked so hard to achieve in our own democratic histories. We know a lot of work lies ahead. They have to write a constitution. They have to look at how they're going to deal with the judicial decision about the parliament and seat a new parliament. And we're going to work with the leaders in support of that transition.

And I think that what will counter actions—we've heard some very positive statements thus far, including about respecting international obligations, which would, in our view, cover the peace treaty with Israel. But we have to wait and judge by what is actually done.