Tony Affigne introduces this collection of essays with a remarkable finding: “before 1970, there was no interest at all, and not a single book was published anywhere in the United States in which the political behavior, policy, or political leadership of the nation’s Latino population were the subject” (p. 11). Moreover, it was not until 1980 that any leading (Anglo) scholars of political behavior published an analysis which included Latinos (p. 15). The essays in this volume show how far survey research on Latinos has advanced since that time. Seventeen scholars contributed papers based on data from the Latino National Survey of 2006–2008. The authors address some basic and contested questions. Do Latinos constitute a distinct racial and ethnic group, and do they possess a sense of shared fate with other Latinos? Are they assimilating into American society or are they, as some have charged, a large, unincorporated group actively resisting integration? Depending on their findings, what are the political consequences? The book is divided into three sections: Latino Identity, Acculturation and Community, and Inter-Minority Relations. Each of these essays offer new and significant contributions while grappling with some of the more vexing theoretical and empirical problems that social scientists face when studying this complex racial and ethnic group.

How do Latinos identify in the United States? One set of articles reveals new directions in ethnic identity and attachments. For example, Jessica Lavariega Monforti’s examination of the self-identity of immigrants finds a growing tendency to utilize pan-ethnic identities like Hispanic and Latino. Individuals vary in their tendency to utilize nation-specific identities like Dominican, Mexican American or Puerto Rican. At the same time, they do not see themselves as unconnected to other Latino subgroups. Lavariega Monforti interprets this growing tendency as a response to societal hostility, political activism, and statutory recognition. Although the meaning and centrality of this category is by no means interchangeable among the various Latino subgroups, it is an increasingly important political and social concept. Gershon and Pantoja examine the question of individual identity as it applies to Latinos’ country of origin. Attachment to home country has traditionally been interpreted as a sign that individuals have yet to adjust and assimilate into American society—a point of contention in today’s divisive political climate. These ties include following events in the home country, sending remittances, participating in home country organizations, or frequent visits to the home country. Although these practices vary by national subgroups, Gershon and Pantoja find strong transnational connections, especially among recent immigrants. The authors also find that transnationalism does not preclude incorporation into American society. In fact, strong transnational ties are positively associated with civic engagement in the United States.

Two other authors try and disentangle the web of racial identity and Americanism. Heather Mohamed explores the meaning of Americanism, or how Latinos characterize what it means to be American. She finds that Latinos and non-Latinos actually have very similar views of what it means to be an American. Both groups agree that it includes an ability to speak English and practicing Christianity. Racial criteria are rejected, and being born in the United States is unimportant for most respondents. These findings hold true across groups with variation in age, income, education and gender. Atiya Stokes Brown analyzes the relationship between Latino self-identity and policy attitudes. She explores the dynamic of the color line, an issue with a long and contentious history among Latinos in their countries of origin as well as in the United States. Stokes Brown finds that race does matter and uncovers variations in policy preferences among Latinos according to their racial self-identification. A white self-identity is associated with views similar to those of whites and blacks on immigration, health care and abortion. Those who do not identify as white are more likely to support school vouchers, oppose same-sex marriage and oppose abortion.

Americanism and racial identity among Latinos are important topics but difficult to analyze. Both Mohamed and Stokes Brown report mixed results, and even some of their strongest findings do not conform to the usual narratives about ethnic assimilation or resistance. One reason is that they are testing the limits of their datasets to grasp the intertwined and sometimes contradictory nature of Latino identity politics. Americanism is not a new issue for Latinos, and what they understand by the term is not easy to uncover through survey research. The concept of Americanism is interwoven with nationalism, subgroup history, politics, the immigrant experience and the assimilation process. It is also an idea utilized by those wishing to break down barriers, express their frustration with racial discrimination, or demand political concessions. Heather Mohamed is aware of these problems and smartly frames her work as an initial exploration toward understanding the ways Latino subgroups understand the boundaries of American society (p. 150). Likewise, Stokes Brown finds evidence of a relationship between one’s racial self-identification and Latino policy preferences, but a flaw in the Latino National Survey limits her ability to generalize. Unlike the 1988 Latino National Political Survey, where researchers constructed a standard scale of skin color and trained interviewers to locate respondents on that scale, the Latino National Survey of 2006–2008 was administered by telephone and relied on respondents to identify themselves as white, black or “some other race.” Dependence upon a self-reported measure of racial identity introduces some serious problems. Whether Latinos identify themselves as white, Indian, mestizo, or any of the other racial categories that immigrants and the native-born use is variable and contingent. These categories adjust and mutate according to existing norms and changing circumstances in the United States. Despite this difficulty, Stokes Brown has uncovered some important racial undercurrents in Latino policy preferences. As she notes, this research should help future researchers think about the way to best measure and categorize Latino racial identities.

Two other noteworthy essays examine the question of cross-racial alliances. Marion Orr, Domingo Morel and Katrina Gamble ask if there are differences between Latinos and African Americans in their perception of economic issues and commonality, and under what conditions might the two groups build a political coalition. The extant literature suggests that shunning and stereotyping of African Americans by Latinos is a hindrance to the formation of a potentially influential political coalition. The authors challenge this conclusion. Despite a degree of competition between the two groups, Latinos do believe they hold much in common with African Americans. The belief in a shared political and economic agenda is further enhanced by time spent in the country, a perception of linked fate with other Latinos, and a broad social network. Matt Barreto and Gabriel Sanchez pose similar questions but focus their analysis on the American South, where the Latino population is growing faster than in any other region. They find that Latinos do perceive competition between themselves and African Americans for jobs, and especially when the number of black co-workers goes up. Barreto and Sanchez are less sanguine about the possibility for coalitional politics, but observe that perceptions of inter-group competition are mediated by dense social networks that include blacks. Living in an area with a large black population (greater than 50% density) and having a higher number of black friends decrease this sense of competition. Notably, the belief that they are competing with other groups is not a simple black/Latino phenomenon. Barreto and Sanchez find that Latinos’ sense of competition with African Americans is actually lower than that which Latinos perceive with one another.

The above is just a sampling of the innovative and compelling essays contained in this book. It is a collection of cutting edge research, and a must-read for students and researchers alike.