This anthology, edited by Sarah Turner, is a valuable and critical reflection on fieldwork and the production of ethnographic knowledge, written by cultural geographers and anthropologists. Written by eleven anthropologists and three geographers, this volume explores long-term ethnographic fieldwork with so-called “ethnic minorities” in upland Southeast Asia, in particular in China, Laos, and Vietnam. In all three countries, working with these minorities constitutes a particular challenge, especially because state officials are often deeply concerned about potential uprisings or resistance, and such officials struggle to create a national image as one of ethnic harmony, without conflict. Yet, such notions of harmony are usually premised on imposing a standard created by the ethnic majority, who often control the lowland cities and government. Thus, uplanders, already more poor and politically disenfranchised than lowlanders, are often subject to more scrutiny and regulation. Turner, in fact, describes conducting fieldwork in this situation as a “triple dilemma”: the usual ethical challenges for researchers are doubled when working with people who are socially vulnerable and tripled when these encounters take place in a socialist authoritative state.
This is not a normative guide to field methods; rather, each chapter reveals personal narratives that expose a range of follies, unexpected predicaments, and fieldwork challenges. The anthology reveals many similarities, not only because these neighboring countries shared governmental styles, but also because these authors are motivated by a sense of social justice. Researchers struggle to find ways to support the groups they work with, but without arousing the state officials' suspicion or antagonism. One of the real contributions of this volume is to explore the ways the state presence shapes fieldwork, as well as the effects of both official and unofficial gatekeepers.
The book is divided into three sections. The first section, with chapters by Turner and Jean Michaud, introduces the volume. Turner succinctly explores the main issues raised by this anthology, especially how researchers face difficult ethical quandaries. Michaud draws on his extensive experience in several countries to provide an insightful political and social comparison. Alluding to James Scott's use of the term “Zomia” to describe this upland region, Michaud shows how ethnic continuities across borders have been reshaped by histories of state-specific policies.
The second section is the heart of the book, with essays by Stephane Gros, Magnus Fiskesjö, Candice Cornet, Jennifer Sowerine, Christine Bonnin, Pierre Petit, Karen McAllister, Janet C. Sturgeon, Isabelle Henrion-Dourcy, and Turner. Multiple chapters on the same country reveal the range of situations faced by the researchers. Gros describes a predicament whereby his interest in a particular ritual led to a challenging contest between local leaders and competing villages. Fiskesjö provides a rare glimpse at a Chinese ethnic minority in his description of alternative epistemologies among the Wa, who both take great pride in their historical stature and yet recognize their contemporary marginalization. Cornet's essay reflects on the difficulties and rewards of pregnancy and children in the field. Sowerine argues that in some circumstances, such as that of an American doing research in Vietnam, the particular nationality of the researcher can be far more important than the generic label of foreigner or Westerner. Bonnin reflects on two main issues: how official gatekeepers work (and tend to bring researchers to official organizations, not for extended visits with ordinary farmers), and the challenges and rewards of friendships with research participants, especially when friends have to deal with social injustice. Petit's essay illuminates everyday state practices in Laos, looking closely at how officials engage with his research project, revealing much about state views on ethnic minorities. McAllister's chapter on Laos insightfully shows how field settings socially construct the researcher's identity: what is critical in one context may have little bearing in another. Sturgeon is one of the few researchers to conduct fieldwork in two countries: China and Thailand, and her chapter reveals the imposing difficulties she had to negotiate in order to carry out this fruitful project. An equally interesting analysis is provided by Henrion-Dourcy, who argues that fieldwork demands with Tibetans in China and India created an ironic situation where she worked unofficially in China, and officially in India, but with permission from the Tibetan government in exile. Turner wrote one of the more innovative chapters, based on interviews with assistants hired by her PhD students. Turner's interviews show how these assistants changed their perception of the work over time and takes us beyond the dyad of a researcher-subject relationship, which has been the focus of much of the “reflexive turn” in the social sciences since the 1980s.
The third section, on the post-fieldwork situation, was written by senior scholars such as Stevan Harrell, Li Xingxing, and Oscar Salenmink, with a concluding chapter by Turner. Harrell and Li write of their collaborative effort, where they created deep ties to an upland ethnic Yi community in Sichuan Province, and how, ironically, their strengthening intimacy with place and people seems to lessen the desire to write about the place. In Vietnam, Salenmink examines his anxieties about how his research might be used, not by U.S. military officials, but by domestic officials who asked him to address a phenomenon they view as politically threatening: a growing Christianization movement in the uplands.
Overall, Red Stamps and Gold Stars coheres quite well as a volume, with numerous interferences and acknowledgments: the authors appear to be learning from each other, which is always a pleasure to see (and its absence is often painful). It originated at a workshop in 2011 at McGill University in Montreal, and it is evident that there was strong editorial guidance by Turner. Although I expect the book to be of primary use for field methods classes, it would also be an excellent book for graduate students preparing for work in China, Laos, or Vietnam, as well as those working in other authoritarian countries. As Turner writes, we would welcome a companion volume that addresses issues by Southeast Asian nationals, especially those who earn graduate degrees in their home countries and plan on working there.
