I. THE CASE FOR MIXED LEGAL TRANSPLANT
Since the publication of Alan Watson's influential book in the 1970s, legal transplantation as ‘the moving of a rule or a system of law from one country to another, or from one people to another’ has become a term of art not only in the field of comparative law, but also many others such as legal history and sociology of law.Footnote 1 Although Watson was not the first author who coined the term, he was the pioneering scholar who transposed and positioned the term within the field of legal studies, more specifically in comparative law and legal history.Footnote 2 While there are disagreements among the legal academic community regarding this theory, it cannot be denied that the theory has its own merits and usefulness. The theory has not only provided a theoretical framework to better understand comparative law in general, but has also equipped lawmakers with useful tools to implement their law-making and reforming agenda.Footnote 3 The theory, however, does not escape its own shortcomings and limitations, which at times hinder its ability to explain and analyze modern phenomena. A number of its limitations have been identified and analyzed. It has been argued, for instance, that the theory applies purely to private law.Footnote 4 Another objection is that Watson mainly dealt with legal history.Footnote 5
Also, the question of whether legal transplantation is feasible has long been debated amongst the comparative law community, with different viewpoints in fierce opposition to each other. Pierre Legrand, a vigorous opponent of legal transplants, once claimed that ‘at best, what can be displaced from one jurisdiction to another is, literally, a meaningless form of words’.Footnote 6 On the contrary, Watson – considered as the father of legal transplantation theory – asserted that legal transplantation occurs all the time, and that the history of legal transplantation is as old as law itself.Footnote 7 According to Watson, ‘legal transplants are alive and well as they were in the time of Hammurabi’.Footnote 8 Watson argued that ‘indeed, I believe I have indicated, though by example rather than by express statement, that borrowing is usually the major factor in legal change.’Footnote 9 Teubner has tried to refine this conceptual theory by presenting four theses on how the new ties of law appear and develop.Footnote 10
In our opinion, though it sets up a theoretical framework for legal transplants, Watson's theory is only partly useful in understanding modern legal transplants. First, the examples cited as evidence for this theory are contained within the field of private law, which prevents it from being fully generalized as a complete theory of all legal transplants. Second, this theory mainly focuses on exporting countries rather than receiving countries’ perspectives. It is therefore principally a theory of imposed legal transplants that took place at the time when the notion of sovereign nation states had not emerged. Third, it has not yet provided an analytical framework to explain precisely the operating mechanism of legal transplants. Together, these limitations render the classical theory unable to fully explain and analyze the phenomenon of mixed legal transplants, which is an informed reception by an independent sovereign nation or people of two or more sets of rules from two or more different jurisdictions, rather than a simplistic, passive reception of a rule or system of law from one country in another.
The first limitation of the classical theory is obvious when we consider that it deals solely with legal reception taking place in the field of private law. Watson quoted SFC Milsom: ‘Societies largely invent their constitutions, their political and administrative systems, even in these days their economies; but their private law is nearly always taken from others.’Footnote 11 Further, his examples on legal transplants are concentrated only on the moving of private law rules such as those pertaining to family law or contract of sale. By emphasizing private law and neglecting legal transplants in constitutional and administrative law, Watson's theory has shown its weakness in fully explaining legal transplants.
As for the second limitation, Watson himself argued in his book that ‘actually, receptions and transplants come in all shapes and sizes … an imposed reception, solicited imposition, penetration, infiltration, crypto-reception, inoculation and so on, and it would be perfectly possible to distinguish these and classify them systematically.’Footnote 12 This demonstrates clearly that Watson initially looked at the phenomenon from the perspective of an exporting country trying to impose its legal rules onto another people or territory. It is hence understandable that the theory falls short of providing a lively and meaningful examination of how the law is actually received, especially when two or more legal systems are being transplanted at the same time, which is the case in many countries in modern times.
This leads to the third problem. The theory might provide a general understanding that legal transplants can take place at any time and at any level, from the transplantation of a single rule to that of a whole legal system, but it fails to analyze the influence of domestic factors on the success of legal transplants. Indeed, Watson paid attention to the recipient countries when mentioning four factors that determine legal transplants: the respect of the borrowing system for the donor country; the national pride of the recipient country; language barriers and the accessibility of the borrowing system to the donor; and the past history of the recipient.Footnote 13 These factors, however, have not been examined properly in terms of their interactions and their influence on legal transplants. This lack of an analytical framework centred on the recipient country causes difficulties in reinterpreting legal transplantation in modern complicated situations. Times have changed with the emergence of nation-states centred on the idea of sovereignty.Footnote 14 In the time of independent sovereign nations, law theoretically cannot be imposed on another people by an exporting country. It has to be actively sought, analyzed, and received by the recipient country. The main method of legal transplants is voluntary reception for reasons of prestige or economic performance.Footnote 15 It is thus not surprising that the theory fails to explain a more complicated phenomenon happening in many former or current socialist countries in transition like Vietnam.Footnote 16
Modern sovereign states often have many available options for their legal reforms and reception. They often consider different options and combine solutions found in various foreign systems to create what they believe is the best solution to their particular problem.Footnote 17 In cases of post-communist countries or socialist countries in transition such as Vietnam and China, this can prove to be puzzling and multidimensional.Footnote 18 As many comparative law scholars have pointed out, those countries often employ the strategy of analyzing various foreign solutions, deliberately considering the feasibility of their application in the domestic legal system, and choosing the best or otherwise combining different solutions to create the best possible solution for their own use.Footnote 19 This practice has created a new method or phenomenon of mixed legal transplants.
In this context, Vietnam stands out as a prime example of a socialist country in transition that actively seeks to reform its legal system through mixing different legal transplants in the hope that it can create the most suitable, feasible, and workable solution to the country's legal problems. Since the implementation of the Doi Moi [Renovation] policy in late 1986, Vietnam has pursued an aggressive legal reform programme with the goal of transforming the country from a dictatorship of the proletariat under a planned economy to a rule of law-based state with a market economy. In this process, Vietnam has reformed not only its private law, but also a large part of its public law.Footnote 20 Most of these reforms have happened under the influence of mixed legal transplants, where lawmakers carefully considered available foreign rules and models, and then mixed different solutions found in those foreign sources to create a new rule – an approach that at times carried inherent structural problems, and which threatens to derail the reform.
This idea of mixed legal transplants was most recently expressed through the recognition of precedent as a source of law in Vietnam.Footnote 21 Precedent is not a new phenomenon to the legal community of Vietnam, but it vanished for nearly half a century until 2014, when it re-emerged. The 2015 Civil Code of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (2015 Civil Code) recognizes precedent as a source of the entire field of private law.Footnote 22 Until late 2018, there have been twenty-six precedents adopted and enacted as sources of law, and more are under consideration. It is of interest to note that the modern model of precedent in Vietnam is the result of mixed legal transplants, whereby the lawmakers deliberately chose to mix both civil law and common law models of precedent to create a new system for the country. It is predominantly demonstrated through many of the provisions creating and regulating the use of precedent in Vietnam. However, it has not gone without criticism. Many concerns have been raised against the mixed model as it does not perfectly fit the structural, natural, and ideological arrangements of the national legal system, and hence threatens to destabilize the system.
In the rest of this paper, we analyze the phenomenon of mixed legal transplants through the case of precedent in Vietnam. Part II discusses the idea of precedent in the history of Vietnamese law and the need for reform in modern times. Part III provides an analysis of the choice between the two most feasible systems of precedent available to Vietnam: the civil law and common law traditions. To address the differences between the two systems, Vietnamese lawmakers have chosen to mix both systems in the hope that it will create the best solution for the country. This mixed legal transplant will be analyzed in Part IV. However, this approach has also since received much criticism and requires rethinking. Part V will therefore briefly analyze these criticisms and present a number of recommendations to create a workable and feasible mixed legal transplant that we hope can be shared with other countries undergoing the same process of law reform through legal reception.
Furthermore, although importing law from various foreign sources has long been a common practice and plays a crucial role in mixed legal systems, little attempt has been made in academic scholarship to generalize when and how this process should be done. While there is already much discussion on the feasibility and efficiency of legal transplants in general, further analysis is needed to help mixed legal transplants work, given its complexity and inherent contradictions. With this paper, we do not aim to fully develop a new theory but instead to introduce an analytical framework to better understand mixed legal transplants.
II. PRECEDENT LAW IN THE HISTORY OF VIETNAM AND THE NEED FOR REFORM
A. The Historical Use of Precedent in Vietnam
1. In feudal times (before 1864)
The Vietnamese legal system before 1864 was typical of a Far East legal systemFootnote 23 in that the king held the supreme position and possessed all powers: legislative, executive, and judicial.Footnote 24 Codes – written laws enacted by the kings – were supposed to be constant and unchangeable. As a result, when there were societal changes, the laws from another era became obsolete and no longer suitable,Footnote 25 so there was a demand to supplement existing laws. This paved the way for judicial law-making. One of the methods used by kings to solve the problem was that, whenever a judicial decision that could be applied for similar situations in the future was found, the king would make it into a general rule under the enacted code.Footnote 26 This method, however, did not create precedents due to two main reasons: (1) judges had to follow the rules in the codes and could not overstep them; (2) they also could not approach all the cases and make commentaries on them.Footnote 27 In the codes, every article prescribed specific crimes and sanctions; every judge had to refer to the articles, and could not increase or decrease the sanctions.Footnote 28
2. In colonial times (1864–1954)
The French legal system was introduced to Vietnam along with the French colonial invasion,Footnote 29 by which the Vietnamese legal system underwent a comprehensive change that made civil law a very important branch, and also imported new characteristics from Western theories.Footnote 30 The colonists, with the aim of easing governance, then promulgated three different legal systems in three separate regions, with three different civil codes which were generally similar because they were all based on French jurisprudence,Footnote 31 particularly influenced by the Napoleonic Code 1804.
Consequently, the French model of precedent also found its way into Vietnam. The reception and use of precedent in this period could be attributed to two main reasons. First of all, civil law in Vietnam at this time was not unified.Footnote 32 Although all civil codes were codified on the basis of French law, they were not suitable to Vietnamese legal traditions,Footnote 33 and did not provide enough solutions for the diversity of legal cases. Hence, judges had to seek remedies by interpreting and supplementing legislation with principle judgments (arrêts de principe).Footnote 34 Moreover, as Vietnam became a French colony, the Vietnamese tribunal system became a part of the French judiciary, with the Court of Cassation in Paris as the Supreme Court, and Vietnamese judges were undoubtedly influenced by prestigious French judges.Footnote 35 This probably formed a trend of applying judicial precedent in Vietnam during the colonial period.
In this period, judgments were collected and published. For example, ‘Jurisprudence générale de la cour de Cassation, du Conseil d'Etat et des Cours, Tribunaux et Conseils du Contentieux de l'Indochine: En matières civile, commerciale, criminelle, administrative et indigène concernant les possessions Françaises d'Extrême-Orient’ by Grabiel Michael, ‘Recueil de jurisprudence en matière indigène, années 1880-1885: Lois, décrets et arrêtés’, ‘Répertoire méthodique et alphabétique de législation de doctrine et de jurisprudence indigène’ by F Lasserre, and ‘Recueil de jurisprudence en matière civile à l'usage des juridictions indigènes du Tonkin: Arrêts rendus par la deuxième Chambre de la Cour d'Appel de Hanoi du 1er Juillet 1931 au 1er Juillet 1936’. There was also some research on precedent, such as two parts of ‘Doctrine et jurisprudence en matière civile indigène’ by Durrwell, which analyzes Annam's Civil Law and indigenous judicial trials through cases in 1898 and 1899.Footnote 36 With the strong influence of French legal theory, precedent in Vietnam during this period had the same role as in France, ie as a supplementary source of law alongside codes and statutes.Footnote 37
3. In the regimes of South Vietnam (1954–1975)
The republican regimes in South Vietnam maintained the civil law system. Prior to 1972, these regimes still retained the codes enacted by the French.Footnote 38 Because of the similarities in the structure of law, the use of precedent was crucial to the judges and to the legal system as a supplementary source. Precedent had two main roles: to interpret the law and to prepare for legal reforms.Footnote 39
Precedent in these regimes had non-binding authority, as it did in France, and its application was the result of the control mechanism of the Court of Appeal and the Court of Cassation.Footnote 40 The Court of Appeal was responsible for direct control in that it had to consider both points of fact (points de fait) and points of law (points de droit). Meanwhile, indirect control was exercised by the Court of Cassation; when there was an appeal against a final judgment, the Court of Cassation would not reconsider all points, but only points of law. Correspondingly, the Court of Cassation would control not only the application of law, but also the uniformity of the interpretation of the law in the system.Footnote 41 Unfortunately, this meaningful tradition of applying precedent was lost with the collapse of the Republic of Vietnam in 1975.
4. In the socialism-building period in North Vietnam (1954–1986)
The term ‘precedent’ was popularly used during this period.Footnote 42 Its popular usage was due to a number of reasons. The most important reason was the abolition of all colonial laws while not having promulgated enough replacements. In 1959, the Supreme People's Court (SPC) promulgated Instruction No 772/TATC, which suspended the application of feudal and imperial laws. It marked an end to all colonial laws, including judicial precedents that supported them. However, at that time, Vietnam had not built or enacted new provisions to replace the abolished ones. Therefore, the courts faced a huge challenge in settling disputes brought before them. Thus, they had to resort to precedent for guidance. On 11 November 1959, Joint Circular No 92-TC of the Ministry of Justice was issued to reinstate the use of precedent, and the SPC demonstrated clearly the role of courts of appeal in the management of lower courts through the use of precedents.Footnote 43
The Judicial Journal (Tạp chí Tòa án), now Vietnamese Judiciary Journal (Tạp chí Tòa án Nhân dân), in a section titled ‘Judicial Terms’ in issue No 03/1964 said: ‘Precedent includes rules made by the courts in the application of law to judge a particular case that progressively formed by same adjudicative understandings and manners in some legal points, applying law the same way in many cases.’Footnote 44 In 1965, this journal included the section ‘Commentary on precedent’, but then changed it to ‘Commentary on cases’ without any explanation. From then on, instead of the term precedent, they used the term legislation.Footnote 45 Precedent has since then gradually faded and fell into disuse.
B. The Re-Emergence of Precedent in Vietnam
1. Doi Moi and the demands for legal reform
In the early years of building socialism, the Vietnamese legal system was built with the Soviet system as its initial model, characterized by the prominence of public law over private law and the tutelary role attributed to public authority in social life, even to the extent of refusing to divide between public and private law.Footnote 46 This was due to the nature of the state and the characteristics of a centrally planned economy in which social relationships were regulated by the state.Footnote 47
The ineffectiveness of the planned economy put Vietnam in a state of socio-economic crisis, which led to the idea of a transition to a more market-based economy. However, the socialist legal system completely lacked essential laws for a market economy.Footnote 48 While the field of public law could still be regulated by a socialist type of law, in order to meet the need to adjust the new social relations derived by the market economy in the field of private law such as civil law, labour law, and trade law, legal reform recognizing the position of private law was necessary.
In 1986, at its Sixth National Congress, the Communist Party of Vietnam endorsed a series of reforming initiatives known as Doi Moi or ‘Renovation’. The Doi Moi process provoked many changes, firstly for the national economic system and then for the legal system. It created a disorderliness resulting from the simultaneous reception of three streams of thoughts and legal doctrines.Footnote 49 To keep pace with the changes in the economy and to move forward from rule by law to the rule of law for a mixed-market principle, Vietnam's government started a strong codification campaign to rapidly create legal ‘corridors’ for emerging social relationships.Footnote 50 The codification was energetically implemented with a series of private laws: the 1987 Law on Foreign Investment in Vietnam, the 1990 Law on Company, the 1990 Enterprise Law, and the 1995 Civil Code of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, to name but a few.Footnote 51 However, this process was not an easy one.Footnote 52 These acts have been rapidly and constantly amended; according to an unofficial statistic, the average lifespan of each form of these laws has been only approximately ten years.Footnote 53
The constant amendments, though having some advantages as they were responsive to change, produced many shortcomings and challenges in building a stable, predictable, and enforceable legal system. The borrowing of legal theories and practices from a variety of sources and jurisdictionsFootnote 54 in a short period of time, when law-making skills had not been highly developed and mastered,Footnote 55 and when legislators lacked experienceFootnote 56 and were still unfamiliar with new legal theories,Footnote 57 resulted in a problem whereby the resulting laws were not synchronous, coherent, and logical.Footnote 58 In addition, the incomplete reform exposed the weaknesses of a legal system that depended only on enacted law and excluded other legal sources. These weaknesses were mainly: (1) the incoherence and conflict between written laws or their obscurity in meaning, leading to many difficulties in implementation; (2) legislation could not provide solutions for all the cases; and (3) legislation quickly became outdated.Footnote 59 In order to solve the first problem, judicial interpretation of the law is needed, while the second and third disadvantages can be addressed by creativity and flexibility in the application of the law.Footnote 60 In this context, therefore, precedent re-emerged as one of the most suitable solutions to solve these problems effectively, aiding judges and arbitrators in settling disputes more fairly and, especially, making the legal system more stable, predictable, and enforceable.
2. The recognition of precedent in modern Vietnam
Despite its necessity, the recognition of precedent in Vietnam took place very late, after the legal reform. This was because within a socialist legal system, judges do not have the function and power to interpret law.Footnote 61 This view of socialist states seems similar to that of nineteenth century Europe, but it is based on a different theoretical ground from the strict separation of powers. In a socialist legal system, instead of being free to do all that the law does not prohibit, subjects may only do what the law allows. As a result, statutes are regarded as the official source of law, and the only source of law that governs social life, which has to be promulgated and interpreted by the legislature, while judges are obliged to merely apply the law. Furthermore, the high demand for discipline within the socialist legal system does not allow the creation and development of law in the form of judicial discretion.Footnote 62 In case of difficulty in solving a specific case, especially if the law is silent, the lower court must ask the superior court for an opinion; if the competent higher court does not determine the legal grounds in the statute to resolve the matter, the court shall have the right (and the obligation) to refuse to adjudicate.Footnote 63 This point of view is definitely contradictory with the core principle of private law that individuals and legal entities may do all that the law does not prohibit, which would not be ensured if judges can still refuse to adjudicate.
For example, China, a country with a socialist political system and Communist ideology, and a country within the civil law tradition, also encounters many difficulties in establishing the manner of transplanting a model of precedent into the judicial process. The dominant Stalinist conception of law in China asserts the fundamental power of the National People's Congress Standing Committee of China to interpret the law.Footnote 64 Instead of recognizing precedent as a source of law, China has chosen alternative solutions, namely ‘Judicial Interpretation’ and the ‘Guiding Cases System’,Footnote 65 in order for the Supreme People's Court of China to interpret laws and provisions, and also to constitute guiding solutions for lower courts when they have troubles in various issues.Footnote 66 But in practice, the impact of these alternatives remains fairly limited.Footnote 67
In Vietnam, rather than addressing the main issue, some solutions have been launched to help fill loopholes and lacunae in the law, such as the summaries of judicial experience of the SPC – a distorted kind of precedentFootnote 68 to guide the resolution of cases in the lower courts. In such forms, like resolutions, dispatches, reports, conclusions, official letters, and so on, they provided practical and more appropriate solutions to ensure unity in judicial activities and brought non-binding norms to the judges.Footnote 69 However, this approach is unlikely to be effective in improving trials. It only partially solved the problem, and could not compensate for the defect of the enacted laws. It also did not provide reasoning such as legal analysis and comments for each specific caseFootnote 70 to justify their solutions, which made it difficult to apply these to actual practice and to future cases. Above all, they were not precedent in its true sense. Although some of these forms were binding on the courts, especially the Chief Justice's Circulars and the resolutions of the Council of Justices of the Supreme People's Court, they were essentially delegated legislation.
Hence, after a long period of refusing to acknowledge the role of precedents, in 2005 the Politburo of the Communist Party finally announced Resolution No 48-NQ/TW and Resolution No 49-NQ/TW, which define the direction for the development of precedents in Vietnamese law.Footnote 71 In these resolutions, precedent is considered as a necessary solution to carry out the mission of overcoming the defects of written laws, creating stability, and securing transparency for the judgments.Footnote 72 The agency that was assigned to develop precedent was the SPC, a body with experienced, competent, and prestigious judges.
However, it took nearly ten years for the SPC to put these policies into effect. The process of realization of these two resolutions began with Decision No 74/QD-TANDTC of 2012, approving the project ‘Developing precedent of the Supreme People's Court’ and preparing the first steps for the creation of case law. However, the true milestone on the recognition and application of precedent in Vietnam lies in the promulgation of the 2013 Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (2013 Constitution) and the codification of the new 2015 Civil Code. The 2013 Constitution, on the one hand, reaffirms the constitution and law-making powers of the National Assembly in Article 69. On the other hand, it stipulates in Article 102 that the judiciary is entrusted with the judicial power to protect and uphold justice. This later proved to be crucial as it laid down a constitutional foundation for the endorsement and use of precedent by the courts. On this basis, a series of statutes was enacted endorsing the use of precedent in their applicable fields. While the 2014 Law on the Organization of People's Courts authorizes the Council of Justices of the Supreme People's Court to choose and promulgate precedent, the 2015 Civil Code was the first code that recognized precedent as a source of law, followed by the 2015 Code of Civil Procedure (2015 Civil Procedure Code), and the 2015 Law on Administrative Procedure.Footnote 73 From this time on, precedent has officially been resurrected and become part of the national legal system, assuming its role as a source of law. But this is just the beginning of a much more complex and unsettled issue involving the role, nature, formality, and analysis of precedent in contemporary Vietnam. Issues have arisen due to the reception and combination of the elements concerning precedent from both civil and common law models. Resolution No 03/2015/NQ-HDTP (Resolution No 03),Footnote 74 issued by the Council of Justices of the Supreme People's Court, is the document which demonstrates most clearly the hybrid nature and complexity of precedent in Vietnam today.
III. CHANNELLING AND NEGOTIATING COMPETING PRECEDENT LAW SYSTEMS: A MIXED LEGAL TRANSPLANTS APPROACH REQUIRED?
As has been discussed, the year 2015 marked the resurrection of precedent in Vietnam. In the course of carrying out constitutional and judicial reform, the idea of binding precedent that had been expressed in two resolutions of the Communist Party of VietnamFootnote 75 was finally accepted and laid down in a number of statutory provisions. Remarkable, though, were two new laws, the 2015 Civil Code and 2015 Civil Procedure Code, which both regard judicial precedents as a source of law. Thereafter, to put the endorsement into practice, after ten years of preparation the Council of Justices of the Supreme People's Court issued Resolution No 03/2015/NQ-HDTP dated 28 October 2015, providing guidance on the selection, publication, and application of precedents. The first six precedents were announced on 6 April 2016, and on 19 October 2016 the website on precedents and decisions of the SPC Tribunal President was launched.Footnote 76
It is undoubtedly true that this recognition of precedent shows a positive sign in the government's commitment to ensuring the uniform application of law in trials, and ensures the consistency, transparency, and predictability of court judgments. However, there still remains a question regarding long-term effectiveness, which in our opinion depends heavily on an appropriate precedent model. On the one hand, since the launch of the Doi Moi policy in 1986 with a reform of economic regime (from a centrally planned economy to a socialist-oriented, multi-sectored market economy), the task of learning and borrowing foreign law – considered as legal transplantation – has been increasingly important to fulfil the requirements of reform in the nation's existing socialist legal system.Footnote 77 It is believed that because precedents have been strongly developed by other major legal systems in the common law and civil law traditions, a legal transplant of precedent into Vietnam can be an effective way to build a precedent model for the country. However, on the other hand, as John Gillespie once claimed with reference to the experience of importing socialist law into Vietnam in the twentieth century, at times imported legal ideas ‘operate at too high a level of abstraction to convey concrete meanings’.Footnote 78 Although precedent is a common legal technique that has been used in almost every legal system in the world, each system, in reality, has to build its own model of precedent with regard to the differences in their legal environment and socio-political development. Thus, the question of how to receive precedent becomes the question of what model of precedent should be chosen. For Vietnam, the question proves even more daunting now as precedent is resurrected under a completely different legal system from before; hence a new, suitable precedent model is required.
Therefore, by looking not only at the constitutional provisions, but also at the statutory and regulatory instruments regulating precedent, and the very first published precedents of Vietnam, we can form an initial idea of a precedent model that is being translated into practice. In the past, the legal system of Vietnam was based on the rigid ideas of socialist legal theory, in which precedent was not recognized as a source of law. Therefore, Vietnam lacked a practical and scholarly understanding of the proper meaning and functioning of precedent in a legal system. It is thus important for Vietnamese legislators to look to other legal systems that have already been using precedent, whether as a source of law or as a means of interpreting law, as well as whether precedents have binding or persuasive authority in these systems, for the purpose of transplanting precedent into judicial activities. There are many different precedent models throughout the world, which can generally be grouped into two major approaches: common law and civil law. However, the essential question is which approach Vietnam should adopt.
A. Channelling Competing Models of Precedent
1. Precedent in general
Often, we face a certain problem and have to make a decision to resolve it. It would be reasonable in that situation to consider decisions made in the past in order to make decisions in similar circumstances in the present, especially when the prior decision seems right to us. As a result, we often regard the former decision as trustworthy guidance for the latter.
Precedents are commonly used in every human rational activity, and judicial activity is no exception. According to Neil Duxbury, ‘a precedent is a past event – in law, the event is nearly always a decision – which serves as a guide for present action’.Footnote 79 Similarly, Neil MacCormick and Robert S Summers describe precedent as ‘prior decisions that function as models for later decisions’.Footnote 80 Black's Law Dictionary gives a more precise definition: ‘precedent is an adjudged case or decision of a court of justice, considered as furnishing an example or authority for an identical or similar case afterward arising or a similar question of law’.Footnote 81 To a lesser extent, in civil law countries, precedent or jurisprudence is not considered as a source of law, having binding authority on the dispute settlement activities of the judges.Footnote 82 In general, not every judicial decision could create a precedent, but only those that contain within itself a principle, which can be followed by later similar cases.Footnote 83
The idea of following precedents appears fairly early in legal history. It first appeared at the end of the sixteenth century in English courts,Footnote 84 but only as a form of customary law.Footnote 85 It was not until the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, with the rise of Bentham's positivism,Footnote 86 the professionalization of judges’ positions, and improvements in the system of reporting prior decisions,Footnote 87 that the concept of formally binding rules of precedent was established, and precedent thenceforth became the primary source of law in England.Footnote 88 On the other hand, in nineteenth century Europe, the doctrine of separation of powers was so strictly applied that the role of judges was restricted to being ‘only the mouth that pronounces the words of the law’,Footnote 89 which meant that judges were forbidden to create law, and there was no place for precedent.Footnote 90 However, European jurists gradually recognized a lack of flexibility in the system; thus, a need for a system of ‘informal precedent law, where a sequence of analogous cases acquired persuasive force as a source of law’,Footnote 91 emerged. History has proven that the role of precedent is indispensable in any judicial system, which leads to the undeniable value of precedent in both common law and civil law legal systems, although each system has its own approach for the use of precedent.
2. Common law approach
Conventional wisdom has it that precedent has a very important role in the common law legal system, in which a large part of law derives from and is essentially based on judicial decisions. Within the context of the common law approach, precedent can be considered from a number of fundamental perspectives, including its role, authority, hierarchy, as well as interpretation technique.
Taking the role of precedent into consideration first, in the common law tradition, precedent is an essential source of law. Indeed, looking at the history of law in England, from the common law courts to the courts of Equity, it is undoubtedly true that laws were principally formed by judicial practice and decisions.Footnote 92 That is why the common law body of English law is often referred to as ‘case law’ or ‘judge-made law’.Footnote 93 During much of the history of common law development, precedents were regarded as the primary source of law.
However, since legislation has been strongly developed and codified since the seventeenth centuryFootnote 94 under the doctrine of the sovereignty of Parliament,Footnote 95 the relationship between statutory law and case law has changed, with the result that the former is now superior to the latter. Accordingly, precedent cannot contradict or modify statutory law, whereas statutory law can modify or repeal precedent.Footnote 96 This is not the case in the United States, where the US Supreme Court can sometimes overrule statutory precedents.Footnote 97 However, it is noted that, compared to the evolution of Parliament, the growth and consolidation of the court system in England took place much earlier chronologically.Footnote 98 Furthermore, in common law countries, statutory law is basically the codification of customary law,Footnote 99 and English courts regard a statute as a declaration of the law.Footnote 100 As such, precedent is no longer the primary source of law in modern-day common law systems, although it is still a very important source of law.
In addition to its role as a source of laws, precedent has both binding and persuasive authority. The binding authority of precedent in common law systems is based on the doctrine of stare decisis, which represents a constraint on judicial decisions, and the principle of distinction between ratio decidendi and obiter dicta, which decides which part of the case is binding, while other parts are non-binding or persuasive.Footnote 101
The doctrine of stare decisis came from the original Latin maxim, which is translated as ‘to stand by things decided and not disturb settled points’.Footnote 102 According to James Holland and Julian Webb, the stare decisis principle means that when a court makes a decision in a case, any court which is of equal or lower status to that court must follow that previous decision if the case before it is similar to the earlier case.Footnote 103 Otherwise, not all precedents are binding, and the non-binding ones, which usually are decisions of coordinate courts or lower courts in the hierarchy, are said to be merely persuasive.Footnote 104 It should also be noted that the decision referred to here is the whole reasoning process, not just the final decision itself.Footnote 105 Thus, it is crucial for judges and parties in the proceedings to analyze this reasoning process, which leads to the distinction between ratio decidendi and obiter dicta in a case.
Neil Duxbury simply mentions ratio decidendi as the reason for deciding, and obiter dicta as ‘the tangential observations’, normally provided for by judges in the process of reaching the decision.Footnote 106 He admits, however, that ‘speaking of the distinction is often much easier than making it’Footnote 107 because it is not usually specified in the decision, but depends a lot on the legal reasoning of lawyers and judges. This is the reason why the doctrine of binding precedent sounds simple but is in fact very complicated.
Third, statutory precedent plays the main role in judges’ statutory interpretation discretion. Statutory interpretation is a process of interpreting statutes by the judges. With the rise of legislation, judges are required to interpret statutory law in order to apply the law to the case before them. In principle, in their role as statutory interpreters, judges have less discretion than they do as developers of case law.Footnote 108 Judges are meant to constrain themselves in cases governed by statutory law and respect the decision of legislature; therefore, such cases are meant to resolve ambiguities in the text and enforce the legislative will.Footnote 109 With the binding authority of precedent in general, the use of statutory precedent plays the main role in statutory interpretation.
Fourth, the authority of precedent depends very much on the hierarchy of the courts in a common law system. The court hierarchy is a fundamental principle of the doctrine of binding precedent. Besides the principle of ratio decidendi, a ‘clear-cut judicial hierarchy’ is one of the basic features of the doctrine of stare decisis: ‘at the apex of the judicial hierarchy there is one sole court that monitors all lower courts, and lower courts are bound by previous decisions of higher courts.’Footnote 110 The typical court hierarchy of England can be described as follows:
The House of Lords sits at the apex of the English hierarchy. Hence decisions of the House of Lords bind all other courts. Decisions of the Court of Appeal bind all courts except the House of Lords. Decisions of the High Court do not bind itself, the Court of Appeal or the House of Lords. At the very bottom, decisions of county courts and magistrates’ courts bind no courts at all, and so they possess no law-making capacity.Footnote 111
3. Civil law approach
Contrary to the common law, the basis of the civil law is legislation, with the codification of large areas of law as the distinctive feature of the system. The civil law approach is therefore very different from the common law approach in terms of precedent.
The most striking difference is the fact that precedent is not formally recognized as a source of law, but as a means of statutory interpretation. In civil law systems, there is great respect for legislation as the basic source of law.Footnote 112 Unlike statutes in the common law tradition, which consist of particular rules for specific legal situations,Footnote 113 codes in the civil law tradition are rather ‘a body of general principles carefully arranged and closely integrated’.Footnote 114 As a result, the purpose of the codes is to cover the entire subject matter, not in detail but in principle, and to be comprehensive enough to provide solutions for any litigation or legal problem in the future.
This has led to the view that, in such a legal system, the only task left for judges is to decide which rule they have to apply to the facts of a case, and then apply it to adjudicate the case.Footnote 115 The fact is that this task is not easy, although it is true that the first thing they do, after determining the legal relationship in a case, is to look for the rule in written law that regulates this legal relationship. They will find only one rule, but cases can be extremely diverse from one to another, or the rule may be so ambiguous that it cannot be merely applied, or there may even be gaps and shortcomings inherent in the rule itself. Therefore, the next step is interpreting that rule, moving from the general concepts of the rule to the particular facts of the case by applying deductive reasoning. In the case of silence or insufficiency in the written law, the interpretation by courts can be considered as making law.Footnote 116 This interpretation can be consulted in the future to solve similar cases; in this manner, the utilization of prior decisions is mainly on points of interpretation of the written text.Footnote 117
As a result of the role of precedent in civil law countries, precedent is said to have persuasive authority only, not binding authority. In civil law systems, there is no place for the doctrine of stare decisis, but the French doctrine of jurisprudence constante influences the entire civil law tradition.Footnote 118 Under this doctrine, the court may refer to a judgment in the past only if there is sufficient consistency over time, which means the prior decisions have been reiterated enough to form a line of precedents that has persuasive authority. The higher the level of consistency, the greater the persuasive force of the precedent.Footnote 119 This doctrine is the result of French jurists’ efforts to enhance the judiciary's role in the era of legis centrism (legislative supremacy), as a way to promote certainty, consistency, and stability in the legal system, which codifications had failed to achieve, while still adhering to the principle of separation of powers.Footnote 120 In the French Civil Code, Article 5 even forbids judges to create law by making ‘general and regulatory provisions’,Footnote 121 because only the legislature has the power to make such provisions and to codify them. A court may not render a judgment in the nature of a general rule.Footnote 122 Accordingly, in these systems, courts are not bound to follow previous judicial decisions; each case must be decided on the primary authority of the legislation.Footnote 123 But following the doctrine of jurisprudence constante, when a certain question of law has been consistently decided in the same way by an appreciable number of cases, that way of reasoning can gain persuasive authority.
This leads to the third characteristic of precedent in the civil law tradition, which is that a judge's discretion on statutory interpretation is limited to the text. In civil law systems, there were times when judges’ discretion in statutory interpretation was prohibited.Footnote 124 This period did not last long because the court, not the legislature, was the body that applied the statute in specific cases. As a result, the interpretive discretion was gradually transferred to the judges in order to help them fulfil their task of applying laws in a consistent, stable, and harmonious way. Surprisingly, despite these systems having a strong codification tradition, there are no provisions regarding methods of interpretation of law to be found. It is up to judges to find ways to interpret statutes.Footnote 125 In practice, they employ a variety of methods of interpretation, including reasonableness, equity, morality, and social needs, to adapt an old rule to modern life.Footnote 126 Contrary to common law judges’ approach to statutory interpretation, civil law judges regard their obligation as furthering the purpose of the statute, without surpassing the statutory languageFootnote 127 and openly freeing themselves from the text.Footnote 128 Another difference is that, due to precedent's non-binding authority, the judges’ statutory interpretation is limited to the decisions concerning specific instances.Footnote 129 However, if other judges agree with the interpretation, then the method of interpretation in one case can be repeated in subsequent cases. Therefore, the persuasive force can become stronger, giving the interpretation an affirmation for being accurate.
Finally, appellate review in civil law courts is aimed at ensuring the stability of law in precedent. In civil law courts, judicial decisions, in general, are not binding. Decisions of higher courts can be overturned by lower courts; only administrative and constitutional court decisions on laws and regulations are binding on all.Footnote 130 Civil law courts can be considered more independent of each other than their common law counterparts, but the key feature to ensure their uniformity lies in the fundamental principle of ‘double degree of jurisdiction’: any person whose case has already been tried in the first instance may, if he does not agree with the decision, request that the case be reconsidered.Footnote 131 This right to demand reconsideration is called the right to appeal, a fundamental safeguard of justice in civil law systems.Footnote 132
Some of the highest courts that exercise appellate jurisdiction are the SPC in Vietnam, the Cour de Cassation in France, and the Tribunal Supremo in Spain, whose major function is to take into account all the questions of law, and maintain the stability and uniformity of law in all the jurisdictions.Footnote 133 These are also the only courts that generate precedents, as all precedents are based on questions of law.
In short, although precedents in civil law systems do not have binding effect but only persuasive authority, it is the court hierarchy that makes precedent an indispensable feature of the stability and uniformity of law in adjudication.
B. Negotiating Law Reform of Precedent through Mixed Legal Transplants: A New Model of Precedent for Vietnam
The precedent model of Vietnam, as established in detail in Resolution No 03 and the Codes, results from the process of thorough research and consultation by the SPC in order to understand principal characteristics of precedent models in developed countries, choose suitable elements, and mix them together. The mixed results can be seen from two principal perspectives. On the one hand, in the project ‘Developing precedent of the Supreme People's Court’, the SPC demonstrated its deliberate choice of mixing through the two Annexes on the theories of precedent and their application all over the world. On the other hand, and more importantly through twenty-six precedents adopted along with numerous critical academic and practical research and debate, many facets of the new model have been discovered and analyzed. In theory, the abovementioned plurality will bring optimism to the model of precedent in Vietnam; however, it also leads to theoretical difficulties and the problem of compatibility with the current legal system.
1. On the formality and the structure of precedent
The most important difference between the model of precedent in Vietnam and that of other countries is that Vietnamese precedent, naturally, does not consist of judgments of courts (or more precisely, the legal reasonings advanced by the judges who tried the case), but instead comprises opinions generated and proposed by the Council of Justices of the Supreme People's Court upon having read particular court decisions, especially the cassation decisions of the SPC, which the Council deems to be well-articulated, well-reasoned, and good models for other courts to follow.Footnote 134 There is no similar model in either common law countries or civil law countries. In the common law, a precedent is a judgment by itself. In civil law countries, a precedent is not a judgment, but the reasoning whose authority to other judges derives from a consistent reiteration over time, and not by a selection process of a third party.
To illustrate, the details of Precedent No 7 in Vietnam are as follows:

One of the reasons that the lawmakers of Vietnam put forward to explain the existence of this process is the low quality of both the judgments and the professional ability of judges.Footnote 135 In fact, the Vietnamese government acknowledged the weakness of the judges in trials which fail to meet the requirements of the current situation.Footnote 136 According to statistics of the SPC, for ten years from 2000 to 2010, the rate of reversed, overturned, or quashed first-instance judgments in civil and family cases increased from 82.6 per cent to 90.7 per cent, as the number of first instance judgments increased remarkably.Footnote 137 This partly reflects the fact that the quality of the first instance decisions, and hence of the judges, does not meet the expectations of society. Much effort has been expended in order to increase the quality of judgments, such as providing detailed guidance on the structure of a decision and the way to write a decision. The issue of the structure of a judgment has been defined by the SPC in guiding documents.Footnote 138 According to that guidance, there must be a section named ‘Reasoning’ in all decisions. In that section, judges will have to provide their considerations, arguments, and, most importantly, the interpretation and application of a particular rule to the facts in the case – in other words, the legal reasoning.Footnote 139 While all current judgments have the required section, many still fail to provide legal reasoning, even in the judgments selected to become precedent; in the first ten of these, true arguments are found only in Precedents No 02 and No 04.Footnote 140
As can be seen, the current Vietnamese precedent structure is not well-established. It thus leads to a number of problems, two of which are: (1) there is no uniformity in the established precedent; and (2) it is hard to determine the content which can be invoked in the application.Footnote 141 When comparing the first six established precedents and the four later ones, there is a clear difference between their structures: the later precedents are supplemented with a section on ‘Position of the content of the precedent’, and also separate ‘legal situations’ and ‘legal solutions’ subsections within the section ‘General content of the precedent’.Footnote 142 The first six do not have these sections. The cause of this difference is the fact that the early judgments lack arguments, and this makes it difficult to apply these precedents in similar cases arising in the future.
One of the most important differences in the model of precedent between the civil law and the common law tradition is legal reasoning. Whilst continental European jurists create general principles in written laws to adjudicate particular cases through deductive methods, the common law tradition prefers inductive methods, stemming from the same cases to reach a unified solution for judges in the trial process. Despite the difference, both traditions emphasize the role of arguments, or reasonings, of judges in their decisions, which are the most crucial parts of a precedent. Therefore, when the judicial decisions in Vietnam themselves do not contain adequate arguments, the precedents hardly have a strong influence to persuade lower judges to follow that path. This also results in the fact that judges can simply follow a solution derived from a precedent when applying a provision rather than relying on the rational reasonings, as is done with ‘guiding cases’ in China.Footnote 143 As a result, in order to make new precedents understandable and applicable, specific legal reasoning and solutions must be clear and well-articulated; new sections with new requirements for the expression of legal reasoning have been added.
The absence of legal arguments also leads to the second problem of how to determine what values can be invoked. Current Vietnamese precedent structure has some commonality with English and American precedent in that, in these countries, judgments are edited, proofread, and published by professional organizations,Footnote 144 often supplemented with additional parts with the purpose of making the case reports more accessible and convenient for reading, analysis, reference, and citation.Footnote 145 However, what is different is that Vietnamese precedents include a section on ‘Content of Precedent’, which in fact is the legal reasoning that the Council of Justices of the Supreme People's Court develop from their reading of the judgment, providing the ratio decidendi for judges to apply in their future adjudication. This, however, creates a serious flaw for judges in future cases because it isolates ratio decidendi from its material facts, complicating the task of deciding whether the two cases at hand are similar for the ratio decidendi to apply. In other words, the ‘Content of the Precedent’ section is sometimes artificial. Moreover, it is a big mistake when the contents of the judgments do not include arguments and considerations of judges from lower courts because if there are only reasonings and decisions of the SPC, and others from the lower court are ignored, precedents will lack strength, and this will reduce their potential for future application.Footnote 146
In the common law tradition, a precedent contains two parts: (1) ratio decidendi, arguments or reasons which lead to decision-making, and (2) obiter dicta, which includes expandable hypotheses of the case.Footnote 147 Or in the precedent model of the civil law system, characterized by France, due to merely having persuasive authority, the arguments of cassation (Motif de censure/ motif de cassation) of the Court of Cassation is extremely important. In Vietnam, in analyzing Precedent No 02, Do Van Dai points out two factors that are binding in the Vietnamese case law, including implicit and obvious elements.Footnote 148 However, as mentioned above, except for precedents No 02 and No 04, the other cases do not contain the judges’ reasoning, or they do but these are very weak.
2. On the nature of precedent
The question of the nature of precedent also highlights a difference in the common law tradition and the civil law tradition, which has influenced Vietnam's legal innovations with regard to precedent. Resolution No 03, the 2015 Civil Code, the 2014 Law on Organization of People's Courts, and other laws answered an important question about the nature of precedent in Vietnam. According to these laws, precedent is one source of law, ranked after enacted law, customary law, analogy of law, and basic legal principles of law in the order of application, but this pronouncement has since been strongly rejected by many scholars, especially those who are influenced by the civil law tradition, creating heated debate among the scholarly community about its true role and nature.Footnote 149
As a socialist country that upholds socialist legality and prefers written law, Vietnam has had no tradition of applying precedent since 1975. However, in practice Vietnam accepts and develops a derivative version of the stare decisis principle through a different form, requiring lower court judges to respect and adhere to established judicial decisions of the SPC via the medium of the ‘Resolutions of the Council of Justices’.Footnote 150 This is because of the dominant legal doctrine in the Vietnamese legal system. Based on the doctrine of Marxism in law, Vietnamese legal science has no concept known as complementary sources, or sources interprétatives in French; there are only formal sources.Footnote 151 Hence, when lawyers and judges are not familiar with this theory,Footnote 152 the application of precedent as a supplementary source will not be appropriate. Before the issuance of Resolution No 03, there were many legal experts who presented solutions to the application of case law in Vietnam. Do Van Dai claimed that Vietnam needs to study the precedent model of Switzerland when recognizing case law as a legal source in the national system of law.Footnote 153 This model would raise the judges’ responsibility to develop specific regulations for adjudicating particular cases.Footnote 154
However, this argument seems to be unreasonable. First, there has been a change in perception of the concept of legal source in Vietnam to ensure the rule of law and international integration.Footnote 155 There are recommendations to develop the theory about supplementary sources in Vietnam and to accept the existence of precedent with a persuasive value.Footnote 156 Besides, although there are some similarities in these two legal systems, the transplanting of Swiss law into Vietnam is not appropriate due to differences between the jurisdiction of the judicial systems of the two countries, especially regarding the Swiss Civil Code in 1907, which gave judges the power to make laws as legislators.Footnote 157
Contrary to the above-mentioned argument, according to a Japanese scholar, as a special form of judgment, precedent should only be an instrument to interpret, seek, and affirm the comprehension of rules in enacted laws to adjudicate particular circumstances, rather than being considered as one source of law, even though it is declared as such in the 2015 Civil Code and the 2015 Civil Procedure Code.Footnote 158 He also argues that the competence of the Vietnamese judiciary is not so decentralized that the law could be created, and that this matter is more closely related to the constitution and to the issues of the professional competence and capacity of judges in Vietnam.Footnote 159
The recognition of precedent as a legal source also opens up questions on the authority and power of judges in legal interpretation. This recognition implies the right of the judges in Vietnam to interpret the laws.Footnote 160 The 2013 Constitution allocates the function of legal interpretation to the Standing Committee of the National Assembly,Footnote 161 so many experts claim that recognizing precedent will create a contradiction with the current constitution.Footnote 162 However, the problem of legal interpretation in Vietnam is quite complex. Granting the right of interpretation to the Standing Committee of the National Assembly is one of the features of the Soviet legal system which is still rooted in Vietnam.Footnote 163 In addition to the official interpretation of the Standing Committee of the National Assembly, the 2014 Law on the Organization of the National Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam recognizes the unofficial interpretation of other executive and judicial bodies.Footnote 164 In fact, any law without informal interpretation cannot be applied in reality in Vietnam today.Footnote 165 However, the informal interpretation of judicial activity is not based on any principle, which leads to the arbitrariness of judges.Footnote 166
Other scholars point to South Korea, a country with a civil law tradition. In South Korea, the nature of precedent is still being discussed.Footnote 167 The arguments there are based on two theories: affirmation and negation. The theory of affirmation holds that case law should be considered as a source of law on the grounds that it has the function of formulating new provisions, overcoming the shortcomings of written laws, and having a strong influence on the lower courts in trials.Footnote 168 On the other hand, the theory of negation denies the role of creating new regulations of precedent, considering it only as applying the law to a particular case so that it shall not itself be regarded as law.Footnote 169 And the Court Organization Act 2014 of South Korea accepts the theory of negation, giving precedent merely persuasive authority.Footnote 170
3. On the role and the authority of precedent
It is still arduous to determine the role of precedent in court trials in Vietnam. Only Article 2 of Resolution No 03 mentions the role of case law through the criteria of selecting judgments, but it does not explicitly point out the roles that precedent can play.Footnote 171 From the provisions of this document, it is possible to speculate that precedent has three main roles: (1) to explain the laws when they are unclear or can be understood in different ways; (2) to create new provisions in situations which the law does not regulate; and (3) to guide the application of written laws in specific cases. Along with these three roles, precedent also has binding authority, requiring judges to follow the published judicial decisions of the SPC.Footnote 172 This is the result of the influence of legal experts and scholars supporting the transplant of the common law doctrine into the Vietnamese legal system, such as Do Thi Mai Hanh, who advocated this based on the theories of Alan Watson and Otto Kahn-Freund on legal transplants.Footnote 173 These roles of precedent are not completely unfamiliar to the legal systems of other countries throughout the world, but in Vietnam, they are capable of causing disturbances and conflict in the order of the sources of law, especially in relation to the 2015 Civil Code.
The uncertainty of current regulations on precedent raises serious questions about, and may hinder, its supplementary role. One of the new points of the 2015 Civil Code is to recognize that precedent and equity are two sources of law.Footnote 174 When there are difficulties in determining the hierarchy of sources, judges can resort to precedent and equity for the protection of justice.Footnote 175 It is then possible for the judgment to create a new legal solution that the enacted laws did not provide. However, unlike in Western countries, where the judiciary is an independent branch of government, in Vietnam the judicial system is considered a derivative body of the National Assembly, which does not give the judges the power to act creatively, even in interpreting legal rules. This difference lies essentially in the principle that the ‘state power is unified and delegated to state agencies which coordinate with and control one another in the exercise of the legislative, executive, and judicial powers’,Footnote 176 a combination of the principle of democratic centralism and the legal principle of the socialist system, and a weak version of the theory of separation of powers of Montesquieu.Footnote 177
While it is obvious that the courts in general, and precedent in particular, cannot violate or infringe upon the legislative power of the Assembly, they can create delegated legislation. The verb ‘delegate’ means to pass power, responsibility, or authority to another person or body, and ‘delegated legislation’ means laws made by a person or body to whom the Assembly has delegated law-making power.Footnote 178 When legislators passed an Act that accepted the role of precedent, it opened up the possibility that the judicial branch may set new provisions by creating and following precedent. This means precedent as a source of law was approved by the National Assembly when it delegated the legislative power to the SPC to make new rules.
According to the 2015 Civil Code, judges use precedents when there are no other prior sources of law.Footnote 179 However, when precedent is created to interpret and guide the application of the rules to adjudicate future cases, it is inevitable that in those cases, precedent will prevail over other sources. This is due to the obligation on the judges to study and apply precedent to the trial in order to ensure uniform application of the law; judges will have to give priority to precedents over other sources such as customary law, application of analogy of law, and basic legal principles. It means, in effect, that precedent is second only to legislation. For example, Precedent No 09 reasons that the fine for the breach of contract does not generate interest. However, this decision is criticized as being contradictory to the principle of good faith in the 2015 Civil Code. Nonetheless, because of the requirement of the application of precedent, it is likely that judges will have no choice but to follow this line of adjudication.Footnote 180
All things considered, the perception about the role and authority of precedent in Vietnam today is really diverse and contradictory, and rather insufficient. In many journals and researches, scholars still disagree on this subject. Some authors claim that any judicial decision, to become a case law, must be applied in previous subsequent cases, and then through time, it will take effect.Footnote 181 These common misconceptions prove that the role and authority of precedent in Vietnam remain controversial.
4. On the establishment, modification, and abolition of precedent
The process of publicizing precedents in Vietnam, as set out in Resolution No 03,Footnote 182 is a coordinated effort of many agenciesFootnote 183 through quite complex phases.Footnote 184 According to this Resolution, in order to have authority as a precedent, a judgment must meet three criteria: (1) contain arguments that resolve legal issues not stated in written law or stated in unclear regulations; (2) reach standards of both content and form; and (3) have clear and persuasive arguments. Based on these, the selection process of judgments has four specific phases: proposing precedents, seeking opinions on the proposed precedents, selecting and recognising the precedents, and publishing the precedents.Footnote 185 Again, this process of selection in Vietnam does not exist in any other country. However, when considering social conditions in the application of precedent in Vietnam, in principle, this model has three advantages.
First, judgments carefully selected by judicial experts and experienced judges of the SPC will fully meet the criteria stated above, while other judgments may fail to do so.Footnote 186 Second, the central role of the SPC in this process is to maintain the consistency and unification of precedents. There is a similarity to the French precedent model, in which the persuasive value of a case is only recognized by the Court of Cassation to let it become precedent, otherwise it has only guidance value.Footnote 187 In Vietnam, the role of the SPC is even more important, because, as specified in the 2014 Law on Organization of the People's Court, one of the SPC's functions is to unify the trial system of the entire country.Footnote 188 Third, this process is a means to quickly bring precedent into application in Vietnam. Continuing with the example of France, it could take a very long time for a judgment to become a precedent because the persuasive force of precedent can be gained only if there are several similar cases decided in that same way.Footnote 189 The need for the use of precedents in Vietnam is very urgent, so this process will empower the judges more swiftly in the application of precedents.Footnote 190
In order to enhance the use of precedents in various cases, the SPC of Vietnam has devoted its best efforts to improving the competence of lower court judges, through various ways. On the one hand, the SPC promulgated Resolution No 03 on the publicity of judgments and decisions on the web portal of the SPC. This was the first step in the process which improved access to important decisions, including crucial arguments which could become a precedent. On the other hand, the highest court of Vietnam has implemented Scheme No 230/TANDTC-TCCB on the organising of online training courses in 2018 for judges of lower courts.Footnote 191 These training courses have been organized through telecommunication means and have comprised seventeen contents spread over various legal issues that are obstacles to the trial process of lower courts. The efforts of the SPC have brought positive results. Up to July 2018, there have been at least forty-five decisions of lower courts applying the established precedents, with Precedent No 08/2016/AL being the most cited.Footnote 192
However, this process is not an effective solution to improve the legal system and the judicial system in Vietnam due to its own nature, which could be explained with three reasons. First, the criteria set in the Resolution No 3 are unclear and ambiguous.Footnote 193 Looking at those selected and published precedents as the most standardized judgments, many of them do not properly explain the legal issues,Footnote 194 but merely summarize and guide the judicial activity instead.Footnote 195 Second, the selected precedents do not reflect the diversity of the vast amount of court decisions; probably, they could even omit or ignore related judgments that are of high quality,Footnote 196 which may lead to failure in delivering the goal of ‘like cases should be treated alike’.Footnote 197 Consequently, the weakness of the judicial activityFootnote 198 and the process that detaches precedent from the cassation review of the SPC by a heavily administrative procedureFootnote 199 significantly diminish the true effectiveness of precedent.Footnote 200
Third, this process, in which judgments must go through too many phases to be recognized as precedents, makes them lose flexibility,Footnote 201 and hinders the timely supply of written law. Precedent No 14/AL/2017 could be seen as a typical example of the rigidity of the process of editing judgments into precedents. This precedent was chosen with the aim of unifying the different interpretations of Articles 125 and 470 of the 2005 Civil Code, corresponding to Articles 120, 121, and 462 of the 2015 Civil Code, which accept the validity of conditional contracts for gifts of land-use rights for which conditions are not included in the main contract. On examining the arguments in the judgment, we found that this interpretation did not depend on the object of the contract and might also be applied more broadly to other contracts with moveable property. However, due to the edits, the precedent provides only a solution for limited cases concerning contracts for gifts of land-use rights, which loses its nature of flexibility.
Recognizing changes and then resisting precedent provides for change of the law in reasonable situations. However, determining what is reasonable is a matter worth discussing. There is no provision in the United Kingdom or the United States that regulates the binding force, changes, or dismissal of precedents.Footnote 202 In the United States, precedent dismissal is possible in three instances: (1) when the precedent obstructs the development of the law, (2) when the principle that it contains is no longer applicable, and (3) when the argument is no longer consistent with present values.Footnote 203 Unlike common law courts, the civil law courts can dismiss their own precedent without declaring it, due to precedents' non-binding or merely persuasive authority.Footnote 204 In Vietnam, there are two possible reasons for dismissing or replacing a precedent, namely: (1) a change of law that leads to conflict between precedent and written law, and (2) a change of situation that makes precedent no longer suitable.Footnote 205 This work continues under a three-phase process, in which the precedent is announced by the President of the SPC following the vote of the Council of Justices of the Supreme People's Court. Besides this process, Resolution No 03 does not have any provisions for cases where there are mistakes in precedent in terms of the analysis or conclusion of legal issues.Footnote 206 Thus, similar to the selection of judgments, this process limits the adaptability of precedent to changes in social life, especially in cases where developments create a need for rapid updates of the law.
IV. REVISITING A WORKABLE MIXED LEGAL TRANSPLANTS APPROACH
The recognition of precedent in Vietnam, although quite late, is considered a major step in the process of judicial and legal reform. Judges and judicial experts, in order to build an appropriate model for Vietnam, have been researching many popular precedent models in other countries, which can be divided into two types: the common law approach and the civil law approach. These two approaches are very different from each other, and even at times opposed, as shown in this article. But above all, the essential difference between these two approaches lies in the method of legal reasoning. While judges in civil law countries reason from general rules in statutes to a concrete solution for a concrete case, judges in the common law tradition reason from a concrete solution for a specific case to a general rule which can be applied in all similar cases. This leads to other differences, including the nature of precedent (as a source of law or not), the authority of precedent (binding or persuasive), the role of precedent in a judge's discretion when performing statutory interpretation, and the court hierarchy.
As discussed in the preceding sections, the precedent model in Vietnam, in the course of transplanting different legal theories, appears to be a hybrid of civil law and common law approaches: a mixed legal transplant. In short, on the one hand, precedent is recognized as a formal source of law with binding authority which compels lower judges to follow, and includes elements of the doctrine of stare decisis. On the other hand, the central role of the SPC in the promulgation and application of case law is analogous with civil law countries such as France and Germany.
This combination provides some short-term solutions, but from another perspective, the Vietnamese legal system has been subjected to many negative influences due to this approach which, if not resolved soon, can lead to more serious consequences. It is therefore necessary to deal with these weaknesses in order to form an effective application of precedent. First, scholars are concerned about the lack of flexibility of a precedent model that requires compliance with an administrative procedure, a characteristic that cannot be found in any other country. Second, there is doubt regarding the capacity and independence of the judicial system, especially the judges. Together with the lack of legal interpretation in the judgments, the shortcomings of the judicial system may cause the current precedent model to fail to achieve its objectives. Finally, although precedent is currently considered as a source of law, legislators are yet to find a more suitable approach to adapt it to the current legal system of Vietnam. These shortcomings serve as the basis for providing solutions and recommendations for a better mixed legal transplant approach in the future.
Mixed legal transplant, as a solution for legal development, has its own advantages and weaknesses. One advantage is that mixed legal transplants assure the effectiveness of new legal solutions derived from different legal systems that have already proved their prestige. This prestige is also the main reason why this combination is preferred. However, due to the lack of legal technique and the detachment of legal solutions from context such as the wider characteristics of the legal system and institutional conditions, mixed legal transplantation could result in inner conflicts within the recipient legal systems. Without a profound harmonization between the transplanted rules and fundamental factors of the recipient system, mixed legal transplants could just amount to a temporary, short-term solution. Developing a concept of mixed legal transplants as a process, a tool for legal change, as well as an outcome at the same time, it is timely now to reflect on its challenging aspects that need to be addressed if a borrowing country wants to avoid the difficulties that Vietnam faces when attempting to transplant aspects of two competing foreign legal systems into the country. It should be kept in mind that mixed legal transplants occur in the context of free choice, or voluntarily reception. It follows that:
[W]e cannot take for granted that rules or institutions are transplantable … any attempt to use a pattern of law outside the environment of its origin continues to entail the risk of rejection. The consciousness of this risk will not, I hope, deter legislators in this or any other country from using the comparative method. All I have wanted to suggest is that its use requires a knowledge not only of the foreign law, but also of its social, and above all its political, context. The use of comparative law for practical purposes becomes an abuse only if it is informed by a legalistic spirit which ignores this context of the law.Footnote 207
To this end, many points of consideration can be drawn from previous criticism levelled at the thesis of Alan Watson in order to find a workable mixed legal transplant. One critic stands out; the late Kahn-Freund. Kahn-Freund's famous question on comparative law as a tool for law reform is worth re-examining, not in order to diminish Watson's thesis, but rather to give it a new workable life:
What are the uses and misuses of foreign models in the process of law making? What conditions must be fulfilled in order to make desirable or even make it possible for those who prepare new legislation to avail themselves of rules or institutions developed in foreign countries?Footnote 208
To these questions, Kahn-Freund's answers lay in the problem and the difficulty of transplantation. Citing Montesquieu, Kahn-Freund referred to the difficulty of planting the rules of one country into another. Using the metaphor of planting in soil, Kahn-Freund pointed out the problem of roots and cultivation.Footnote 209 As John W Cairns elegantly sums up, ‘he [Kahn-Freund] argued that the types of environmental factors that Montesquieu saw as discouraging transplanting were now much less significant, but that constitutional and political factors had become much more important.’Footnote 210 Therefore, ‘[a]nyone inclined to borrow laws needed to reflect on the nature of the society that generated the borrowed rule.’Footnote 211
This helps to inform the development of a workable mixed legal transplant approach. In the context of this article, at this time, the first and most important thing that needs to be done is to develop an appropriate legal doctrine in accordance with the legal transplant process. The history of the Vietnamese legal system, as presented in the second and third Parts, demonstrates that civil law theory played an important role in Vietnamese jurisprudence, and its imprints remain in Vietnam today. As a part of the theory, the concept of supplementary sources of law would be necessary to identify the nature of legal sources in Vietnam, including precedent, to ensure the stability of the law when complementing the sources.
On its authority, precedents should have persuasive value to the judges, rather than binding force. Due to the hierarchical judicial system, SPC decisions have a major influence on the lower court judges in adjudication. France and Germany, two typical representatives of the civil law approach, have proved that this model is completely feasible. Moreover, as a similar country with a socialism-oriented legal system, China has also chosen the Guiding Cases System with its concept of persuasive authority. In addition, the persuasive value of precedent will decrease the defects of the prioritization of sources in the legal system. Lastly, rather than by an administrative process, precedents need to be created from the court's adjudication process, in particular, the cassation review process of the SPC. Precedents, which reflect the diversity of cases, provides enacted law with an accommodation to the transformation of society, thereby limiting its rigidity.
Therefore, the pressing need for recognizing precedent in the Vietnamese legal system cannot be understated. As stated by Sauveplane: ‘A system of law must be created and developed by the interaction between legislature and judiciary.’Footnote 212 We appreciate that, but to achieve an effective and long-term solution, there is a need for a more appropriate and well-examined mixed legal transplant approach to constitute an effective precedent model in Vietnam.