A new Cold War has never seemed nearer, with increasing tensions between Russia and the U.S. on a daily basis, especially over the events in Ukraine and Syria. How do we try to understand or theorize the events and the associated propaganda? Where does Eurasia fit in? Where does it link into the jigsaw that might include Continentalism or Atlanticism? Is Eurasia just another word for the former Soviet Union or does it have wider reach?

The books under review are two companion volumes based on an International Studies Association-funded workshop and sold separately or on an individual chapter basis. The volume entitled Power, Politics and Confrontation in Eurasia was the first read, followed by Russia, Eurasia and the new Geopolitics of Energy. I discovered that I was on a journey beginning in the west and heading gradually towards China in the east. This journey was thorough and detailed with each chapter providing much food for thought in terms of theory, focus, contradictions, and complexity.

Power, Politics and Confrontation in Eurasia aims to provide an understanding of patterns of confrontation between Russia and the west. In Chapter 1, Suzanne Loftus and Roger Kanet discuss recent history, spheres of influence, and common debates, with a focus on how Putin is asserting Russian identity via a strong state at odds with the west. There is a recommendation that both sides must compromise including via the Minsk process. In Chapter 2, Graeme Gill tries to help us better understand Putin and his vision for Eurasianism and a strong Russia as a method of retaining Russian identity and cohesion of his country. This may well have led to self-defeating foreign policy actions. Peter Shearman takes issue with the idea that Putin wants confrontation with the west in Chapter 3. Academics could think more about Putin's predicament because the current perception of him is dangerous and alternatives are more likely to be extremists than democrats. In Chapter 4, Sandra Fernandes argues that much of the difficulty between the east, especially the European Union (EU), and Russia is connected to Ukraine and Georgia.

The next section of the book covers the important topics of “Institutions and Architecture in Eurasia.” In Chapter 5, Richard Sakwa asks why it is surprising to have Eurasian integration or regionalism when this is encouraged elsewhere. Russia's neo-revisionism was provoked but the Eurasian Union was meant to be complementary to the EU—a piece in the jigsaw to bring Russia closer to Europe. Sakwa asserts that Putinism is about keeping all options open as well as promoting Russia as a great power. Russian behavior veers between cooperation and competition partly because it is not given agency or allowed to cooperate. Mikhail Molchanov analyzes various Eurasian regionalisms Chapter 6, including the CIS, the Customs Union, and the Eurasian Union. Molchanov reminds us that regionalism can be a protection against globalization and that “new regionalism” is complex.

Part three returns to Ukraine, beginning with Chapter 7, where Joan DeBardeleban makes the assertion that the backdrop of the crisis is not just a clash of interests but also of norms. An analysis of the EU's approach to the neighborhood suggests four previous theories: normative power, cultural power, the EU as a governance exporter, and the EU as an organizational entity. In Chapter 8, John Berryman considers the history of Russian Grand Strategy, including the part Ukraine plays. Putin now also fears Washington plans regime change in Russia. In Chapter 9, Boris Barkanov presents an analysis of the Ukrainian events, asking if they are due to a clash of civilizations or geopolitics. The author examines the various social cleavages that have contributed to the crisis.

Russia, Eurasia and the new Geopolitics of Energy moves eastwards, aiming to provide an understanding of the patterns of confrontation and cooperation in Eurasia, with thoughts and analyses regarding energy, although this is not the main focus. In Chapter 1, Matthew Sussex enlightens us on the signs of revanchism, proposing that it is a foreign policy choice, and concluding that revanchism is often only for the short term and that Russia is likely to return to retrenchment. In Chapter 2, Dina Moulioukova asks if Russia's foreign policy is schizophrenic, due to the many actors that constrain decision making, alongside the desire to be a great power. The leadership is described as trying to balance between various domestic forces, which may account for Russia's tendency to be unpredictable. In Chapter 3 Lilia Arakelyan notes that Russia has an aggressive foreign policy in its near abroad partly due to the west's behavior, and that the Georgia-Armenia border could eventually separate two Unions.

The second and final section opens with Chapter 4, in which Charles Ziegler examines the responsibility to protect, positing that “traditional norms of state sovereignty may be held by authoritarian regimes, but post-colonial democracies also frequently resist sovereignty-challenging norms” (92). In Chapter 5, Ellen Pirro proposes that four great powers—Russia, the U.S., EU and China—are all trying to obtain influence in Central Asia, which has many riches. It is not easy, however, for any power to have influence in all of the countries there due to the competition between these states. In addition, despite resources such as oil, the region will be of less interest after the current conflict in Afghanistan settles down. In Chapter 6, Nikita Lomagin looks in much detail at the foreign policy preferences of Russia's energy sector, concluding that Russia wants to hedge its bets with China whilst not abandoning the EU. India is also of interest. In Chapter 7, Wayne McLean asserts that Central Asia contradicts theory. Because the standard of living has risen there, people can tolerate authoritarianism and “royals” even if there is a lack of human rights. There is stability despite great power rivalry but when the U.S. pushes for reform, it can cause conflict. Rémi Piet examines power shifts in Central Asia in relation to energy in Chapter 8, focusing on the three states of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, and the challenges towards Russian energy hegemony in the region. The conclusion, once again, is that (like my journey) the countries are slowly drifting towards China. This is agreed upon in Chapter 9 by Graeme Herd, who considers the Russkii Mir and the Chinese Dream. How can Central Asia balance between them?

Editing multi-author volumes can present problems, especially with two volumes emanating from a conference, but the chapters have been organized well, providing new experiences and ideas. The editors should be congratulated. Difficulties also arise in trying to do full justice to so many authors within a short review, but their chapters will certainly challenge every scholar's thoughts about Eurasia by providing contrasting views and theories, whilst examining the challenges to all of the countries themselves.