Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Tokyo, Japan

Secretary Clinton. Well, I am excited to be here with all of you, and I thank you for being part of the Tomodachi Generation and for the work you are doing with each other and between the young people of Japan and the young people of the United States. There is no doubt in my mind that the way Japan has demonstrated resilience and determination after the terrible earthquake and tsunami is a great indicator of what the future for the Tomodachi Generation can be.

There is a great deal of work to be done in the world today, whether you are in the Foreign Service or you are studying or you have some other dream that you are pursuing. And experiences like what you went through with your losses, the tragedy that afflicted so many thousands and thousands of your fellow Japanese citizens, gives you a perspective on what is important in life that can be extremely useful for yourselves personally, for your country, and for the world.

I was very pleased to be able to come to Japan shortly after the disasters. And working with the Ambassador and the excellent team here at the Embassy, and the United States military and the private sector of our country, and many, many American citizens worked to support Tomodachi and provide an understanding of what Japan had gone through and what now the United States Government and the American people could do to continue working with you.

So exchange programs like the one you will be going on, reconstruction projects, the kind of personal assistance that some people still need because they lost so much, is part of what Tomodachi does. But even more than that, it is a statement of commitment and concern between our countries that is about the future, and particularly about the future of young people.

The United States and Japan are allies. We are partners. But we have a special responsibility to keep creating a better world, not just for ourselves but for those who have so little and who need so much. Today I spent at the Tokyo Conference that the Japanese Government has done an excellent job in preparing and holding today. And Japan has been very generous to Afghanistan, a country far away, over the last 10 years, because there was a commitment by the Japanese Government and people to help someone else in need. And Japan historically has been very generous with aid and support to people who were suffering.

When the disaster of the earthquake and the tsunami and then the nuclear plant meltdown happened, it would have been very easy for Japan to say we can't continue helping anybody else because we have so many needs ourselves. But as we heard today at the conference, Japan did not stop helping Afghanistan and other people, even while you had to do so much for your own citizens. I think that is the spirit of Tomodachi, and I think Japan has set a great example for the world.

So I was proud last year to come and support Tomodachi, and I am very proud to be back here today to hear from two of your members, but to know, from what I have been told, so much more about what each of you is doing. And I feel very positive—optimistic—about the future of Japan because of the young people and your response to the need that your country had and what you're doing to build a better future for yourselves and for people not only in Japan but even around the world, to build bridges of understanding, and I think the Americans who are part of the Tomodachi initiative, because that's what it's going to take to build the kind of world that we need to have in the 21^st century—much more understanding, much more connectivity and communication, more mutual help and efforts on behalf of each other.

So it's a great honor for me to be here, Ambassador, and to see the continuation of what you have achieved with Tomodachi. And I hope that it will keep going for many, many, many years to come. Thank you all very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton published the following op-ed in The New Statesman

The art of smart power

Secretary Clinton. I touched down in Beijing in May for the fourth round of the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue with a jam-packed agenda, but the world's attention was focused instead on the fate of a blind human rights dissident who had sought refuge in the American embassy. Suddenly, an already delicate trip had become an outsized test of the U.S.-China relationship.

Throughout history, the rise of new powers usually has played out in zero-sum terms. So it is not surprising that the emergence of countries such as China, India and Brazil has raised questions about the future of the global order that the United States, the United Kingdom and our allies have helped build and defend. Against this backdrop, those few days in May took on even greater significance: could the U.S. and China write a new answer to the old question of what happens when an established power and rising power meet?

When I became secretary of state in early 2009, there were questions about the future of America's global leadership. We faced two long and expensive wars, an economy in free fall, fraying alliances and an international system that seemed to be buckling under the weight of new threats.

A lot has changed in three years. Under President Obama's leadership, the U.S. has ended the war in Iraq and begun a transition in Afghanistan; we have revitalised American diplomacy, strengthened our alliances and re-engaged with multilateral institutions. And while the economic recovery is not as strong as anyone would like, we have pulled back from the brink and are heading in the right direction.

New powers are playing a greater role on the world stage. But this is not 1912, when friction between a declining Britain and a rising Germany set the stage for global conflict. It is 2012, and a strong America is working with new powers and partners to update an international system designed to prevent global conflict and promote global prosperity.

Today, the great powers are at peace and no totalitarian empire threatens the world as it did during the Second World War and the cold war. But we face different challenges—from the financial crisis and growing income inequality to climate change, nuclear proliferation and international terrorism—that spill across borders and defy unilateral solutions. At the same time, political and technological changes are allowing huge numbers of people around the world to influence events as never before. And new players, from those emerging economic powers to non-state actors such as corporations and cartels, are reshaping the international landscape.

So the geometry of global power is becoming more distributed and diffuse even as the challenges we face become more complex and cross-cutting. That means that building coalitions for common action is becoming both more complicated and more crucial.

Still, amidst all this change, two constants remain. First, as the world becomes ever more interconnected and interdependent, a just, open and sustainable international order is required to promote global peace and prosperity. And second, that order depends on American economic, military and diplomatic leadership, which has underwritten global peace and prosperity for decades.

The United States is leading in new ways that fit a new time—a time of complex challenges and scarce resources. Of course the day-to-day work of foreign policy has to contend with the crises of the moment, but we are also working to prioritise our long-term investments in the areas of greatest opportunity and consequence, as well as the areas of greatest threat.

For the U.S., our historical alliances in Europe and east Asia remain the bedrock of our global leadership. The UK and other allies are our partners of first resort, working side by side on everything from stopping Iran's quest for nuclear weapons to protecting civilians in Libya to achieving an Aids-free generation. We have worked together for decades to shape the global order and to defend its core principles, and the future of that order depends on the enduring strength of our partnership.

Yet, as strong as our historical alliances are, we also recognise the need to work with new partners. Because new regional and global centres of influence are quickly emerging—and not just India and China but also countries such as Turkey, Mexico, Brazil, Indonesia and South Africa, as well as Russia. Some of these are democracies that share many of our core values; others have very different political systems and perspectives. Aligning our interests isn't always easy—we're seeing just how difficult it can be on Syria. But we have also had successes, maintaining broad-based pressure on Iran and North Korea. And we have seen the value of engaging not just bilaterally, but in multilateral settings such as the G20, where norms can be shaped and shared. For the U.S., working with these new players in the years ahead, encouraging them to accept the responsibility that comes with influence and ensuring their full integration into the international order is a critical test for our diplomacy.

A zero-sum approach will only lead to negative-sum results. So we need to find areas where we can work together and strengthen diplomatic mechanisms that build trust and help manage our differences. The Strategic and Economic Dialogue with China that brought me to Beijing in May is a good example. The U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue, which we held in Washington in June, is another. These wide-ranging talks bring together hundreds of experts and officials from both sides to tackle a long list of common concerns.

Our aim is to embed expanding bilateral relationships in a robust international order: to strengthen and mature effective regional and global institutions that can mobilise common action and settle disputes peacefully; to build consensus around rules and norms that help manage relations between peoples, markets and nations; and to establish security arrangements that provide stability and build trust.

For this to succeed, we have to work together with emerging powers to renovate the global architecture to reflect better the dynamics of today's world. For example, we are pulling together new groups of nations to work on specific issues, as in the Global Counterterrorism Forum that we launched last September, or our new Climate and Clean Air Coalition, which is targeting the short-lived pollutants that account for up to 30 per cent of global warming. And we recognise that some international rules and institutions designed for an earlier age have to be rethought and reconfigured.

But as we do this, there are universal principles that undergird the international order and must be defended: fundamental freedoms and universal human rights; an open, free, transparent and fair economic system; the peaceful resolution of disputes; and respect for the territorial integrity of states. These are norms that benefit everyone and that help all people and nations live and trade in peace.

The international system based on these principles helped fuel, not foil, the rise of emerging powers such as China and India. Those nations have benefited from the security it provides, the markets it opens and the trust it fosters. As a consequence, they have a stake in the success of that system. And as their power and capacity grow, they will rightly face increasing expectations—from the world to shoulder a share of common challenges abroad and from their own people to solve problems at home.

To understand how engaging emerging powers within this kind of framework can deliver results, consider the East Asia Summit.

It brings together the leaders of all the leading nations in the Asia-Pacific to grapple with the region's biggest challenges and pursue comprehensive solutions, whether on non-proliferation, disaster response, or maritime security. Until last year, the U.S. was not a full member. But this past November, we officially joined and committed to help the summit become the premier regional forum for political and security matters.

High on the agenda was the South China Sea. The South China Sea connects many of the nations of the Asia-Pacific, some of which have competing claims on its waters and islands. Half the world's merchant tonnage flows through the South China Sea, so the stakes for maritime security and freedom of navigation are high. Trying to settle such complex disputes bilaterally, one on one, is a recipe for confusion and even confrontation. That is why when President Obama joined his fellow leaders at the East Asia Summit, they convened a discussion with all the major players on a framework for advancing a comprehensive regional solution. Recent renewed tensions in the South China Sea only underscore the importance of pursuing such a multilateral approach.

Over the past three years, the Obama administration has made it a priority to engage with regional institutions like the East Asia Summit and with increasingly effective regional actors like the Arab League and the African Union. Just a few years ago, some of these institutions lacked both capability and credibility. That's changing fast. And this presents an opportunity to bring nations together to promote regional stability and security in hotspots like the South China Sea or the Horn of Africa.

Continuing difficulties in the eurozone are a reminder that effective regional coordination and integration is no simple challenge. However, Europe's experience also shows the benefits this approach can bring. A continent riven for centuries by conflict and divisions managed to achieve unprecedented peace and prosperity by opening its borders, integrating its economies and co-ordinating its policies. This historic project is not complete, and in these difficult days it is essential to keep working towards a Europe that is whole, free, democratic and at peace.

All of these strategies to address the rise of new powers and the demands of a shifting international landscape reflect a fundamental lesson about what it takes to lead and to solve problems in today's complex world. It is no longer enough to be strong. Great powers also have to be savvy and persuasive. The test of our leadership going forward will be our ability to mobilise disparate people and nations to work together to solve common problems and advance shared values and aspirations. To do that, we need to expand our foreign policy toolbox, integrate every asset and partner, and fundamentally change the way we do business. I call this approach smart power.

For example, we recognise that countries such as China, India and Brazil are gaining influence less because of the size of their armies than because of the growth of their economies. And we have learned that our national security today depends on decisions made not just in diplomatic negotiations and on the battlefield, but also in the financial markets and on factory floors. So the U.S. has made it a priority to harness more effectively the tools of global economics to advance our strategic aims abroad. That might mean finding innovative financial levers to ratchet up pressure on Iran's nuclear programme, or forming new public-private partnerships that put corporate energy and expertise to work on such challenges as climate change and food security. We are also focused on boosting our economy at home through a greater emphasis on economic statecraft and what I call jobs diplomacy.

Here's another example: a defining feature of our age is that people—especially young people empowered by new connection technologies—have become a strategic force in their own right. All governments, even authoritarian regimes, are learning that they cannot ignore the needs and aspirations of their citizens. And as we have seen in the Middle East and North Africa, this has profound implications for regional and global stability.

So we are exploring new ways to reach beyond traditional government-to-government relations and engage directly with people around the world. That means using technologies such as Twitter and SMS to open dialogues with everyone from civil society advocates in Russia to farmers in Kenya to students in Colombia. But it also means advancing a comprehensive agenda to support effective democratic transitions in places such as Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya and championing the universal rights of people everywhere. In today's world, this is a hallmark of American leadership and a strategic imperative.

My experiences as secretary of state have reaffirmed the link between standing up for human dignity abroad and ensuring national security at home. It is no coincidence that many of the places where we see the most instability and conflict are also places where women are abused and denied their rights, young people are ignored, minorities are persecuted and civil society is curtailed. Think of the Taliban burning down girls' schools in Afghanistan, or the use of mass rape as a weapon of war in Congo. These kinds of abuses aren't just symptoms of instability—they actually drive instability.

By the same token, it is also no coincidence that many of our closest allies are countries that embrace pluralism and tolerance, equal rights and equal opportunities. These are not western values, they are universal values. So, it is in our interest to help those who have been historically excluded to become full participants in the economic and political lives of their countries. And it is in our interest to support citizens working for democratic change, whether they are in Tunis or Rangoon. Otherwise, we will keep facing the same cycles of conflict and volatility.

In particular, empowering women and girls around the world is crucial to seizing long-term opportunities for promoting peace, democracy and sustainable development. We know that when women have the opportunity to contribute, they can drive social, political and economic progress not just for themselves, but for entire societies. Goldman Sachs has reported that reducing barriers to women's participation in the workforce would increase America's GDP by 9 per cent, increase the eurozone's by 13 per cent and Japan's by 16 per cent. That is growth we cannot afford to pass up. So we've made expanding opportunities for women a cornerstone of America's foreign policy. We've launched ambitious efforts to increase women's participation in the economy by opening access to credit and markets, to enhance the role of women in resolving conflicts and maintaining security, and to focus global health programmes on the needs of mothers, who are linchpins of entire communities.

Whether it is elevating an institution such as the East Asia Summit to provide a forum for regional co-operation, using new economic tools such as hi-tech sanctions to advance strategic ends, or engaging directly with civil society to take on scourges such as corruption or extremism, the common thread running through all our efforts is a commitment to adapt America's global leadership for the needs of a changing world.

And even as we seek out new partnerships and new ways of solving problems, there will continue to be times when the U.S. will and must act boldly, directly and alone—for example, to pursue Osama Bin Laden. Such occasions will be rare, and we will turn to them only as a last resort, but we take seriously our responsibilities as a global leader and our responsibilities to the American people.

All of this—the changing international landscape, the complex demands on America's global leadership and our efforts to revitalise diplomacy for the 21st century—was on my mind as I arrived in Beijing on that tense day in May. And it gave me confidence as we negotiated our way through the week. In the end, the relationship we have worked so hard to build with China proved more durable and dynamic than many feared. Both countries stayed focused on our shared agenda and engaged candidly on a wide range of critical issues, from cyber-security to North Korea to the South China Sea. And today, that blind dissident is safely studying law in New York.

America and our allies have come through a long decade of war, terrorism and recession. These continue to be difficult days for many of our citizens. But as I travel the world, I see evidence that our leadership is still respected and required. Yes, this is because of our military and our material might, but it is also because of our commitment to fairness, justice, freedom and democracy—not just to our own good, but to the greater good.

There is no real precedent in history for the role we play or the responsibility we have shouldered, and there is no alternative. That is what makes American leadership so exceptional, and it is why I am confident that we will continue to serve and defend a peaceful and prosperous global order for many years to come.

Ambassador Demetrios Marantis gave the following remarks in Seattle, WA

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in the Cook Islands with Prime Minister John Key

Prime Minister Key. Okay, so good afternoon. Welcome to Ngatipa, the New Zealand residence here in the Cook Islands. It's been a pleasure for me to host Secretary Clinton and her team for lunch today. It's always wonderful to have Secretary Clinton in this part of the world. New Zealanders very warmly remember her visit to our country back in 2010 when we signed the Wellington Declaration, which describes in celebrating the strategic partnership of our two countries here. In the almost two years since Secretary Clinton's visit to New Zealand, the bilateral relationship has gone from strength to strength. Earlier this year, the Wellington Declaration was complemented by the Washington Declaration which underpins our defense relationship.

Secretary Clinton and I discussed a number of areas of cooperation, and I'll mention just a few. The Secretary's presence in the Cook Islands and the forum is indicative of her personal commitment to supporting the aspirations and initiatives of Pacific Island countries. As the outgoing chair of the Pacific Islands Forum, New Zealand welcomes and applauds U.S. moves to fully enhance its historically strong engagement with the island nations of the Pacific.

We've been pleased to announce this week a number of joint initiatives, including the areas of women's economic development, clean energy, and maritime surveillance. We discussed Afghanistan. New Zealand has stood alongside the United States as part of an international coalition there since 9/11 when we joined with other countries to tackle the threat posed by al-Qaida and its allies. We've endured the terrible loss of life suffered by our coalition partners in Afghanistan, particularly the recent New Zealand and Australian losses and those of the United States.

Secretary Clinton and I discussed the broad range of issues in the Asia Pacific region as we look towards the APEC summit in Russia in around 10 days time. New Zealand warmly supports the United States rebalancing towards the Asia-Pacific and we welcome the opportunities to cooperate further. In that context, we discussed our ongoing efforts to negotiate, alongside a number of other countries, a Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement. Secretary Clinton and I share the goal of securing a high quality, 21^st century free trade agreement, which will be of significant benefit to all countries involved, indeed to the region as a whole.

Before passing over to Secretary Clinton, I'd like to convey publicly my personal gratitude for all that she's done to enhance the relations between our two countries and our two peoples over the past four years. Secretary Clinton—your personal interest and involvement in our country has been greatly appreciated by the New Zealand people. You've been great friends to New Zealand and you're always welcome in our country.

Secretary Clinton. Well, Prime Minister, thank you very much for the warm welcome that you have provided. As the first U.S. Secretary of State to make this journey, I am especially delighted and honored. I was pleased to meet with leaders of the Pacific Islands Forum, member states, to attend the Pacific Islands Forum, post-forum dialogue where I had a chance to reaffirm the Obama Administration's commitment to our engagement in the Asia Pacific with an equal emphasis on the Pacific part of that phrase. The United States is very proud to be a Pacific nation, with a long history in this region, and we are committed to be here for the long run.

Today, I'm announcing new programs and new funding to support our friends in this region in three key areas: promoting sustainable economic development and protecting biodiversity; advancing regional security; and supporting women of the Pacific as they reach for greater political, economic, and social opportunities.

To give just a few examples, the United States will work with Kiribati to protect its marine ecosystems and help coastal communities throughout the region adapt to the effects of climate change and to develop renewable energy resources.

We will expand our security partnerships so U.S. ships can be of even greater help in preventing illegal and unregulated fishing, and we will take additional steps to clean up unexploded ordnance in the region, much of it still there from World War Two. We will support the Rarotonga Partnership for the Advancement of Pacific Island Women, launched just today, and I'll be looking forward to meeting with women from the region later this afternoon.

I'm also very committed to expanding investment and trade in the region, in pursuit of sustainable economic growth. Later today, I'll meet with local pearl vendors from here in the Cook Islands who are running their businesses while also protecting marine resources.

Obviously, I could go on because there's a lot to do in this very important region of the world, and there is no doubt that our relationship with New Zealand provides a strong foundation for our engagement across the Pacific. I especially want to thank Prime Minister Key for his leadership in revitalizing the partnership between New Zealand and the United States. As he said, we signed the Wellington Declaration two years ago, and then in June our countries signed the Washington Declaration, which emphasized our defense cooperation.

We are working together on a number of important issues, from establishing security in Afghanistan where Kiwi soldiers have made extraordinary sacrifices. Just recently, the losses are ones that we are equally grieved by and offer our condolences to the families as well as the people of New Zealand. We also are very appreciative of New Zealand's leadership in addressing climate change and conserving natural resources and opening the doors of opportunity.

In particular, I want to thank the Prime Minister for his government's support of women across the region. And we're going to create an exchange program connecting women in the Pacific with women in the Caribbean who work in agriculture so they can learn from each other and understand better how to improve the incomes and opportunities for themselves and their families.

The United States welcomes the chance to work with a broad array of partners in the region –Japan, the European Union, China—we all have an interest in advancing security, prosperity, and opportunity. And as I said this morning, the Pacific is certainly big enough for all of us. So thank you Prime Minister, the United States values our relationship, which celebrated its 70^th anniversary this year. We feel a special kinship and closeness to New Zealand and your people and we continue to look, as you said, for our relationship to go from strength to strength. So thank you again for your leadership and partnership.

Moderator. Secretary Clinton and Prime Minister Key have kindly allowed two questions from each side. May I remind you to please (inaudible)? We're going to start with New Zealand and Barbara Dreaver from Television New Zealand.

Q. Good afternoon, Madam Secretary. How concerned is the U.S. that China's growing influence in the region in terms of how it administers aid, and also its growing links with military (inaudible) in Fiji?

Secretary Clinton. So this is an area that the Prime Minister and I discussed over lunch, and I have to say that we think it is important for the Pacific Island nations to have good relationships with as many partners as possible and that includes China as well as the United States, and we believe there is more that China can do with us, with New Zealand, with Australia, with others, to further sustainable development, improve the health of the people, deal with climate change and the environment, and I look forward to discussing these issues when I am in Beijing next week.

New Zealand sets a good example for the work that we think can be done with China. New Zealand has worked with China on water issues, for example. We want to see more multinational development projects that include the participation of China. And as part of our strategic and economic dialogue with China, we have a section on development. And it's been my observation over the last four sessions that we have now held that China is becoming more interested in learning from, understanding best practices and cooperating with other countries.

Our policy, as expressed by President Obama and myself many times, is we want a comprehensive, positive, cooperative relationship between the United States and China. We think it is good for our countries, it's good for our people, and in fact, it's not only good for this region, it's good for the world. We've invested a lot in our strategic and economic dialogue. We speak very frankly about areas where we do not agree. We both raise issues that the other side would prefer perhaps we not, or they not. But I think our dialogue has moved to a very positive arena because we are able to discuss all matters together.

Now here in the Pacific, we want to see China act in a fair and transparent way. We want to see them play a positive role in navigation and maritime security issues. We want to see them contribute to sustainable development for the people of the Pacific; to protect the precious environment, including the oceans; and to pursue economic activity that will benefit the people.

So we think that there's a great opportunity to work with China, and we're going to be looking for more ways to do that.

Moderator. Next question.

Q. Thank you, Madam Secretary. If I could follow up first a little bit on the previous question. You mentioned that there was room for cooperation between the United States and China in development—PACOM is here, the Pacific Command—what in the security realm, with so many disputes, not only in the Asia-Pacific, but in the South China Sea, what role can the Pacific Command play in trying to resolve those disputes or to assure China? And just separately—briefly—one major issue here in the South Pacific is climate change. Can you tell the leaders of the Pacific Islands that the United States is doing all that it can to combat climate change?

Secretary Clinton. Well Shaun as to the first question, I know Admiral Locklear is here with us and he's certainly more than capable of speaking for himself about what PACOM is doing. But several things: We are beginning to discuss cooperation with respect to disaster prevention and response. We would like to see China play a role in that. There are a lot of disasters in this region, from earthquakes, which New Zealand knows so well, to tsunamis and cyclones and terrible flooding as we saw in the Philippines just recently. So we think that that is an area that should be explored in more depth.

We also believe, on the aid front, that there is a lot of opportunity for cooperation between us and China. It is something we are modeling after New Zealand. New Zealand has been working on water issues with China, we want to learn the lessons about what worked. PACOM has a great reach in the Pacific and is involved in everything from overseeing our hospital ships to working to train local officials in protecting their environment and protecting their water.

We also know that there's a real threat from climate change, which gets me to your second question. This is real. I will underscore that. It is one that the leaders of these nations speak about with great passion because they are all very low lying lands and are worried that they're going to be swamped in the next 10, 20, 30, 40 years. So we understand very well the feelings that the Pacific Island nations have about climate change. And we stand behind our pledges in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change to prompt substantial action to help vulnerable countries adapt.

Among the programs we discussed today was the new coastal community adaptation project. It's a five-year, $25 million project to help build the resilience of vulnerable coastal communities of the Pacific to withstand extreme weather, and not only in the short run, but rising sea levels over the longer term. USAID, which as you know we brought back to the Pacific and established a headquarters in Papua New Guinea, is contributing $3 million over three years to Germany's coping with climate change in the Pacific Islands programs. And we're working continually to develop an international consensus on reducing green house gas emissions, and short lived climate pollutants initiative that I started a year ago. As you know, in part because of the economy, U.S. emissions are the lowest that they've been in 20 years.

But look, we know we have more to do, and we have made a commitment, we're going to stick with our commitment. I hope that we'll be able to go beyond those commitments in the future.

Moderator. Tova O'Brien from TV3.

Q. Madam Secretary, both New Zealand and Australia suffered their greatest losses of life since the Vietnam War in Afghanistan. Do you think the sacrifice was worth it, and do you expect ISAF countries to stand by the United States?

Secretary Clinton. Well first, let me say to both New Zealand and Australia, we are deeply grateful for their participation in this coalition effort under ISAF. And we're also very sorry about their losses as we are at the loss of any of our coalition partners and ourselves. But I think it's important to stress that both New Zealand and Australia have played a crucial role in the ISAF mission. Their soldiers and civilians are highly regarded.

New Zealand's contributions are far beyond what one would ordinarily expect of a country the size of New Zealand. Prime Minister Key and I of course discussed Afghanistan today. I also called Prime Minister Gillard to express condolences and exchange views with her. And I'm gratified that despite the challenges we've all had, including the losses that we have suffered at the hands of insurgents and turncoats, we are all resolved to see this mission through as the commitments we've made would suggest.

I think it's important to just reflect on the fact that a lot of progress has been made. Any time we lose the lives or see one of our soldiers or civilians—I mean, I lost an aid worker, I have a seriously injured foreign service officer in—at Walter Reed—every time this happens, soldiers and civilians alike. We are reminded of the incredible sacrifice that our nations are making.

But we should also remind ourselves of the progress we have made since we went into this together. Over lunch, the Prime Minister was sharing some statistics from the New Zealand PRT in Bamiyan province that are really impressive in terms of advances in health, education, and infrastructure. So we are committed to seeing this through as we all agreed to at Lisbon, as we reiterated at Chicago, because we cannot afford see Afghanistan turn back into a haven for terrorism that threatens us all. And the work we have done together to prepare the Afghan national security forces to defend themselves and take the security lead is a much greater positive than negative story.

So we offer our condolences, but we also offer our appreciation to the people of New Zealand—soldiers and civilians alike who have been part of this important global effort.

Moderator. One last question. Steve Myers from New York Times.

Q. Thank you. Madam Secretary, (inaudible), can you talk a little bit about what seems to be a raging debate in Washington over the designation of the Haqqani Network as a terrorist organization? What is your thinking on the pros and cons of that before the deadline next week? And Prime Minister, if you would, I'd be interested in hearing your thoughts on the prospect of a negotiated settlement with groups like the Haqqani Network or the Taliban as part of the effort to drawing down the war there?

Secretary Clinton. Well, Steve, I'm not going to comment on any stories about any internal discussions, of course. But I'm aware that I have an obligation to report to Congress. Of course, we will meet that commitment. And I'd like to underscore that we are putting steady pressure on the Haqqanis. That is part of what our military does every single day along with our ISAF partners. We are drawing up their resources, we are targeting their military and intelligence personnel. We are pressing the Pakistanis to step up their own efforts. So we're already taking action and we'll have more to say about the specific request from the Congress next week.

Prime Minister Key. Well first let me say from New Zealand's point of view, we've had two goals when we've been in Afghanistan, first has obviously been to try and train and mentor those Afghan nationals who've worked alongside us in the form of crisis response unit in the Afghan police. And we've done that—so that when we leave Afghanistan which we will be doing in 2013—that we hope we are leaving the country in a better position to look after its own security. In terms of any negotiation with the Taliban or with groups in Afghanistan, we fundamentally believe that will ultimately be a matter for the Afghan Government, but they will in the end have to try and find a way through what is a difficult situation and come to a conclusion of how that can best be handled and I wouldn't be surprised if part of that attempt to deliver greater security in Afghanistan is some discussion. But that's ultimately a matter for President Karzai.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in the Cook Islands

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Admiral Locklear for your strong leadership and your wise insights and your understanding of the challenges and opportunities facing this vast region. Also, Rear Admiral Ray, thank you for your commitment to the security in the region and the very important work that you are doing with the Coast Guard. I'm delighted to see all of you here as we discuss peace and security and the role that the United States has played for many years and the role that we intend to play.

When we talk about our engagement in the Asia Pacific, we really are looking at a model of partnerships that reflect our shared values, delivers practical benefits, and helps create stronger economies and societies. Our goal is to help the island nations of the Pacific realize their own aspirations, reach your own goals. And therefore, we are working on everything from expanding economic opportunity to protecting the environment to fighting gender-based violence, and we particularly honor the sacrifice that many of our Pacific partners are making to bring peace and security to war-torn areas around the globe, including places like Afghanistan and Sudan.

Now I know there are those who see America's renewed engagements over the last three and a half years in the Pacific perhaps as a hedge against particular countries. But the fact is, as I said this morning, the United States welcomes cooperation with a number of partners, including Japan, the European Union, China, and others. The Pacific is big enough for all of us. We share a common interest in advancing peace, security, and prosperity in this vital region.

So we are doubling down in two areas. We already work closely with our partners on a range of transnational and maritime security issues, including crime, trafficking in persons, nuclear nonproliferation, disaster response and preparedness. But the two that I want to highlight today are—the first is maritime awareness. Under our Shiprider program, ships and aircraft from the U.S. Coast Guard host law enforcement officers from Pacific island nations to patrol their own maritime areas. The benefits can be significant. Since just 2009, for example, this program has helped KiriBati us that more than $4 million in fines for illegal fishing. Now we're working to expand our Shiprider partnership to include the United States Navy in addition to the United States Coast Guard. This will allow countries to take advantage of U.S. Navy ships that are already in the region or are transiting through the region to get help enforcing their own laws.

Additionally, we are working with Australia, New Zealand, and France to strengthen our Pacific maritime surveillance partnership, which puts a particular focus on fisheries. All of these steps will help strengthen regional law enforcement and promote security, with the goal of making sure that the people of the region benefit from your abundant ocean resources.

And that brings me to the second area I want to mention. Our work to reduce the number of unexploded bombs, shells, and other ordnance left over from World War Two that unfortunately still litter the lands and waters of the region. I'm aware that no one knows the full extent of the problem, but we do recognize it is a crucial matter for security and prosperity. Decaying ordnance leaks chemicals that pollute the water and soil. That makes it harder for people to develop their land, promote tourism, and spark economic growth. Ordnance and small arms can be recovered and used by criminals. And it can take a terrible toll on the local populations—Children and adults who lose limbs by picking up or stepping on some of the remaining unexploded ordnance.

In recent years, the United States Government has committed more than $2 million to help identify, remove, and destroy unexploded ordnance throughout the Pacific islands. Today, I'm pleased to announce we will seek to provide an additional $3.5 million in funding and training for these efforts. We want to promote a more integrated approach to assessing unexploded ordnance and training local teams to identify and remove it safely.

The United States, as you heard from both Admirals, is proud to support these efforts and our many partnerships and our longstanding friendships in the region. Seventy years ago our countries stood together to fight for security and peace in the Pacific. At the end of that terrible world war, who could have predicted where we would be in 70 years?

The United States did not leave the Pacific, instead we focused on making sure that the region continued to be safe and secure so that you could develop, you could pursue commerce, you could raise your children in peace, you could become more prosperous. We're going to work together to ensure that all the people of the Pacific islands, in the 21^st century, have the chance to fulfill their own God-given potential. That is the hope that the United States brings to our partnerships and our friendships. We have put very real initiatives behind these hopes and these commitments, and we will be with you over the years and decades, and I would predict centuries to come, as we see these islands continue to prosper, to go from strength to strength. Thank you all very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi gave the following remarks in Beijing, China

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Secretary General Surin Pitsuwan gave the following remarks in Jakarta, Indonesia

Secretary General Surin. Secretary Hillary Rodham Clinton, chair of ASEAN program representative, Excellencies, members of the CPR, it is a great privilege for us to welcome the Secretary here for the second time in her term. And I remember very well on the 18th of February you were here. Your first trip to the world you came to Asia. You came to the ASEAN Secretariat. You became the highest ranking ever official of the United States Government to visit us. And ever since, this place has been a routine destination for visiting dignitaries to ASEAN, to the Republic of Indonesia.

At that time you promised many things. You promised full engagement with ASEAN, with Southeast Asia. You promised to accede to our Treaty of Amity and Cooperation. You have promised the highest presidential engagement. You have promised to come to attend our post-ministerial (inaudible) conference, ARF. And I am glad to say that you have delivered it all. Thank you very, very much. Along the way we were a bit skeptical and we asked you—we challenged you we would believe in the change when you delivered everything that you had promised us. And you did. And we certainly feel very much honored to welcome you here.

Now, let me just say that most of the diplomats we work with, they are counterparts. And you have turned your counterparts here in Southeast Asia, in ASEAN, into your friends. And friendship is extremely important for the region and for the region's diplomacy. We count you not as counterpart, but as a true friend. That is why today is very special. And we hope that we will accomplish many more things together into the future with the United States and ASEAN. Madam, warmly welcome, please.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much, my friend. And let me express what a pleasure it is to be back in Jakarta and to have this second opportunity to visit the ASEAN Secretariat.

As Dr. Surin has said, I came here in February of 2009 with the intention of deepening and broadening and elevating the relationship between the United States and ASEAN. And we have worked to do just that. I believe our relationship is stronger and more effective. And that is all to the good, because the United States views ASEAN as central to regional stability and economic progress in the Asia-Pacific.

We did sign the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, as I said we would, and I visited back in February of 2009. We were the first dialogue partner to open a mission to ASEAN. And I am pleased that others are also doing that. We appointed our first resident U.S. Ambassador, and Ambassador Carden holds regular meetings with his counterparts in the ASEAN Committee of Permanent Representatives, whom we soon will welcome on their first official visit to the United States. We have engaged with ASEAN at the highest levels, with President Obama attending three U.S.-ASEAN leaders meetings, as well as the East Asia Summit, here in Indonesia last year.

Later this month, I will host my ASEAN counterparts in a meeting on the margins of the UN General Assembly. We have devoted resources to supporting ASEAN's goal of economic and political integration through the Advance program to narrow the development gap among ASEAN nations, and to promote and protect human rights. We are increasing our People-to-People ties through the ASEAN Youth Volunteers program and the U.S.-ASEAN Fulbright program, which we are now launching.

In short, we are making a sustained, all-out effort to build an enduring, multi-faceted relationship between ASEAN and the United States. We want to do all we can to advance ASEAN's goal of integration, because we have an interest in strengthening ASEAN's ability to address regional challenges in an effective, comprehensive way.

And we really invite and need ASEAN to lead in crafting strong, regional responses to challenges like climate change and trans-national crime, which require collective actions. And we need ASEAN to lead in upholding a system of rules and responsibilities that will protect regional stability and guide the region to greater political and economic progress.

So, Dr. Surin, it is a great honor for me now to have returned for a second visit to conduct, if you will, a progress report among partners and friends, and to state once again what I have said in other contexts. The United States believes in ASEAN centrality, and ASEAN centrality is essential to ASEAN unity. So I am looking forward to our exchange today and the dialogue among us, looking forward to continuing to work on behalf of the U.S.-ASEAN relationship.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao gave the following remarks in Dili, East Timor

Prime Minister Gusmao. Ladies and gentlemen, today it has been a great pleasure to meet with United States Secretary of State, the lovely Hillary Clinton. (Inaudible) warmly welcomed me and our Timorese delegation when we visited Washington, D.C. in February last year. We now have received this opportunity to respond in kind and to warmly extend our hand of friendship as the Secretary of State visits Timor-Leste during the year of the 10^th anniversary of our sovereignty.

Madam Secretary, you are the first United States Secretary of State to visit Timor-Leste. You are recognized globally for your relentless advocacy for peace, freedom, and democracy. (Inaudible) the Asia Pacific and are committed to the peaceful development and the prosperity of the nations in our region. Madam, you are an inspiration to us in Timor-Leste, and your visit will be remembered by our people for many years to come. Your visit also symbolizes the contribution that you are making—makes to our region and to the world. As an international leader, the United States has provided a strong framework for global prosperity and progress.

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States Government has been a steadfast supporter of Timor-Leste and our development. The United States has supported the strengthening of our framework for good governance, including (inaudible) Anti-Corruption Commission, which is a critical reform of our nation. It has supported the development of our private sector, our agriculture sector, and the development of our coffee industry. And I have to (inaudible) that we have the best coffee in the world.

And our nation also enjoys close defense ties which help to strengthen the (inaudible) capability of the effort (inaudible) of our armed forces. Ladies and gentlemen, they—our talks have been wide-ranging and reflective. We have discussed the problems of Timor-Leste and the implementation of the strategic development plan, besides our (inaudible) future. We have spoken about our own development partnership, including U.S. support of the G-7- Plus. And we have discussed regional and global plans in international relations. As you understand, we are so small that we have begun (inaudible) our best wishes to the (inaudible) the United States is playing. This has (inaudible) expressing our concern about the situation in Syria, commending the efforts of the United States in seeking to achieve a resolution to this conflict.

Madam Secretary, thank you for visiting us in Timor-Leste. We are honored by your presence which has made a great contribution to strengthen the strong bond of friendship between our nations. Before we take questions from you, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to invite the Madam Secretary to make some remarks. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Prime Minister, and I am absolutely honored and delighted to be the first-ever United States Secretary of State to visit Timor-Leste, and to help celebrate your 10^th anniversary of an independent, democratic state. I told the Prime Minister when we met in February that I was determined to get there before the year was out as a very visible sign of our support for all that has been accomplished by the government and the people of this nation.

My message to the Timorese people is this: The United States was proud to stand with you during your struggle for independence, and we are standing with you as you work to build a strong democracy with robust institutions, the rule of law, and protecting the rights of all of your citizens. Strong democracies, we know from long practice, make more stable neighbors and capable partners, which is one of the reasons why the United States is advancing democracy and human rights as a central pillar of our engagement throughout Asia.

I am so pleased because when the Prime Minister and I met in Washington last February in advance of your elections, he asked for assistance to make sure there were two sets of eyes on every ballot box. The United States supported four observer missions covering all 13 voting districts across the nation. And let me congratulate the leaders and people of Timor-Leste for three sets of free and fair elections this year, and a peaceful transfer of power to the new President, government, and parliament. I told the Prime Minister there are many nations much older than this one who cannot credibly say they have conducted elections that are as free, fair, and credible as yours.

The Prime Minister and I also discussed the progress that your country is making to build peace at home, and as a leader of the so-called New Deal initiative for engaging with fragile and conflict-affected states, Timor-Leste is helping create a model for country-led development. I also want to commend the Government of Timor-Leste for being the first nation in Asia and only the third nation across the world to be fully compliant with the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative. As you can tell by the fact there are so few countries in the world that have achieved this full compliance, that is indeed a commendable accomplishment, and it proved once again you don't have to be big to be good.

The Prime Minister and I talked about the many ways that Timor-Leste and the United States are working together—from the robust military partnership between Timor-Leste and the United States Pacific Command, to our efforts to strengthen the justice sector, improve access to healthcare, develop agriculture and expand trade through projects like the Timor Coffee Cooperative that I just visited earlier today, and I can personally attest the coffee is fabulous. And I am looking forward to taking some home and sharing with my family.

I was so impressed by the role that the cooperative has in creating economic opportunity and transforming the lives of people in the rural districts, and we're going to look for additional ways to support economic development projects that work as well as that one. Projects like these reflect the model of partnership that the United States is pursuing across the Asia Pacific. These are partnerships rooted in our shared values, that deliver concrete benefits to people, and that help countries become stronger and more capable over time so they too can play their role in solving regional and global challenges.

One of our countries' shared priorities is making sure that the young people of Timor-Leste have the chance to live up to their own God-given potential. With 60 percent of the population under the age of 25—and I saw many of those absolutely beautiful schoolchildren on my way from the airport to the meeting today—we want to help support their future. So I'm pleased to announce a new $6.5 million scholarship program for Timorese youth to pursue academic degrees in the United States. We want to help you train a cadre of young professionals who will contribute to your country's social and economic development and help foster lasting ties between our people.

So thank you again, Prime Minister, for this very warm welcome. I'm so glad I've had this opportunity to visit one of the world's newest democracies, but a country whose people have already shown a resilience and character that is required in a democratic tradition. And so let us work together to build an enduring partnership between our nations. Thank you, sir. Thank you very much.

Q. Thank you. My name is (inaudible) from (inaudible). I have a question about—it's been (inaudible) a statement from President Obama which (inaudible) already stated that U.S. foreign policy is (inaudible) to the Asia Pacific. What does it mean for the region's smallest countries like East Timor? Is it still more important in the great (inaudible) between China and the U.S., or will more U.S. (inaudible) be using the (inaudible)? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, first, let me emphasize that the emphasis on the Asia Pacific under the Obama Administration is meant to send a clear, unmistakable message that the United States has been, is, and will remain a resident Pacific power. We have a long history in Asia and in the Pacific, and we have many partnerships and friendships and alliances that are very important to the advancement of the opportunity for prosperity and peace that the people of the Asia Pacific all deserve.

We have had a long history, for example, here in Timor-Leste in support of your efforts to achieve independence, and we are here now to help your government and people realize the benefits of independence and democracy. We are not here against any other country; we are here on behalf of our partnership and relationship with countries in the region. We happen to believe that Asia and the Pacific are quite big enough for many countries to participate in the activities of the region, and as I told the Prime Minister, we want Timor-Leste to have as many friends and partners as possible, not only in this region— Australia, Japan, China, Indonesia—but far beyond. Because we think it's in everyone's interest to support Timor-Leste's democracy and economic development.

So as I had said just in these past days at the Pacific Island Forum in the Cook Islands, in Indonesia, in China, and now today in Timor-Leste, the United States is here to stay. We want to work on behalf of our relationship, but we also want to work in partnership with ASEAN, with other nations, to further the goals of peace, prosperity, security, opportunity for the people of this region.

Q. I'm wondering—you didn't mention your comments—oh, I'm sorry— you didn't mention in your comments, opening comments, about the idea of accountability for the (inaudible) that happened in Timor both during the colonial era and during the Indonesian occupation. I'm wondering if there's anything specifically that the United States is offering in that regard, and I'd be interested to hear the Prime Minister's comments on that too.

Secondly, the—wondering if you have any thoughts the day after your trip to China on how far apart you and the Chinese are on several major issues that were covered.

Secretary Clinton. First, with respect to human rights, we take our lead from the Government of Timor-Leste. Obviously, the protection of human rights is absolutely essential and a key measure of the health of any democracy, and the United States is proud to work with Timor-Leste on human rights issues, including legal support for women and victims of domestic violence. We continue to work with the government to address outstanding concerns, including trafficking in persons, countering any kind of ongoing human rights abuse, and pursuing accountability for the victims of conflict.

But let me stop here and ask the Prime Minister if he wishes to say something, because of course, his goals have been the consolidation of peace and security in his country.

Prime Minister Gusmao. Thank you, Madam. Yes, it is a very (inaudible) issue when you (inaudible) us. I believe that (inaudible) that after 24 years of suffering, what we need (inaudible) is peace, a reconciliation, (inaudible) in the spirit of tolerance between ourselves, and now that we are going, now that we are (inaudible) the world—because we are new, we are 10 years old, making some progress in our democracy, we don't have (inaudible). Democracy only can survive if we develop, if we feel that (inaudible) leaps and benefits. That is why is isn't difficult to talk about this when we need to have good relations with our closest neighbor with which we have more than 70 percent of (inaudible).

We have to go through—we have to see in the future, to move from (inaudible). That is why I thank you very much, Madam, because of this understanding of our reality. The problem is this. Well, one day, I don't know, in the future, maybe it can be an issue that we can (inaudible). But I have to tell you, we established a commission of truth—truth about own mistakes and our own crimes committed amongst ourselves. And we then gather (inaudible).

We had also established (inaudible) commission through (inaudible) also. What happened to us at the time was (inaudible)—we didn't know to do it. This is the (inaudible), and I believe that you understand now that we are at peace, now that we have good relations with Indonesia, now that we take advantage of (inaudible) of having thousands of thousands of our students there, trying to get (inaudible) all ages to come back and to develop our economy. I have to tell you, for the future, yes, the United States is now helping us in the justice sector, and helping us to provide to our police and other components of society, to look at the human rights, to look at the justice in terms of benefiting all citizens. Yes, it is— what I can say is—

Secretary Clinton. Well, I think the Prime Minister has eloquently stated the position of the government and the country looking forward, thinking about tomorrow, with a population—60 percent of them are under 25. That is the imperative. And we take our lead from the government and the people of this country to be as helpful as we can in supporting them in developing the kind of future they deserve. So thank you, Prime Minister.

With respect to China, look, as I said yesterday, one of the things I am most proud of is the resilience that we have built into the U.S.-China relationship over the past nearly four years. Even when we disagree, believe me, we can talk very frankly now. We can explore the toughest issues without imperiling the whole relationship. And as was evident yesterday, there is a huge amount going on in the world where the United States and China need to consult and try to find as much common ground of agreement as possible.

On Iran, on North Korea, we have in-depth discussions on those and others. On Syria and the South China Sea, we are also very much involved in discussing our differing perspectives. And of course, on the need for a continuing economic recovery, I think it was apparent in our discussions yesterday there is a great focus on the part of Chinese leaders about the global economic recovery, what more needs to be done in order for it to really take hold, what are the challenges that Europe faces that can affect the rest of the world, for example.

And as I made clear in my remarks yesterday, the United States, certainly I, am not going to shy away from standing up for our strategic interests, and in expressing clearly where we differ. The mark of a mature relationship, whether it's between nations or between people, is not whether we agree on everything, because that is highly unlikely between nations and people, but whether we can work through the issues that are difficult. And so I thought it was an important time to go and to have these consultations and to exchange views in advance of APEC, in advance of the East Asia Summit, in advance of the United Nations General Assembly, and to really sort out where we could make progress together. Of course, dialogue is only part of it, although we had many, many hours of dialogue over the last day and a half.

The test going forward is whether we can make tangible progress, and we're going to be very intent upon diplomatic efforts in the lead-up to the multilateral meetings that are scheduled.

Now, with regard to your last question, Matt, officially, let me say that for decades, secretaries of State have not attended political conventions because of the nonpartisan nature of our foreign policy. I think it's a good rule. It's one that I certainly accepted. This is the first convention I have missed in many, many years. But on a personal level, let me also say that my husband read parts of his speech to me over the last few days. I received the as-prepared version, which I'm anxious, when I can, to compare with the as-delivered version.

So it's a great honor for him to be nominating the President, and I'm delighted to be here in Timor-Leste on behalf of the United States in furtherance of our shared values, interests, and security. And I'm grateful that I had this opportunity to visit and to have these discussions today.

Thank you so much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Brunei

Secretary Clinton. Good morning. Sela-mat Hari Raya. I love this custom you have to provide gracious hospitality. Some people have remarked upon it as being so indicative, Your Royal Highness, of the graciousness of the people of Brunei.

It is wonderful to be here today, especially with my friend and colleague. His Royal Highness has been an excellent partner in so many of the important initiatives that have been undertaken by His Majesty and the Government of Brunei and by successive presidents of both parties in my country. And we are very grateful to you, sir, for your partnership and leadership, and on a personal basis, your friendship to me and to my family.

As His Royal Highness said, my husband, daughter, and late mother had the most wonderful visit to Brunei in 2000. I was unable to come at that time because I was running for the United States Senate, but I heard so often of what a fabulous time they had. I have been trying to get myself here ever since. And I am so pleased that I have this opportunity to be with you.

I want to thank His Majesty for the leadership that he has provided in sponsoring this program and Brunei's generous commitment to funding it over the next five years. I want to thank the Minister of Education. Thank you so much, sir, for being here. And Vice Chancellor, thank you for not only your support of this program but the excellent description of what UBD is doing in entrepreneur ship, leadership, environmental programs, research. That is the future, and I am quite impressed with the progress that has been made in this university.

And Dr. Morrison, thank you for your leadership and for the East-West Center, which is our implementing partner, and to our ambassador, Ambassador Shields, and all of the ambassadors from throughout the ASEAN countries who are here with us today. This is a very significant event as we launch this Brunei-U.S. English-Language Project for ASEAN. It is truly representative of the vision that Brunei brings to this project, and it is because of the excellent partnership between UBD and East-West Center. It is a tribute also to ASEAN and its centrality and unity and commitment to providing better futures for the young people of this dynamic, vital region.

In a few weeks, this university will welcome government officials and teacher trainers from across ASEAN. Over the course of three months, they will work together on an intensive training program to improve their English and to develop their professional skills. After their time here, the participants will travel to the East-West Center in Hawaii to continue that training.

We believe that learning English is a valuable tool in the 21^st century, especially here in Southeast Asia. Scientists collaborate in English. Schools and universities often share information and ideas in English. International business and commerce rely on English. And it is the operational language for ASEAN, which makes it essential for diplomacy and regional cooperation.

Now, this is not in any way to undermine the importance of national and local languages, which are rich in meaning and culture and history. But speaking English can help foster cross-cultural friendships and partnerships, because when people from different countries are able to speak the same language, they can better understand each other, avoid misunderstandings and miscalculations, and try to find ways to collaborate to solve common problems. They can exchange ideas more easily about local, regional, and global trends and learn more on a personal level about each other's lives and circumstances.

So this program is about more than learning a language. It's about building ties of friendship, learning, cooperation, and partnership among the peoples of this diverse region. It's about making ASEAN an even more effective and active organization. And it's about strengthening the relationships people-to-people between ASEAN and the United States.

We highly value our relationship with the Government and people of Brunei, and it is so in keeping with what Brunei envisions as the kind of peaceful, prosperous future that it hopes for the region that it would assume the responsibility for this program and the funding. As Brunei assumes the chairmanship of ASEAN next year, it is having this hallmark program as one of the initiatives that speaks so clearly about the priorities that Brunei will bring to that chairmanship.

In addition to the new English Enrichment Project, Brunei and the United States will send highly qualified English-language instructors out to teach in ASEAN countries. As I have now traveled to every ASEAN country, it's been the most common request from governments—can you help us learn English?—from presidents and prime ministers and foreign ministers and ambassadors. And now we are able to respond that with the generosity and leadership of Brunei, we can help do so.

All of this builds on the English-language teaching and exchange programs the United States already offers for students as young as 14 throughout Southeast Asia. We believe investing in young people is good for ASEAN and the Asia Pacific, good for the United States, and especially good for the shared future that these young people will approach.

So let me congratulate all the students in the audience. Let me also congratulate this university for the quality of education—a global education—that you are offering to the students here. I am delighted that you have exchange students from the United States. I hope that you will have even more in the future. And I hope that more students from Brunei will study in the United States. I just met at our Embassy the 100^th student from Brunei to get a visa to study in the United States. So we would love to have more students as well and to enhance this exchange.

So thank you to all who have made this dream a reality. I look forward to hearing reports about how it progresses, the difference it's making, the results that we are seeing. And I also look forward to many more years of friendship and partnership between the United States and ASEAN and in particular between the United States and Brunei.

Your Royal Highness, thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Mohammed Marty Muliana Natalegawa gave the following remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon, everyone. And it's such a pleasure, as always, to welcome the Indonesian Foreign Minister, and I believe the largest delegation that has ever come from Indonesia, for the purpose of our third meeting of the U.S.-Indonesia Joint Commission.

This commission is the result of a vision by our two presidents for a comprehensive partnership, and the agreement to that effect was signed in 2010. Thanks to this partnership, the United States and Indonesia are working more closely than ever on a range of issues from global security to clean energy and climate to regional trade and commerce.

And today, Marty and I had the chance to take stock of where our teams have come in the time of the last year, because we had our meeting in Bali a year ago. And I must say, I was very impressed. We covered a great deal today.

But before I start, I'd like to say a few words about the protests in several countries around the world. We have condemned in the strongest possible terms the violence that has erupted from these protests. And as I have said, the video that sparked these protests is disgusting and reprehensible, and the United States Government, of course, had absolutely nothing to do with it.

But there is no justification for violence, and I want to thank the Foreign Minister and his government for speaking out against violence. We have to look to reasonable people and responsible leaders everywhere to stand up to extremists who would seek to take advantage of this moment to commit violent acts against embassies and their fellow countrymen.

Today's meetings have highlighted the strong foundation that we have built together. And one of our most important concerns is promoting peace and stability in the Asia Pacific. Today, I'm announcing that the Obama Administration has informed Congress of the potential sale of eight AH-64D Apache Longbow helicopters to the Indonesian Government. This agreement will strengthen our comprehensive partnership and help enhance security across the region.

On growth and prosperity, we are increasing our trade relationship that topped $26 billion last year. Investments in transportation, energy, and infrastructure are creating jobs and supporting economic growth in both countries. For example, the deal between Lion Air and Boeing alone represents $21 billion in trade over the next decade. Indonesia's Government has announced half a trillion dollars in infrastructure improvements, and we recently signed a memorandum of understanding to make it easier for American companies to bid on these projects.

And yesterday, we signed an agreement for implementing our Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact with Indonesia. Over the next five years, the United States will invest $600 million in clean energy development, child health and nutrition programs, and efforts to help make Indonesia's Government more transparent and open.

The United States is also looking forward to Indonesia hosting APEC in 2013, and we are confident that Indonesia will come to this role with a commitment to promote greater economic integration across the Asia Pacific.

Both the Foreign Minister and I believe that strong education is essential to compete in a modern global economy. That's why the United States has expanded the Fulbright Program and supported partnerships between dozens of American and Indonesian universities. Academic exchanges between our countries are up and applications from Indonesian students to visit the United States have increased by one third. USAID has recently expanded its basic education program to provide $83 million for teacher training and literacy programs for young children. And we're providing $20 in scholarship funding for Indonesian graduate students.

I also thanked the Minister for Indonesia's leadership in ASEAN. The Foreign Minister's personal leadership has helped lay the groundwork for diplomacy between ASEAN and China as it relates to the South China Sea. And we continue to support ASEAN's six-point principles, which we believe will help reduce tensions and pave the way for a comprehensive code of conduct for addressing disputes without threats, coercion, or use of force.

Finally, Indonesia and the United States have stood together on a range of global challenges, from democratic reform in Burma to combating climate change, to working to end the violence in Syria. We are also coordinating efforts to further develop south-south and triangular cooperation, such as enhancing disaster preparedness in Burma and convening a conference on women's empowerment.

We believe that as the second and third-largest democracies in the world, the United States and Indonesia have a special responsibility to promote democracy and human rights. And for the last four years, Indonesia has hosted the Bali Democracy Forum to promote peaceful, democratic transitions through example and open dialogue. Last year, more than 80 countries attended. And once again, the United States will be sending a high-level delegation.

So, Minister, thank you for everything. Thank you for the great partnership we've had between us and between our countries.

Foreign Minister Natalegawa. Thank you very much, Madam Secretary. I'd like to begin by, once again, before members of the media, this afternoon to acknowledge and to thank you personally and as well, of course, through you, the government and the—of United States, and the delegations of the United States, for welcoming us in such a fine manner here in Washington.

I concur with you fully in your description of the state of Indonesia-U.S. relations. It is, as it is often described, a comprehensive partnership, comprehensive— underscore the fact that our relations is a very broad ranged one covering many areas and sectors and fields of endeavor and cooperation. And throughout this morning, and of course throughout the year, as a matter of fact, the working groups established for the purpose of promoting our comprehensive partnership have precisely done that. They have worked very hard and we have heard just now, throughout our meeting this morning, the kind of progress—concrete, real, progress has been made in the areas of common concern, whether it be on trade, on education, on promotion of democracy and human rights, and many other fields—including, especially, and not least, in the defense and security area as well.

What remains for us now is, based on the discussion that we've had today, to ensure the working groups and the Joint Ministerial Commission continue to be enhanced, continue to sustain the pace of its work so that once we meet again next year in Indonesia, we can similarly enjoy and raise witness important progress in the promotion of our bilateral relations.

The point that I wanted to make at this occasion, Madam Secretary, is to reinforce and recall and reaffirm the fact that the importance of Indonesia-U.S. relations extends beyond the bilateral. Our two countries now have worked very closely in a very productive and very mutually beneficial way, not only bilaterally, but increasingly within the regional setting as well.

Just now, Secretary Clinton was so kind enough to acknowledge the kind of efforts Indonesia is trying to make in trying to create an environment in our region that is peaceful and stable and thus, therefore prosperous, as well. But is a process, it is a common endeavor by all of us, and I have to say that over the recent years, the United States engagement in the Asian Pacific have truly been part of that creation of such a benign, peaceful and stable environment.

But much work remains ahead of us. We have, of course, the New York United Nations meeting coming up this coming week. No doubt Indonesia and the United States will continue to work very closely. During the course of our discussion today, both in the plenary and especially in the more tete-a-tete setting, we discussed many a global issues, regional issues as well, whether it be in Southeast Asia, in East Asia, Asia Pacific, as well as, for example, in the Middle East, including the developments in Syria. What I wanted to say, basically and essentially, is that the strength of our bilateral relations is one that is becoming even more evident and it is a relations that is not only beneficial to the United States, beneficial to Indonesia, but no doubt I am sure beneficial to the region as well.

Thank you very much, Secretary Clinton, for welcoming us to Washington, and I look forward to continuing our strong partnership. Thank you. Thanks very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much, Marty. Thank you very much.

Moderator. We'll take two questions today, we'll start with Ros Jordan of Al Jazeera English.

Q. Thank you, Madam Secretary, Mr. Foreign Minister. Madam Secretary, my question is about the ongoing investigation into last week's attack at the consulate in Benghazi. You are meeting this afternoon with members of Congress to discuss the progress and the concerns that they understandably have. First, there is the federal mandate to establish an accountability review board. Have you done so? Who would you like to see chair it? Are there certain questions that you desperately want to have answered in order to safeguard the safety of Foreign Service Officers around the world?

And related to this, given the political instability and the successes of the past year and a half, are you satisfied that in light of those political changes, enough was done to protect those working in the Middle East and North Africa? And then finally—and this is perhaps going into the area of rumor and speculation—but there is at least one report suggesting that Ambassador Stevens felt that he was on a, quote, “al-Qaida hit list.” Is this a scurrilous rumor? Is this gallows humor when one is working in a period of difficulty and great challenge, or is there something more to what he allegedly—and I stress that word—said?

Secretary Clinton. Well, first, let me say I'm looking forward to the opportunity to go up to the Congress today. I will be briefing in two separate sessions, the House and the Senate, in a classified setting, along with my interagency colleagues, as we continue to work together, and with governments around the world, to ensure that our people and our facilities are safe. I will be joined today by the Director of National Intelligence, General Clapper, by the Deputy Secretary of Defense, Ash Carter, by the Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Sandy Winnefeld, along with experts from the FBI, the State Department, and elsewhere in the government.

Now, I anticipate that this briefing will cover our security posture before and during the events, and the steps we have taken since to do everything we can with host governments to protect our people and our embassies and consulates. The Director of National Intelligence will speak to the intelligence issues surrounding these events in Libya. Deputy Secretary Carter will brief on the superb support we have had from the U.S. military in the wake of these events, and we are at the very early stages of an FBI investigation. The team from the FBI reached Libya earlier this week. And I will advise Congress also that I am launching an accountability review board that will be chaired by Ambassador Thomas Pickering.

I will also talk about the importance of the broader relationships with these countries in light of the events of the past days. There are obviously very real challenges in these new democracies, these fragile societies, but as I said last week, the vast majority of the people in these countries did not throw off the tyranny of a dictator to trade it for the tyranny of a mob. And we are concerned first and foremost with our own people and facilities, but we are concerned about the internal security in these countries because ultimately, that puts at risk the men, women, and children of these societies on a daily ongoing basis if actions are not taken to try to restore security and civil order.

And let me just conclude by saying that there can be no doubt where the United States stands. We continue to support those who are fighting for universal values—values that we see at work in Indonesia—the third largest democracy in the world. We believe that these values of universal rights, of justice and accountability, of democracy, are there for every person regardless of where that person might live. So I will look forward to having a chance to talk with members of Congress.

As to your final question, I have absolutely no information or reason to believe that there's any basis for that.

Q. Thank you.

Moderator. Last question. Victoria Sid-jabat from Tempo Magazine, please.

Q. Yes. Madam, thank you. My question is: Starting today, U.S. Embassy and Consulate are closed in Indonesia as the Muslim movie become wild fireball, which could be designed as a weapon to attack U.S. by raising sentiment anti-U.S. from the countries which has Muslim majority population like Indonesia.

Madam Clinton, how do you see this threat as on the long run? If it's continuing happen, it's—obviously could give impact to the implementation of (inaudible) program in Indonesia. What is the reason U.S. Government closed the Embassy and Consulate in Indonesia? What is your expectation from Indonesia Government, for my Minister Marty Natalegawa? How Indonesia Government respond to the closing of this Embassy and Consulate, it's starting today? Is U.S.—Indonesia Government has capability to protect U.S. Embassy and Consulate. So the (inaudible) program implemented—could be implemented successfully in Indonesia. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, let me begin by saying how grateful we are for the excellent cooperation we have received from the Government of Indonesia, and in particular, from the law enforcement and security institutions in Indonesia. We are very grateful for not only the cooperation and protection that has been provided to our facilities, but also to the strong statements condemning violence from the President, the Foreign Minister, and others.

In consultation with the Government of Indonesia, we have temporarily, for tomorrow, closed our facilities. We want to be sure that law enforcement in Indonesia has the ability to do what it needs to do to make sure that there is no disruption of civil order and security. So we are cooperating completely, and we're very grateful for the strong leadership provided by Indonesia.

Foreign Minister Natalegawa. Hello, (inaudible), if I may just also respond. Precisely as the Secretary had said, the decision by the United States Government to close temporarily its embassies and consulates tomorrow in Indonesia is a decision that's been made based on communication and conversation between the authorities in Indonesia and the United States as well. So in other words, it is an informed decision, a decision that is not intended to show any unfriendly intent on the part of anyone, but it is what it is, and it's quite some—it's the kind of step that governments actually carry out when situations requires it, even in our case. Some of our embassies abroad, when the situation requires us to have a temporary closing of the embassy, we do that as well. So it is something that is quite regular and something that is actually coordinated as well.

But if I may just broaden the subject matter, I think as our President had said in the past, Indonesian Government—the Indonesian people, even, obviously cannot and would not condone the—any acts of violence against diplomatic premises, against diplomatic personnel, because that is, truly—would be a challenge to the efficient and a proper conduct of relations among states. So that's our point of departure.

At the same time, of course, beyond the immediate issue of protection of the embassies, we have still ahead of us the challenge of how to prevent the kind of situations where we are now at in terms of the kind of incendiary and the kind of statements or, in this instance, films that cause—that is now we have all deplored and condemned for these kind of activities not to be repeated. So we have a lot of homework to work towards in the future as well.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you all very much.

Foreign Minister Natalegawa. Thank you.